The ethnic and racial distribution of legal abortions in the United States varies greatly by state. For example, in Idaho non-Hispanic white women accounted for 66 percent of all legal abortions in 2022, whereas only 19 percent of abortions in Mississippi were among white women. Since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022 many states, such as Mississippi, have made abortion illegal with limited exceptions. Which states have the most abortions? In 2022, the states with the highest total number of legal abortions were Florida, New York, and Illinois. That year, there were around 82,581 legal abortions in the state of Florida. Florida also had the fourth-highest rate of legal abortion per 100,000 women, with New Mexico reporting the highest rate. The states with the lowest rates of abortion that year were Missouri and South Dakota. Out-of-state abortions As many states have banned or restricted abortion since the overturning of Roe v. Wade, it is likely that more women will now have to travel out of state if they would like to receive an abortion. Even before the overturning of Roe v. Wade, a significant percentage of abortions in many states were performed on out-of-state residents. In 2022, around 69 percent of legal abortions in Kansas were performed on out-of-state residents, while out-of-state residents accounted for 62 percent of abortions in New Mexico. At that time, Illinois was the state with the highest total number of abortions performed on out-of-state residents, with around 16,849 such procedures.

A survey of women who obtained an abortion in the United States between June 2021 and July 2022 found that ** percent were Hispanic, while ** percent were white. This statistic shows the distribution of women in the U.S. who obtained an abortion from June 2021 to July 2022, by race/ethnicity.

In 2023, 80 percent of White American adults surveyed believed that abortion should be legal if the patient's life is endangered. The majority of Americans among all racial groups, supported the legalization of abortion under selected circumstances. On the other hand, no more than one in ten respondents among all racial groups believed that abortion should not be legal in the U.S., regardless of the circumstance.

In a 2024 survey, around 21 percent of Black women in the United States reported having had an abortion. In comparison, only 11 percent of surveyed Asian/Pacific Islander and white women had gotten an abortion after becoming pregnant.

In 2022, around 39 percent of legal abortions reported in the state of Texas were among Hispanics, while Black women accounted for 30 percent and white women 26 percent. Abortion has long been a controversial topic in the United States, with the issue once again becoming a major topic in 2022 when the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, allowing individual states to completely ban abortion if they so choose. Abortion in Texas In 2022, there were around 17,500 legal abortions reported in Texas, the eleventh highest number among all U.S. states. This was a large drop from the year prior, when Texas had the third-highest number of abortions in the United States. Concerning the rate of abortion per 100,000 population, Texas was ranked 42nd, with just 2.8 abortions per 100,000 population. In comparison, in Florida that year there were 20.5 abortions per 100,000 population, the fourth-highest rate among the states. Texas was one of a number of states with a so-called “trigger law”, which, in response to the Supreme Court decision in 2022, automatically banned abortions in all cases except to save the life of the mother. Under the new law, performing an abortion is a felony, punishable by up to life in prison. Public opinion Opinions in the United States on abortion are often divided between those who are “pro-choice” and those who are “pro-life”. Polls have shown that the share of those who identify with each side has fluctuated over the years, but a survey from 2023 found that around 52 percent of adults considered themselves pro-choice, while 44 percent were pro-life. Younger people more often believe abortion should be legal under any circumstance than older people, but only a minority across the age groups believe abortion should be illegal in all circumstances. In fact, despite several states, such as Texas, completely banning abortion, a survey from 2023 found that 55 percent of U.S. adults believed abortion should be permitted either whenever a woman decides to or under given circumstances.

In a 2024 survey, around ** percent of women aged 18 to 49 in the United States reported having heard of medication abortion. Almost three in four white women were familiar with medication abortions, higher than women from any other racial/ethnic background.

The IPUMS Contextual Determinants of Health (CDOH) data series includes measures of disparities, policies, and counts, by state or county, for historically marginalized populations in the United States including Black, Asian, Hispanic/Latina/o/e/x, and LGBTQ+ persons, and women. The IPUMS CDOH data are made available through ICPSR/DSDR for merging with the National Couples' Health and Time Study (NCHAT), United States, 2020-2021 (ICPSR 38417) by approved restricted data researchers. All other researchers can access the IPUMS CDOH data via the IPUMS CDOH website. Unlike other IPUMS products, the CDOH data are organized into multiple categories related to Race and Ethnicity, Sexual and Gender Minority, Gender, and Politics. The CDOH measures were created from a wide variety of data sources (e.g., IPUMS NHGIS, the Census Bureau, the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the Movement Advancement Project, and Myers Abortion Facility Database). Measures are currently available for states or counties from approximately 2015 to 2020. The Gender measures in this release include the state-level poverty ratio, which compares the proportion of females living in poverty to the proportion of males living in poverty in a given state in a given year. To work with the IPUMS CDOH data, researchers will need to first merge the NCHAT data to DS1 (MATCH ID and State FIPS Data). This merged file can then be linked to the IPUMS CDOH datafile (DS2) using the STATEFIPS variable.

The rate of legal abortions in the United States has decreased over the last few decades. In 2022, there were around 19.9 legal abortions per 100 live births, whereas the rate was 34 abortions per 100 live births in the year 1990. Since the overturning of Roe v. Wade by the Supreme Court in 2022, states within the U.S. have the right to severely limit or completely ban abortion if they wish, meaning that access to such procedures varies significantly depending on the state or region. Abortion in the U.S. In 2022, there were over 613,000 legal abortions in the United States. Abortion rates in the U.S. are highest among women aged 25 to 29 years and more common among unmarried women than those who are married. In 2022, there were approximately 38 legal abortions per 100 live births among unmarried women compared to four abortions per 100 live births among women who were married.
Public opinion The issue of abortion has been and remains a divisive topic among the general public and continues to be a relevant political issue. As of May 2023, around 44 percent of the population was estimated to be pro-life, while 52 percent were pro-choice and three percent mixed or neither. However, this distribution has fluctuated over the years, with pro-lifers accounting for a larger percentage than pro-choicers as recently as 2019.

This poll, fielded July 2012, and the second of two, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicits public opinion on a range of political and social issues. Respondents were asked about the condition of the economy, and whether things in the country were on the right track. Opinions were collected on financial institutions and whether they favor large investors, as well as the likelihood of another financial crisis. Respondents were queried on unemployment, including who is to blame for the high unemployment rate and what will happen to the unemployment rate over the next few months. Several questions addressed modes of transportation, including which mode is the most cost-effective, is the safest, and which one respondents prefer for traveling long distances. Other questions addressed a variety of pop-culture and social issues, such as plants, live theater, traditions, national landmarks, abortion, and taxpayer's money. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, education level, household income, social class, religious preference and participation, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), whether respondents thought of themselves as born-again Christians, marital status, household composition, political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter registration status, voting behavior, and the number of phones in their household.

As of May 2023, some ** percent of White evangelical Protestant adults were of the opinion that mifepristone in the U.S. should be taken off the market. However, across all races and religious groups, the majority of respondents maintained that access to mifepristone should remain in the U.S. in 2023. More than half of all U.S. abortions are medical abortions performed by combining mifepristone with misoprostol.

This statistic shows the reported number of abortions among adolescent women aged 15 to 19 years in the U.S. in 2016, by ethnicity. In that year there were 11,033 reported abortions among non-Hispanic white adolescent women.

In a 2024 survey, around eight percent of women aged 18 to 49 in the United States reported knowing someone, including themselves, who had difficulty getting an abortion since the overturning of Roe v. Wade by the U.S. Supreme Court. Around eleven percent of surveyed Hispanic women said they knew someone who had difficulty getting an abortion, the highest among all racial/ethnic groups.

This poll, fielded October 23-27, 1996, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President Bill Clinton and his handling of the presidency and issues such as foreign policy. Several questions asked how much respondents had been paying attention to the presidential campaign, whether they were likely to vote in the election for president, which candidate they would vote for if the presidential and United States House of Representatives elections were being held that day, whether they had favorable opinions of the candidates and trusted them, and who they expected to win. Respondents were asked to rate the condition of the national economy, whether they thought trade with other countries, such as Mexico and Canada, was good for the United States economy, whether they approved of the way Bill Clinton was handling relations with Cuba, Mexico, and Canada, and the importance of these countries to the United States' interests. Several questions asked for respondents' opinions on welfare, including whether most people on welfare were immigrants or belonged to a specific ethnic group, whether respondents approved of a recent law that changed the welfare system, and whether eligibility for welfare should be limited. A series of questions asked respondents whether trade restrictions were necessary, whether they favored the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), whether it should be expanded to other Latin American countries, and how many foreign products respondents had purchased in the past few years. Respondents were asked for their opinions on immigration to the United States, including the effects of immigration on society, whether immigrants should be eligible for entitlements programs and other benefits, and the country of origin of current legal and illegal immigrants. Information was also collected on whether respondents considered themselves part of the conservative Christian movement, and Hispanic respondents were asked about their country of birth and that of their ancestors. Additional topics included abortion, affirmative action, race and gender discrimination in job hiring practices, the trade embargo against Cuba, and whether the government should be more involved in people's lives and do more to solve national problems. Demographic variables include sex, race, age, household income, education level, political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter participation history and registration status, employment status, military service, whether respondents had any children under the age of 18, household union membership, length of time living at current residence, and type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural).

Younger adults in the United States are far more likely to support the legalization of abortion, with a 2025 survey finding that ***percent of respondents aged between 18 and 29 years favored the legalization of abortion under any circumstance. This position was supported by just ***percent of adults over **.

Maternal mortality rates can vary significantly around the world. For example, in 2022, Estonia had a maternal mortality rate of zero per 100,000 live births, while Mexico reported a rate of 38 deaths per 100,000 live births. However, the regions with the highest number of maternal deaths are Sub-Saharan Africa and Southern Asia, with differences between countries and regions often reflecting inequalities in health care services and access. Most causes of maternal mortality are preventable and treatable with the most common causes including severe bleeding, infections, complications during delivery, high blood pressure during pregnancy, and unsafe abortion. Maternal mortality in the United States In 2022, there were a total of 817 maternal deaths in the United States. Women aged 25 to 39 years accounted for 578 of these deaths, however, rates of maternal mortality are much higher among women aged 40 years and older. In 2022, the rate of maternal mortality among women aged 40 years and older in the U.S. was 87 per 100,000 live births, compared to a rate of 21 among women aged 25 to 39 years. The rate of maternal mortality in the U.S. has risen in recent years among all age groups. Differences in maternal mortality in the U.S. by race/ethnicity Sadly, there are great disparities in maternal mortality in the United States among different races and ethnicities. In 2022, the rate of maternal mortality among non-Hispanic white women was about 19 per 100,000 live births, while non-Hispanic Black women died from maternal causes at a rate of almost 50 per 100,000 live births. Rates of maternal mortality have risen for white and Hispanic women in recent years, but Black women have by far seen the largest increase in maternal mortality. In 2022, around 253 Black women died from maternal causes in the United States.

The leading causes of death among Black residents in the United States in 2022 included diseases of the heart, cancer, unintentional injuries, and stroke. The leading causes of death for African Americans generally reflects the leading causes of death for the entire United States population. However, a major exception is that death from assault or homicide is the seventh leading cause of death among African Americans, but is not among the ten leading causes for the general population. Homicide among African Americans The homicide rate among African Americans has been higher than that of other races and ethnicities for many years. In 2023, around 9,284 Black people were murdered in the United States, compared to 7,289 white people. A majority of these homicides are committed with firearms, which are easily accessible in the United States. In 2022, around 14,189 Black people died by firearms. However, suicide deaths account for over half of all deaths from firearms in the United States. Cancer disparities There are also major disparities in access to health care and the impact of various diseases. For example, the incidence rate of cancer among African American males is the greatest among all ethnicities and races. Furthermore, although the incidence rate of cancer is lower among African American women than it is among white women, cancer death rates are still higher among African American women.

In 1991, the birth rate for girls aged 10 to 14 years in the United States stood at 1.4 births per every thousand girls. Since 1991, this rate has consistently decreased, dropping to .2 in the year 2023. This statistic depicts the number of births per thousand U.S. females aged 10 to 14 years between 1991 and 2023. Teenage pregnancy and contraception Over the years, the rate of teenage pregnancy and birth has declined in the United States, most likely due to lower rates of sexual activity in this age group as well as increased use of birth control methods. However, the use and accessibility of contraceptives remains a problem in many parts of the United States. For example, in 2021, only 21 percent of sexually active high school students reported using the birth control pill to prevent pregnancy before their last sexual intercourse. This rate was highest among white high students and lowest among Black students, with only 11 percent reporting use of the birth control pill before their last intercourse. Condom use is more prevalent among high school students than use of the pill, but still only just over half of high school students reported using a condom the last time they had sex as of 2021. Disparities in teenage pregnancy Although rates have decreased over the past decades, teenage pregnancy and birth rates in the U.S. are still higher than in other Western countries. Geographic, racial, and ethnic disparities in teen birth rates are still prevalent within the country. In 2023, teenage birth rates were highest among Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islanders. Other contributing factors to high teen birth rates also include poor socioeconomic conditions, low education, and low-income status.