A survey of women who obtained an abortion in the United States between June 2021 and July 2022 found that almost 42 percent of women who received an abortion at that time had a family income less than 100 percent of the federal poverty level. This statistic shows the distribution of women in the U.S. who obtained an abortion from June 2021 to July 2022, by family income as a percent of the federal poverty level.

According to a 2025 survey, ***percent of adults in the United States earning less than ****** U.S. dollars per year favored outlawing abortions under any circumstance. This statistic shows the percent of U.S. adults who thought abortion should be legal under certain circumstances in 2025, by income level.

From 2015 to 2019, there were 93 unintended pregnancies and 38 abortions per 1,000 women of reproductive age in low-income countries, compared to 34 unintended pregnancies and 15 abortions per 1,000 women in high-income countries. This statistic illustrates the unintended pregnancy and abortion rates worldwide from 2015 to 2019, by income group.

BackgroundIn 2010–2014, approximately 86% of abortions took place in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). Although abortion incidence varies minimally across geographical regions, it varies widely by subregion and within countries by subgroups of women. Differential abortion levels stem from variation in the level of unintended pregnancies and in the likelihood that women with unintended pregnancies obtain abortions.ObjectivesTo examine the characteristics of women obtaining induced abortions in LMICs.MethodsWe use data from official statistics, population-based surveys, and abortion patient surveys to examine variation in the percentage distribution of abortions and abortion rates by age at abortion, marital status, parity, wealth, education, and residence. We analyze data from five countries in Africa, 13 in Asia, eight in Europe, and two in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC).ResultsWomen across all sociodemographic subgroups obtain abortions. In most countries, women aged 20–29 obtained the highest proportion of abortions, and while adolescents obtained a substantial fraction of abortions, they do not make up a disproportionate share. Region-specific patterns were observed in the distribution of abortions by parity. In many countries, a higher fraction of abortions occurred among women of high socioeconomic status, as measured by wealth status, educational attainment, and urban residence. Due to limited data on marital status, it is unknown whether married or unmarried women make up a larger share of abortions.ConclusionsThese findings help to identify subgroups of women with disproportionate levels of abortion, and can inform policies and programs to reduce the incidence of unintended pregnancies; and in LMICs that have restrictive abortion laws, these findings can also inform policies to minimize the consequences of unsafe abortion and motivate liberalization of abortion laws. Program planners, policymakers, and advocates can use this information to improve access to safe abortion services, postabortion care, and contraceptive services.

These four datasets were collected by the Guttmacher Institute. They consist of the Ethiopia Prospective Data Survey (2014), Nigeria Community-Based Survey (2002-2003), Nigeria Hospital-Based Survey (2002-2003), and the Philippines Community-Based Survey (CBS). We used these data to calculate the distribution of abortions by women's sociodemographic characteristics and abortion rates (Nigeria, Philippines).

In a 2024 survey, around 17 percent of U.S. women with an income less than 200% of the federal poverty level (FPL) reported having had an abortion after getting pregnant. In comparison, only 13 percent of surveyed women with income above this threshold had gotten an abortion after becoming pregnant.

A survey conducted in January 2025 revealed that people whose income was over five minimum wages were the ones most against abortion in Brazil, at 68 percent. Only 18 percent of respondents in that income range said they were in favor of abortion.In Brazil, abortion is decriminalized in three cases: if the pregnancy is a result of rape, if performing an abortion is the only way to save the woman's life, or if the fetus suffers from anencephaly. Most respondents in Brazil oppose abortion legalization.

ABSTRACT OBJECTIVE Analyze the contextual and individual characteristics that explain the differences in the induced abortion rate, temporally and territorially. METHODS We conducted an econometric analysis with panel data of the influence of public investment in health and per capita income on induced abortion as well as a measurement of the effect of social and economic factors related to the labor market and reproduction: female employment, immigration, adolescent fertility and marriage rate. The empirical exercise was conducted with a sample of 22 countries in Europe for the 2001-2009 period. RESULTS The great territorial variability of induced abortion was the result of contextual and individual socioeconomic factors. Higher levels of national income and investments in public health reduce its incidence. The following sociodemographic characteristics were also significant regressors of induced abortion: female employment, civil status, migration, and adolescent fertility. CONCLUSIONS Induced abortion responds to sociodemographic patterns, in which the characteristics of each country are essential. The individual and contextual socioeconomic inequalities impact significantly on its incidence. Further research on the relationship between economic growth, labor market, institutions and social norms is required to better understand its transnational variability and to reduce its incidence.

A volatile regulatory environment at the state and federal levels has altered the makeup and concentration of some of the many family planning services clinics offer. In addition, declining patient volume because of telehealth expansion and an uncertain future regarding government funding has led to some clinics closing and to the concentration of services in some locations or drought in others. In particular, pregnancy termination services remain concentrated in independent clinics, and with medication abortion restrictions, these independent clinics will face an increase in demand. As medication abortions represent 63.0% of U.S. cases, telehealth restrictions in 28 states (Guttmacher 2025) still restrict access to medication abortion. Despite the significant shifts in pregnancy termination services, Medicaid is available for other planning services (in-person and telemedicine) and industry revenue is expected to climb at a CAGR of 3.5% by 2025 and reach $4.7 billion, when revenue will climb by 3.2% in 2025 alone. Technology continues to impact the clinic. Virtual-only clinics are increasingly providing telehealth services. Mobile abortion clinics aim to reduce travel for women in states with legal but distant abortion access and to bring family planning to others where there is a lack of maternal healthcare. Positioned near state borders where abortion is banned, they minimize driving time. Planned Parenthood, one of the largest providers of family planning services, operates mobile clinics, bringing services to states with service restrictions and to markets with shortages or undersupply of services. State actions may continue to counter federal bans that restrict services and shift in entry. For example, the Arizona Abortion Access Act may alter a clinic's decision to open a facility in the state. However, in April 2025, the federal government withheld Title X funding from 16 organizations, impacting clinics' budgets and services, including organizations like Planned Parenthood. Continued legal actions, state funding and advocacy efforts will continue to address and reverse these freezes. Looking forward, per capita disposable income will support donations and philanthropy. Assuming compensatory services are provided in other locations to offset state regulatory actions and with moderate growth in Medicaid funding, industry revenue will climb at an annual rate of 2.8% through 2030, reaching $5.4 billion, while profit remains stable.

Individual and health system-related characteristics of insecurely housed women in southwest Ethiopia, 2021 G.C.

The PRRI March 2018 Survey includes a number of abortion-related questions about respondents' preferences on the legality of abortion, whether certain types of services should be provided to low-income women through programs like Medicaid, their personal experience with abortion, the level of importance they place on abortion as a political issue, and the accessibility of abortion services in their community. Also included are a number of LGBT-related issues and their stances on non-discrimination laws, same-sex marriage, and religiously based service refusals. Finally, the survey gauges opinions on what issues the Trump administration should prioritize and views of Trump.

A survey of women who obtained an abortion in the United States between June 2021 and July 2022 found that ** percent were Hispanic, while ** percent were white. This statistic shows the distribution of women in the U.S. who obtained an abortion from June 2021 to July 2022, by race/ethnicity.

A survey of women who obtained an abortion in the United States between June 2021 and July 2022 found that 45 percent of women who received an abortion were insured under Medicaid, while 21 percent had no health insurance at all. This statistic shows the distribution of women in the U.S. who obtained an abortion from June 2021 to July 2022, by health insurance status.

IntroductionDespite the Sustainable Development Goal to reduce the global maternal mortality ratio to less than 70 per 100,000 live births by 2030, abortion remains one of the top five causes of maternal mortality in low and middle-income countries. However, there is a lack of comprehensive data on the pooled prevalence and determinants of abortion in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Therefore, this study aims to investigate the pooled prevalence and determinants of abortion among women of reproductive age in 24 SSA countries using the most recent Demographic and Health Surveys.MethodsThe most recent Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) data from 24 Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries were analyzed, using a weighted sample of 392,332 women of reproductive age. To address the clustering effects inherent in DHS data and the binary nature of the outcome variable, a multilevel binary logistic regression model was employed. The results were reported as adjusted odds ratios with 95% confidence intervals to indicate statistical significance. Additionally, the model with the lowest deviance was identified as the best fit for the data.ResultsThe pooled prevalence of abortion in SSA were 6.93% (95%CI: 5.38, 8.48). Older age (AOR = 3.71; 95%CI: 3.46, 3.98), ever married (AOR = 3.87; 95%CI: 3.66, 4.10), being educated (AOR = 1.35; 95%CI: 1.28, 1.44), having formal employment (AOR = 1.19; 95%CI: 1.16, 1.23), traditional contraceptive use (AOR = 1.27; 95%CI: 1.19, 1.36) and media exposure (AOR = 1.37; 95%CI: 1.32, 1.41) found to be a predisposing factors for abortion. While high parity (AOR = 0.72; 95%CI: 0.68, 0.76), rural residence (AOR = 0.87; 95%CI: 0.85, 0.91), and rich (AOR = 0.96; 95%CI: 0.93, 0.99) wealth index were a protective factors.ConclusionThe study found that the pooled prevalence of abortion in Sub-Saharan Africa is 7%. Potential interventions include comprehensive sexual education to inform and empower women, increased access to modern contraceptives to reduce unintended pregnancies, improved healthcare services especially in rural areas, economic empowerment through education and employment opportunities, media campaigns to disseminate information and reduce stigma, and policy development to ensure safe and legal access to abortion services. These interventions aim to improve reproductive health outcomes and reduce unsafe abortions in SSA.

Abortions in the Soviet Union became much more accessible under the Khrushchev administration in 1953, and the USSR's abortion rate subsequently developed into the highest in the world. The Soviet government did not begin releasing official statistical data until the 1970s, however it is believed that around six or seven million abortions were carried out each year in the 1950s and 1960s; a figure that remained fairly consistent until the late 1980s**. This high rate was, in-part, due to rapid urbanization and a desire for smaller families, as well as the lack of quality contraceptives produced by the Soviet government, and the widespread belief that abortion was safer than the side-effects of hormonal regulation via the pill. Relative to population size, there were between 97 and 106 abortions carried out per 1,000 women aged between 15 and 49 in the given years, which is roughly equal to one in ten women of childbearing age having an abortion each year (estimates for Russia alone suggest that this number was one in six in the 1960s). There were however regional disparities across the Soviet Union, as abortions were much more accessible and common in the European part of the country, and less available or socially acceptable in the Muslim-majority and rural regions of Asia. Abortion in the U.S. In the U.S. during this time, the abortion rate was much lower due to previous legal restrictions and lack of access, societal attitudes, and better access to contraceptives. Prior to 1973, abortions were either banned outright or only available under specific circumstances in all-but-four states. The Supreme Court case Roe v. Wade then saw the removal of most federal restrictions relating to abortion in the first trimester of pregnancy. This granted women across the country greater access to legal abortions; in 1975 there were over one million legal abortions performed in the U.S., and between 1.5 and 1.6 million in the 1980s. Proportional to population size, this equated to 29 abortions per 1,000 women aged between 15 and 45 in 1980, which is roughly equal to one in 34 women of childbearing age having an abortion in this year. Legacy During the decline and dissolution of the Soviet Union, the government began to promote the use of contraceptives, however the poor quality and supply of these reinforced former perceptions that they were more harmful than abortions. Additionally, medical institutions received much higher sums from the government when abortions were performed (relative to income from contraceptives), and these incentives delayed the drop in Russian and other post-Soviet states' abortion rates. While it is now generally accepted that contraception is safer than abortion, and awareness of the risks of infertility and maternal death has become more widespread, today, Soviet successor states have some of the highest abortion rates in the world by a considerable margin.

In the U.S., following the peak of almost 30 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15 to 44 in the 1980s, the abortion rate has gradually fallen with each decade, even dropping below the 1973 level in 2017. Although this is a side effect of improvements in contraception and education, a large part of this decline can be attributed to restricted access to abortion, particularly in rural and southern regions. While the majority of U.S. adults support Roe v. Wade, the Supreme Court overturned the ruling in June 2022, granting states the right to determine their own abortion laws.

Abortion remains a controversial topic in the United States and has been an exceptionally political topic since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022. This ruling has allowed individual states to completely ban the procedure if they choose, which a number of states have since done. In 2022, the year of the overturning of Roe v. Wade, the highest rates of legal abortion in the United States were among women aged 25 to 29 years, with around **** abortions per 1,000 women. How many abortions are there in the United States each year? In 2022, there were an estimated ******* legal abortions in the United States. This was a decrease from the year before, and in general, the number of legal abortions per year in the U.S. has decreased since the late 1990s. The rate of abortion has also decreased significantly. In 1997, the rate of legal abortions per 100 live births was ****, but this had dropped to **** per 100 live births by the year 2022. At that time, the states with the highest rates of abortion were New Mexico, Illinois, and Kansas. Public opinion on abortion As of 20234, around ** percent of U.S. adults considered themselves pro-choice, while ** percent were pro-life. However, these numbers have fluctuated over the years, with a larger share of people identifying as pro-life just five years earlier. Nevertheless, a poll from 2024 indicated that only a small minority of U.S. adults want abortion to be illegal in all cases, with younger people more likely to support the legalization of abortion in any circumstance. Furthermore, surveys have shown that since the overturning of Roe v. Wade, U.S. adults have expressed being much more dissatisfied with abortion policy in the country, desiring less strict policy.

We investigate how historical changes in contraception and abortion access impact women’s long-run outcomes. We use data from the Health and Retirement Study and an identification strategy that leverages variation in exposure to legal changes in access across cohorts born in the same states during the 1960s and 1970s. We follow the methodology of Bailey, Hershbein, and Miller (2012), who used the National Longitudinal Survey of Young Women and documented significant increases in contraception use at ages 18-20 associated with unmarried women’s ability to consent for contraception at such ages. They also documented increased educational attainment and increased earnings in women’s 30s and 40s associated with this confidential access to contraception. Our analysis revisits the effects on education and earnings. We also investigate the sensitivity of the estimated impacts to the legal coding and control variables used in Myers’ (2017) study of the effects on fertility and marriage. The results for educational attainment align with prior work but are not statistically significant. The results for earnings indicate increases in the probability of working in a Social Security (SS) covered job in women’s 20s and 30s associated with early access to contraception and abortion, but we find no evidence of positive effects on women’s earnings in their 50s.

The IPUMS Contextual Determinants of Health (CDOH) data series provides access to measures of disparities, policies, and counts, by state or county, for historically marginalized populations in the United States including Black, Asian, Hispanic/Latina/o/e/x, and LGBTQ+ persons, and women. The IPUMS CDOH data are made available through ICPSR/DSDR for merging with the National Couples' Health and Time Study (NCHAT), United States, 2020-2021 (ICPSR 38417) by approved restricted data researchers. All other researchers can access the IPUMS CDOH data via the IPUMS CDOH website. Unlike other IPUMS products, the CDOH data are organized into multiple categories related to Race and Ethnicity, Sexual and Gender Minority, Gender, and Politics. The measures were created from a wide variety of data sources (e.g., IPUMS NHGIS, the Census Bureau, the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the Movement Advancement Project, and Myers Abortion Facility Database). Measures are currently available for states or counties from approximately 2015 to 2020. The Race and Ethnicity measure in this release is an indicator of income inequity which is measured using the index of concentration at the extremes (ICE). ICE is a measure of social polarization within a particular geographic unit. It shows whether people or households in a geographic unit are concentrated in privileged or deprived extremes. The privileged group in this study is the number of households with a householder identifying as White alone, not Hispanic or Latino, with an income equal to or greater than $100,000. The deprived group in this study is the number of households with a householder identifying as a different race/ethnic group (e.g., Black alone, Asian alone, Hispanic or Latino), with an income equal to or less than $25,000. To work with the IPUMS CDOH data, researchers will need to use the variable MATCH_ID to merge the data in DS1 with NCHAT surveys within the virtual data enclave (VDE).

The 1970 National Fertility Survey (NFS) was the second in a series of three surveys that followed the Growth of American Families surveys (1955 and 1960) aimed at examining marital fertility and family planning in the United States. Women were queried on the following main topics: residence history, age and race, family background, pregnancies, abortions and miscarriages, marriage history, education, employment and income, religion, use of family planning clinics, current and past birth control pill use and other methods of contraception, sterility, ideals regarding childbearing, attitudes and opinions with respect to abortion, gender roles, sterilization and world population, and birth histories. Respondents were asked to give residence histories for themselves and their husbands. Specifically, they were asked about the state they grew up in, whether they had lived with both parents, whether they had lived on a farm growing up, and whether they were currently living on a farm. Respondents were asked to give their date of birth, current age and race, as well as that of their husband. Regarding family background, respondents were asked how many brothers and sisters that they had, whether their siblings were older or younger, and whether there were any twins in the family. Additionally, respondents were asked to summarize their pregnancy history by giving information with respect to total number of pregnancies, live births, miscarriages, and abortions. Regarding abortions, respondents also were asked to give the date of the abortion and if they had used any family planning techniques prior to the abortion. Respondents were queried about their marriage history, specifically they were asked whether this was their first marriage, whether it was their spouse's first marriage, and their total number of marriages. If previously married, respondents were asked about the dates of past marriages and reasons for the marriage ending (e.g., death, divorce, or annulment). Respondents were asked a series of questions about both their own and their spouse's education including number of grades completed, current educational status, schooling completed after marriage, highest grade completed, and highest grade the respondent and spouse hoped to complete. All respondents were queried about their own and their husband's employment situations, as well as their household income. Respondents were asked about employment prior to and after marriage, employment after the birth of their first child, reasons for working, future employment expectations, earned income for both the respondent and husband in 1970, and other sources of income. There was also a series of questions on religion including religious preferences growing up, current religious preferences, and the importance of religion for both the respondent and her husband. Respondents were asked whether they had ever been to a family planning clinic, whether methods of family planning were discussed with a doctor or other medically trained person, whether this had taken place in the last 12 months, and if not, when the last time was. Several questions were devoted to the respondent's current and past use of the birth control pill and other methods of contraception such as the IUD and the diaphragm. Specifically, respondents were asked how they obtained the method of contraception for the first time, whether the respondent had sought methods of contraception from a doctor, and whether they had discussed with a doctor problems related to the methods of contraception. Respondents were asked why they used the pill and other methods of contraception, why they had stopped using a particular method, whether the methods were being used for family planning, and during what intervals the methods were used. Respondents also were asked questions about sterility including whether they were able to have children, whether they or their husband had undergone a sterilization operation, and if so, what kind of operation it was, the motive for having such an operation, whether the respondent had arrived at menopause, and if they had seen a doctor if they were unable to have a baby. They were also asked about their ideals with respect to children including their ideal number of children, the ideal number of boys and girls, as well as the ideal age for having their first and last child. The survey also sough

The attitude of German women to children. Changes in the situation in life through children.

Topics: general contentment with life; associations with the terms ´happiness´, ´children´ and ´having children´; most important positive and negative influences on one´s own attitude to children; ideal number of children in one´s own view and from the view of spouse; desire for children; concepts of one´s own age at birth of first child; inclination to give up work at birth of first child; reasons for childlessness up to now; desire for presence of partner at birth of child; self-assessment of certainty of being able to raise a child; accepted advisers in questions of raising children; changes expected and actually experienced through the first child in the relation to partner, the relation to family and friends, occupational further development, the organization of leisure time, the housing situation and financial conditions; assessment of expected as well as experienced psychological changes in respondent and partner after birth of first child: concepts of ideal point in time for the birth under economic, sociological and career points of view; information on temporal birth planning of the first and the youngest child; preparations during pregnancy before the birth of the first and the youngest child: eating habits, consumption of semi-luxury foods, tobacco and alcohol, information conduct, pregnancy gymnastics, visit to a mothers school and contacts with doctors; possession of a pregnancy pass; judgement on first pregnancy and birth; perceived fears; concerns and burdens during pregnancy; pregnancy complaints; presence of partner at first birth; complications in the birth; burdened with problems through children; assessment of the FRG as child-friendly or child-hostile and reasons for this judgement; major reasons not to have children in the Federal Republic; assessment of the prospects for the future for children today in comparison with one´s own childhood; countries more child-friendly than the Federal Republic; recommendations for promotion of willingness to have children; decisive points in life effecting changes; feeling of restriction in structuring life; personal goals in life and desires in life; judgement on current condition of health; frequency of visits to the gynecologist; participation in cancer check-ups; means of contraception used currently; reasons for not using the pill; frequency of abortion and miscarriage; attitude to abortion; information on sexual conduct; age at first sexual intercourse; number of intimate partners up to now; marriage with first intimate partner; frequency of sexual intercourse; frequency of orgasm; length of acquaintance with current partner; length of current or last marriage; size of circle of friends; desire for more friends; frequency of contact and place of meeting friends; place and cause of getting to know friends; social surroundings in one´s own childhood; characterization of personal parental home and style of child-raising experienced; earlier and current relation of parents to each other; relationship with siblings; distance to parents; social origins; rough information on time budget; frequency of vacation trips; vacation destination; housing conditions; type of building and location of one´s own residence; available living space; judgement on living space; number of living-rooms and children´s rooms; amount of rent and monthly additional costs; receipt of housing benefit; residential surroundings; available opportunity for the children to play outdoors; traffic situation of the residence; moving frequency and reasons for the moves.

Scales: attitude to children and pregnancy; experiencing partnership relations.

Demography: age; marital status; age of partner; number of children; number of siblings; religious denomination; frequency of church attendance; school education; occupation; employment; household income; sources of income; number of recipients of income; possession of durable economic goods; household size; household composition; respondent is head of household; characteristics of head of household; residential status;

Interviewer rating: housing situation; weekday of interview; length of interview; interest in interview.