Thumbnail image by Tony Moody.This dataset includes all housing developments approved by the City of Boise’s (“city”) Planning Division since 2020 that are known by the city to have received or are expected to receive support or incentives from a government entity. Each row represents one development. Data may be unavailable for some projects and details are subject to change until construction is complete. Addresses are excluded for projects with fewer than five homes for privacy reasons.

The dataset includes details on the number of “homes” in a development. We use the word "home" to refer to any single unit of housing regardless of size, type, or whether it is rented or owned. For example, a building with 40 apartments counts as 40 homes, and a single detached house counts as one home.

The dataset includes details about the phase of each project. The process for build a new development is as follows: First, one must receive approval from the city’s Planning Division, which is also known as being “entitled.” Next, one must apply for and receive a permit from the city’s Building Division before beginning construction. Finally, once construction is complete and all city inspections have been passed, the building can be occupied.

The dataset also includes data on the affordability level of each development. To receive a government incentive, a developer is typically required to rent or sell a specified number of homes to households that have an income below limits set by the government and their housing cost must not exceed 30% of their income. The federal government determines income limits based on a standard called “area median income.” The city considers housing affordable if is targeted to households earning at or below 80% of the area median income. For a three-person household in Boise, that equates to an annual income of $60,650 and monthly rent or mortgage of $1,516. See Boise Income Guidelines for more details.Project Address(es) – Includes all addresses that are included as part of the development project.Address – The primary address for the development.Parcel Number(s) – The identification code for all parcels of land included in the development.Acreage – The number of acres for the parcel(s) included in the project.Planning Permit Number – The identification code for all permits the development has received from the Planning Division for the City of Boise. The number and types of permits required vary based on the location and type of development.Date Entitled – The date a development was approved by the City’s Planning Division.Building Permit Number – The identification code for all permits the development has received from the city’s Building Division.Date Building Permit Issued – Building permits are required to begin construction on a development.Date Final Certificate of Occupancy Issued – A certificate of occupancy is the final approval by the city for a development, once construction is complete. Not all developments require a certificate of occupancy.Studio – The number of homes in the development that are classified as a studio. A studio is typically defined as a home in which there is no separate bedroom. A single room serves as both a bedroom and a living room.1-Bedroom – The number of homes in a development that have exactly one bedroom.2-Bedroom – The number of homes in a development that have exactly two bedrooms.3-Bedroom – The number of homes in a development that have exactly three bedrooms.4+ Bedroom – The number of homes in a development that have four or more bedrooms.# of Total Project Units – The total number of homes in the development.# of units toward goals – The number of homes in a development that contribute to either the city’s goal to produce housing affordable at or under 60% of area median income, or the city’s goal to create permanent supportive housing for households experiencing homelessness.Rent at or under 60% AMI - The number of homes in a development that are required to be rented at or below 60% of area median income. See the description of the dataset above for an explanation of area median income or see Boise Income Guidelines for more details. Boise defines a home as “affordable” if it is rented or sold at or below 80% of area median income.Rent 61-80% AMI – The number of homes in a development that are required to be rented at between 61% and 80% of area median income. See the description of the dataset above for an explanation of area median income or see Boise Income Guidelines for more details. Boise defines a home as “affordable” if it is rented or sold at or below 80% of area median income.Rent 81-120% AMI - The number of homes in a development that are required to be rented at between 81% and 120% of area median income. See the description of the dataset above for an explanation of area median income or see Boise Income Guidelines for more details.Own at or under 60% AMI - The number of homes in a development that are required to be sold at or below 60% of area median income. See the description of the dataset above for an explanation of area median income or see Boise Income Guidelines for more details. Boise defines a home as “affordable” if it is rented or sold at or below 80% of area median income.Own 61-80% AMI – The number of homes in a development that are required to be sold at between 61% and 80% of area median income. See the description of the dataset above for an explanation of area median income or see Boise Income Guidelines for more details. Boise defines a home as “affordable” if it is rented or sold at or below 80% of area median income.Own 81-120% AMI - The number of homes in a development that are required to be sold at between 81% and 120% of area median income. See the description of the dataset above for an explanation of area median income or see Boise Income Guidelines for more details.Housing Land Trust – “Yes” if a development receives or is expected to receive this incentive. The Housing Land Trust is a model in which the city owns land that it leases to a developer to build affordable housing.City Investment – “Yes” if the city invests funding or contributes land to an affordable development.Zoning Incentive - The city's zoning code provides incentives for developers to create affordable housing. Incentives may include the ability to build an extra floor or be subject to reduced parking requirements. “Yes” if a development receives or is expected to receive one of these incentives.Project Management - The city provides a developer and their design team a single point of contact who works across city departments to simplify the permitting process, and assists the applicants in understanding the city’s requirements to avoid possible delays. “Yes” if a development receives or is expected to receive this incentive.Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) - A federal tax credit available to some new affordable housing developments. The Idaho Housing and Finance Association is a quasi-governmental agency that administers these federal tax credits. “Yes” if a development receives or is expected to receive this incentive.CCDC Investment - The Capital City Development Corp (CCDC) is a public agency that financially supports some affordable housing development in Urban Renewal Districts. “Yes” if a development receives or is expected to receive this incentive. If “Yes” the field identifies the Urban Renewal District associated with the development.City Goal – The city has set goals to produce housing affordable to households at or below 60% of area median income, and to create permanent supportive housing for households experiencing homelessness. This field identifies whether a development contributes to one of those goals.Project Phase - The process for build a new development is as follows: First, one must receive approval from the city’s Planning Division, which is also known as being “entitled.” Next, one must apply for and receive a permit from the city’s Building Division before beginning construction. Finally, once construction is complete and all city inspections have been passed, the building can be occupied.

The rental housing developments listed below are among the thousands of affordable units that are supported by City of Chicago programs to maintain affordability in local neighborhoods. The list is updated periodically when construction is completed for new projects or when the compliance period for older projects expire, typically after 30 years. The list is provided as a courtesy to the public. It does not include every City-assisted affordable housing unit that may be available for rent, nor does it include the hundreds of thousands of naturally occurring affordable housing units located throughout Chicago without City subsidies. For information on rents, income requirements and availability for the projects listed, contact each property directly. For information on other affordable rental properties in Chicago and Illinois, call (877) 428-8844, or visit www.ILHousingSearch.org.

Since passage of the U.S. Housing Act of 1937, the federal government has provided housing assistance to low-income renters. Most of these housing subsidies were provided under programs administered by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) or predecessor agencies. All programs covered in this report provide subsidies that reduce rents for low-income tenants who meet program eligibility requirements. Generally, households pay rent equal to 30 percent of their incomes, after deductions, while the federal government pays the remainder of rent or rental costs. To qualify for a subsidy, an applicant’s income must initially fall below a certain income limit. These income limits are HUD-determined, location specific, and vary by household size. Applicants for housing assistance are usually placed on a waiting list until a subsidized unit becomes available.Assistance provided under HUD programs falls into three categories: public housing, tenant-based, and privately owned, project-based.In public housing, local housing agencies receive allocations of HUD funding to build, operate or make improvements to housing. The housing is owned by the local agencies. Public housing is a form of project-based subsidy because households may receive assistance only if they agree to live at a particular public housing project.Currently, tenant based assistance is the most prevalent form of housing assistance provided. Historically, tenant based assistance began with the Section 8 certificate and voucher programs, which were created in 1974 and 1983, respectively. These programs were replaced by the Housing Choice Voucher program, under legislation enacted in 1998. Tenant based programs allow participants to find and lease housing in the private market. Local public housing agencies (PHAs) and some state agencies serving as PHAs enter into contracts with HUD to administer the programs. The PHAs then enter into contracts with private landlords. The housing must meet housing quality standards and other program requirements. The subsidies are used to supplement the rent paid by low-income households. Under tenant-based programs, assisted households may move and take their subsidy with them. The primary difference between certificates and vouchers is that under certificates, there was a maximum rent which the unit may not exceed. By contrast, vouchers have no specific maximum rent; the low-income household must pay any excess over the payment standard, an amount that is determined locally and that is based on the Fair Market Rent. HUD calculates the Fair Market Rent based on the 40th percentile of the gross rents paid by recent movers for non-luxury units meeting certain quality standards.The third major type of HUD rental assistance is a collection of programs generally referred to as multifamily assisted, or, privately-owned, project-based housing. These types of housing assistance fall under a collection of programs created during the last four decades. What these programs have in common is that they provide rental housing that is owned by private landlords who enter into contracts with HUD in order to receive housing subsidies. The subsidies pay the difference between tenant rent and total rental costs. The subsidy arrangement is termed project-based because the assisted household may not take the subsidy and move to another location. The single largest project-based program was the Section 8 program, which was created in 1974. This program allowed for new construction and substantial rehabilitation that was delivered through a wide variety of financing mechanisms. An important variant of project-based Section 8 was the Loan Management Set Aside (LMSA) program, which was provided in projects financed under Federal Housing Administration (FHA) programs that were not originally intended to provide deep subsidy rental assistance. Projects receiving these LMSA “piggyback” subsidies were developed under the Section 236 program, the Section 221(d)(3) Below Market Interest Rate (BMIR) program, and others that were unassisted when originally developed.Picture of Subsidized Households does not cover other housing subsidy programs, such as those of the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Rural Housing Service, unless they also receive subsidies referenced above. Other programs such as Indian Housing, HOME and Community Develo

This map shows households that spend 30 percent or more of their income on housing, a threshold widely used by many affordable housing advocates and official government sources including Housing and Urban Development. Census asks about income and housing costs to understand whether housing is affordable in local communities. When housing is not sufficient or not affordable, income data helps communities: Enroll eligible households in programs designed to assist them.Qualify for grants from the Community Development Block Grant (CDBG), HOME Investment Partnership Program, Emergency Solutions Grants (ESG), Housing Opportunities for Persons with AIDS (HOPWA), and other programs.When rental housing is not affordable, the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) uses rent data to determine the amount of tenant subsidies in housing assistance programs.Map opens in Atlanta. Use the bookmarks or search bar to view other cities. Data is symbolized to show the relationship between burdensome housing costs for owner households with a mortgage and renter households:This map uses these hosted feature layers containing the most recent American Community Survey data. These layers are part of the ArcGIS Living Atlas, and are updated every year when the American Community Survey releases new estimates, so values in the map always reflect the newest data available.

The dataset contains current data on low rent and Section 8 units in PHA's administered by HUD. The Section 8 Rental Voucher Program increases affordable housing choices for very low-income households by allowing families to choose privately owned rental housing. Through the Section 8 Rental Voucher Program, the administering housing authority issues a voucher to an income-qualified household, which then finds a unit to rent. If the unit meets the Section 8 quality standards, the PHA then pays the landlord the amount equal to the difference between 30 percent of the tenant's adjusted income (or 10 percent of the gross income or the portion of welfare assistance designated for housing) and the PHA-determined payment standard for the area. The rent must be reasonable compared with similar unassisted units.

Analysis of ‘Affordable Rental Housing Developments’ provided by Analyst-2 (analyst-2.ai), based on source dataset retrieved from https://catalog.data.gov/dataset/4bfa4557-2f34-49d0-aaf2-1a8f112bba35 on 13 February 2022.

--- Dataset description provided by original source is as follows ---

The rental housing developments listed below are among the thousands of affordable units that are supported by City of Chicago programs to maintain affordability in local neighborhoods. The list is updated periodically when construction is completed for new projects or when the compliance period for older projects expire, typically after 30 years. The list is provided as a courtesy to the public. It does not include every City-assisted affordable housing unit that may be available for rent, nor does it include the hundreds of thousands of naturally occurring affordable housing units located throughout Chicago without City subsidies. For information on rents, income requirements and availability for the projects listed, contact each property directly. For information on other affordable rental properties in Chicago and Illinois, call (877) 428-8844, or visit www.ILHousingSearch.org.

--- Original source retains full ownership of the source dataset ---

This data, maintained by the Mayor’s Office of Housing (MOH), is an inventory of all income-restricted units in the city. This data includes public housing owned by the Boston Housing Authority (BHA), privately- owned housing built with funding from DND and/or on land that was formerly City-owned, and privately-owned housing built without any City subsidy, e.g., created using Low-Income Housing Tax Credits (LIHTC) or as part of the Inclusionary Development Policy (IDP). Information is gathered from a variety of sources, including the City's IDP list, permitting and completion data from the Inspectional Services Department (ISD), newspaper advertisements for affordable units, Community Economic Development Assistance Corporation’s (CEDAC) Expiring Use list, and project lists from the BHA, the Massachusetts Department of Housing and Community Development (DHCD), MassHousing, and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), among others. The data is meant to be as exhaustive and up-to-date as possible, but since many units are not required to report data to the City of Boston, MOH is constantly working to verify and update it. See the data dictionary for more information on the structure of the data and important notes. The database only includes units that have a deed-restriction. It does not include tenant-based (also known as mobile) vouchers, which subsidize rent, but move with the tenant and are not attached to a particular unit. There are over 22,000 tenant-based vouchers in the city of Boston which provide additional affordability to low- and moderate-income households not accounted for here. The Income-Restricted Housing report can be directly accessed here:
https://www.boston.gov/sites/default/files/file/2023/04/Income%20Restricted%20Housing%202022_0.pdf

Learn more about income-restricted housing (as well as other types of affordable housing) here: https://www.boston.gov/affordable-housing-boston#income-restricted

In 2023, there were approximately 45 million housing units occupied by renters in the United States. This number has been gradually increasing since 2010 as part of a long-term upward swing since 1975. Meanwhile, the number of unoccupied rental housing units has followed a downward trend, suggesting a growing demand and supply failing to catch up. Why are rental homes in such high demand?This high demand for rental homes is related to the shortage of affordable housing. Climbing the property ladder for renters is not always easy, as it requires prospective homebuyers to save up for a down payment and qualify for a mortgage. In many metros, the median household income is insufficient to qualify for the median-priced home. How many owner occupied homes are there in the U.S.? In 2023, there were over 86 million owner occupied homes. Owner occupied housing is when the person who owns a property – either outright or through a mortgage – also resides in the property. Excluded are therefore rental properties, employer-provided housing and social housing.

This dataset presents the Rental Affordability Index (RAI) for all dwellings. The data uses different income values for each region within the Greater Capital Cities, and spans the quarters Q1 2011 to Q2 2021. The RAI covers all states with available data, the Northern Territory does not form part of this dataset.

National Shelter, Bendigo Bank, The Brotherhood of St Laurence, and SGS Economics and Planning have released the RentalAffordability Index (RAI) on a biannual basis since 2015. Since 2019, the RAI has been released annually.

It is generally accepted that if housing costs exceed 30% of a low-income household's gross income, the household is experiencing housing stress (30/40 rule). That is, housing is unaffordable and housing costs consume a disproportionately high amount of household income. The RAI uses the 30 per cent of income rule. Rental affordability is calculated using the following equation, where 'qualifying income' refers to the household income required to pay rent where rent is equal to 30% of income:

RAI = (Median Income ∕ Qualifying Income) x 100

In the RAI, households who are paying 30% of income on rent have a score of 100, indicating that these households are at the critical threshold for housing stress. A score of 100 or less indicates that households would pay more than 30% of income to access a rental dwelling, meaning they are at risk of experiencing housing stress.

For more information on the Rental Affordability Index please refer to SGS Economics and Planning.

The RAI is a price index for housing rental markets. It is a clear and concise indicator of rental affordability relative to household incomes, applied to geographic areas across Australia.

AURIN has spatially enabled the original data using geometries provided by SGS Economics and Planning. Values of 'NA' in the original data have been set to NULL.

This dataset presents the Rental Affordability Index (RAI) for all dwellings. The data uses a single median income value for all of Australia (enabling comparisons across regions), and spans the quarters Q1 2011 to Q2 2021. The RAI covers all states with available data, the Northern Territory does not form part of this dataset.

National Shelter, Bendigo Bank, The Brotherhood of St Laurence, and SGS Economics and Planning have released the RentalAffordability Index (RAI) on a biannual basis since 2015. Since 2019, the RAI has been released annually.

It is generally accepted that if housing costs exceed 30% of a low-income household's gross income, the household is experiencing housing stress (30/40 rule). That is, housing is unaffordable and housing costs consume a disproportionately high amount of household income. The RAI uses the 30 per cent of income rule. Rental affordability is calculated using the following equation, where 'qualifying income' refers to the household income required to pay rent where rent is equal to 30% of income:

RAI = (Median income ∕ Qualifying Income) x 100

In the RAI, households who are paying 30% of income on rent have a score of 100, indicating that these households are at the critical threshold for housing stress. A score of 100 or less indicates that households would pay more than 30% of income to access a rental dwelling, meaning they are at risk of experiencing housing stress.

For more information on the Rental Affordability Index please refer to SGS Economics and Planning.

The RAI is a price index for housing rental markets. It is a clear and concise indicator of rental affordability relative to household incomes, applied to geographic areas across Australia.

AURIN has spatially enabled the original data using geometries provided by SGS Economics and Planning. Values of 'NA' in the original data have been set to NULL.

This dataset presents the Rental Affordability Index (RAI) for 3 bedroom dwellings. The data uses different income values for each region within the Greater Capital Cities, and spans the quarters Q1 2011 to Q2 2021. The RAI covers all states with available data, the Northern Territory and Western Australia does not form part of this dataset.

National Shelter, Bendigo Bank, The Brotherhood of St Laurence, and SGS Economics and Planning have released the RentalAffordability Index (RAI) on a biannual basis since 2015. Since 2019, the RAI has been released annually.

It is generally accepted that if housing costs exceed 30% of a low-income household's gross income, the household is experiencing housing stress (30/40 rule). That is, housing is unaffordable and housing costs consume a disproportionately high amount of household income. The RAI uses the 30 per cent of income rule. Rental affordability is calculated using the following equation, where 'qualifying income' refers to the household income required to pay rent where rent is equal to 30% of income:

RAI = (Median income ∕ Qualifying Income) x 100

In the RAI, households who are paying 30% of income on rent have a score of 100, indicating that these households are at the critical threshold for housing stress. A score of 100 or less indicates that households would pay more than 30% of income to access a rental dwelling, meaning they are at risk of experiencing housing stress.

For more information on the Rental Affordability Index please refer to SGS Economics and Planning.

The RAI is a price index for housing rental markets. It is a clear and concise indicator of rental affordability relative to household incomes, applied to geographic areas across Australia.

AURIN has spatially enabled the original data using geometries provided by SGS Economics and Planning. Values of 'NA' in the original data have been set to NULL.

Portugal, Canada, and the United States were the countries with the highest house price to income ratio in 2023. In all three countries, the index exceeded 130 index points, while the average for all OECD countries stood at 117.5 index points. The index measures the development of housing affordability and is calculated by dividing nominal house price by nominal disposable income per head, with 2015 set as a base year when the index amounted to 100. An index value of 120, for example, would mean that house price growth has outpaced income growth by 20 percent since 2015. How have house prices worldwide changed since the COVID-19 pandemic? House prices started to rise gradually after the global financial crisis (2007–2008), but this trend accelerated with the pandemic. The countries with advanced economies, which usually have mature housing markets, experienced stronger growth than countries with emerging economies. Real house price growth (accounting for inflation) peaked in 2022 and has since lost some of the gain. Although, many countries experienced a decline in house prices, the global house price index shows that property prices in 2023 were still substantially higher than before COVID-19. Renting vs. buying In the past, house prices have grown faster than rents. However, the home affordability has been declining notably, with a direct impact on rental prices. As people struggle to buy a property of their own, they often turn to rental accommodation. This has resulted in a growing demand for rental apartments and soaring rental prices.

Click here to check Short-Term Rental Eligibility

Boston's ordinance on short-term rentals is designed to incorporate the growth of the home-share industry into the City's work to create affordable housing for all residents. We want to preserve housing for residents while allowing Bostonians to benefit from this new industry. Starting on on January 1, 2019, short-term rentals in Boston will need to register with the City of Boston.

Eligibility for every unit in the City of Boston is dependant on the following six criteria:

• No affordability covenant restrictions
• Compliance with housing laws and codes
• No violations of laws regarding short-term rental use
• Owner occupied
• Two- or three-family dwelling
• Residential use classification

The Short-Term Rental Eligibility Dataset leverages information, wherever possible, about these criteria. For additional details and information about these criteria, please visit https://www.boston.gov/short-term-rentals.

ABOUT THIS DATASET

In June 2018, a citywide ordinance established new guidelines and regulations for short-term rentals in Boston. Registration opened January 1, 2019. The Short-Term Rental Eligibility Dataset was created to help residents, landlords, and City officials determine whether a property is eligible to be registered as a short-term rental.

The Short-Term Rental Eligibility Dataset currently joins data from the following datasets and is refreshed nightly:

• Live Street Address Management (SAM) Addresses.
• Assessing Online.
• Building and Property Violations
• Problem Properties
• Income-Restricted Properties
• STR Registration Data

HOW TO DETERMINE ELIGIBILITY FOR SHORT-TERM RENTAL REGISTRATION

1. ** Open** the Short-Term Rental Eligibility Dataset. In the dataset's search bar, enter the address of the property you are seeking to register.

2. Find the row containing the correct address and unit of the property you are seeking. This is the information we have for your unit.

3. Look at the columns marked as “Home-Share Eligible,” “Limited-Share Eligible,” and “Owner-Adjacent Eligible.”

   • A “yes” under any of these columns means your unit IS eligible for registration under that short-term rental type. Click here for a description of short-term rental types.
   • A “no” under any of these columns means your unit is NOT eligible for registration under that short-term rental type. Click here for a description of short-term rental types.

4. If your unit has a “yes” under “Home-Share Eligible,” “Limited-Share Eligible,” or “Owner-Adjacent Eligible,” you can register your unit here.

WHY IS MY UNIT LISTED AS “NOT ELIGIBLE”?

If you find that your unit is listed as NOT eligible, and you would like to understand more about why, you can use the Short-Term Rental Eligibility Dataset to learn more. The following columns measure each of the six eligibility criteria in the following ways:

1. No affordability covenant restrictions

   • A “yes” in the “Income Restricted” column tells you that the unit is marked as income restricted and is NOT eligible.
     
     
   • The “Income Restricted” column measures whether the unit is subject to an affordability covenant, as reported by the Department of Neighborhood Development and/or the Boston Planning and Development Agency.
     
     
   • For questions about affordability covenants, contact the Department of Neighborhood Development.
     
     

2. Compliance with housing laws and codes

   • A “yes” in the “Problem Properties” column tells you that this unit is considered a “Problem Property” by the Problem Properties Task Force and is NOT eligible.
     
     
   • Learn more about how “Problem Properties” are defined here.
     
     
   • A “yes” in the “Problem Property Owner” column tells you that the owner of this unit also owns a “Problem Property,” as reported by the Problem Properties Task Force.
     
     
   • Owners with any properties designated as a Problem Property are NOT eligible.
     
     
   • No unit owned by the owner of a “Problem Property” may register a short-term rental.
     
     
   • Learn more about how “Problem Properties” are defined here.
     
     
   • The “Open Violation Count” column tells you how many open violations the unit has. Units with any open violations are NOT eligible. Violations counted include: violations of the sanitary, building, zoning, and fire code; stop work orders; and abatement orders.
     
     
   • NOTE: Violations written before 1/1/19 that are still open will make a unit NOT eligible until these violations are resolved.
     
     
   • If your unit has an open violation, visit these links to appeal your violation(s) or pay your code violation fine(s).
     
     
   • The “Violations in the Last 6 Months” column tells you how many violations the unit has received in the last six months. Units with three or more violations, whether open or closed, are NOT eligible.
     
     
   • NOTE: Only violations written on or after 1/1/19 will count against this criteria.
     
     
   • If your unit has an open violation, visit these links to appeal your violation(s) or pay your code violation fine(s).
     
     
   • How to comply with housing laws and codes:
     
     
   • Have an open violation? Visit these links to appeal your violation(s) or pay your code violation fine(s).
     
     
   • Have questions about problem properties? Visit Neighborhood Service’s Problem Properties site.
     
     

3. No violations of laws regarding short-term rental use

   • A “yes” in the “Legally Restricted” column tells you that there is a complaint against the unit that finds

     • A legal restriction that prohibits the use of the unit as a Short-Term Rental under local, state, or federal law, OR

     • legal restriction that prohibits the use of the unit as a Short-Term Rental under condominium bylaws.

     • Units with legal restrictions found upon investigation are NOT eligible.
       
       

     • If the investigation of a complaint against the unit yields restrictions of the nature detailed above, we will mark the unit with a “yes” in this column. Until such complaint-based investigations begin, all units are marked with “no.”
       
       

     • NOTE: Currently no units have a “legally restricted” designation.
       
       

4. Owner-occupied

   • A “no” in the “Unit Owner-Occupied” column tells you that there is NO Residential Tax Exemption filed for that unit via the Assessing Department, and that unit is automatically categorized as NOT eligible for the following Short-Term Rental types:

     • Home-Share
     • Limited-Share
       
       
     • Residential Tax Exemption indicates that a unit is owner-occupied and generates a “yes” in the “Unit Owner-Occupied” column.
       
       

     • Owners are not required to file a Residential Tax Exemption in order to be eligible to register a unit as a Short-Term Rental.
       
       

     • If you would like to apply for Residential Tax Exemption, you can apply here.
       
       

     • If you are the owner-occupant of a unit and you have not filed for Residential Tax Exemption, you can still register your unit by proving owner-occupancy.
       

     • It is recommended that you submit proof of residency in your short-term rental registration application to expedite the process of proving owner-occupancy (see

Turkey, Russia, Portugal, and Latvia were the countries with the highest house price-to-rent-ratio in the ranking in the second quarter of 2024. In all three countries, the ratio exceeded 160 index points, meaning that house price growth had outpaced rents by over 60 percent between 2015 and 2024. What does the house-price-to-rent ratio show? The house-price-to-rent-ratio measures the evolution of house prices compared to rents. It is generally calculated by dividing the median house price by the median annual rent. In this statistic, the values have been normalized with 100 equaling the 2015 ratio. Consequentially, a value under 100 means that rental rates have risen more than house prices. When all OECD countries are considered as a whole, the gap between house prices and rents was wider than in the Euro area. Measures of housing affordability The national house-price-to-rent ratio may not fully reflect the cost of housing in a particular country, as it does not capture the price variations that can exist between different regions. It also does not take into consideration the relationship between incomes and housing costs, which is measured by the house-price-to-income and household-rent-to-income ratios. Taking both these factors into account uncovers vast differences in housing affordability between different regions and different professions.

The study on political tasks with a particular need for action was conducted by the Allensbach Institute for Public Opinion Research on behalf of the Press and Information Office of the Federal Government. During the survey period from October 6 to October 19, 2023, the attitudes of the German population aged 16 and over were determined in personal interviews on the topics where they regularly see a great need for political action: Health and care, pensions and old-age provision, housing and education. The interviewees were selected using a quota sample. The findings are supplemented by results from eight qualitative group discussions conducted by GIM on behalf of the BPA.
Areas of major concern; areas in need of reform in Germany; areas in which reforms by the federal government are expected; perception of measures adopted by the traffic light government in the past two years or planned for the future (e.g. expansion of all-day care for primary school children, introduction of an electronic patient file, introduction of an equity pension, etc.); assessment of these measures as correct vs. not correct; perceived improvement vs. Deterioration of the situation in various areas over the past two years (healthcare, care for people in need of long-term care, pensions and old-age provision, availability of affordable housing, education system); areas in which the government has initiated the right reforms, reforms that are going in the wrong direction or have not done much (healthcare, care for people in need of long-term care, pensions and old-age provision, availability of affordable housing, education system).

Healthcare system: Assessment of the healthcare system and healthcare provision in Germany; trust in good medical care in general and in emergencies; requirements to ensure good healthcare provision in ten years´ time (remedy the shortage of skilled workers in the nursing professions, admit more students to medical degree programs, increase health insurance contributions, reduce health insurance benefits, improve healthcare provision in rural areas, merge hospitals, reduce bureaucracy and documentation requirements for doctors and nursing staff, drive forward the nationwide introduction of electronic patient records, manufacture important medical products such as protective clothing or certain medicines in Germany, expand digital services for patients, e.g. video consultations with the attending physician, design and prepare emergency plans for pandemics); key players for good healthcare in the future (politicians, doctors, health insurance companies, others); assessment of the healthcare and care situation in the region (there are not enough doctors in the region, all in all there is good medical care in the region, there is a lack of staff in the hospitals, it is difficult to get a place with an outpatient care service or in a nursing home, the nursing homes in the region lack qualified staff, the nursing homes in the region offer good overall care for people in need of care, the emergency rooms in hospitals are often overloaded, the nursing homes are very expensive, there is sufficient space in nursing homes, there is a lack of qualified staff in doctors´ surgeries, hospitals are being closed or merged); family members currently in need of care or expected need of care of a family member in the next 5 to 10 years; respondent cares for family members himself or expects to do so in the future.

Housing: Satisfaction with current housing situation; housing status; perceived burden of rental costs and utilities; change in rent level in recent years; house or apartment is big enough, need more space, even have too much space; characterization of the housing market and housing situation in the region (many vacant houses or apartments, many people move in, population is increasing, many young people, many people move away, population is decreasing, it is very difficult to find an apartment or house, many foreigners or refugees live here, residential area is attractive, many new apartments and houses are being built, many families with children, very high housing costs, mainly older people live here, real estate prices and rents have been rising for years, more and more newcomers and fewer and fewer people from here live here, unsafe residential area, lots of crime, good infrastructure, well suited for older people); suitable measures to create more affordable housing (promotion of social housing, rent subsidies for low-income earners (housing benefit); limiting rent increases (rent freeze), support for low- and middle-income families to buy their own home, upper limit for rents in a region (rent cap); financial support for people who want to buy their own home to provide for their old age, denser development of residential areas, raising the height of existing buildings by adding additional storeys, easing government regulations, e.g. energy standards, increased construction of apartment buildings...

The affordable rental housing developments listed below are supported by the City of Chicago to maintain affordability standards. For information on rents, income requirements and availability, contact each property directly. For information on other affordable rental properties in Chicago and Illinois, call (877) 428-8844, or visit www.ILHousingSearch.org.

In 2024, households in California needed an hourly wage of over 47 U.S. dollars to afford the rent of a two-bedroom apartment. Massachusetts had the second-least affordable two-bedroom apartments, as a household would have to earn at least around 45 U.S. dollars per hour in order to afford rent payments. These figures are considerably higher than the average minimum wage in place in many states. There was no state in which a minimum wage worker could afford rent for the average two-bedroom apartment, if they only worked 40 hours a week. Where are the least affordable counties and metros? The least affordable rents were predominately in Californian counties and metropolitan areas in 2024. District of Columbia has one of the highest minimum wages in the country, which stood at 17 U.S. dollars per hour as of January 2024. Thus, the affordability of two-bedroom apartments highlights how disproportionately high housing costs are in the state.

This dataset presents the Rental Affordability Index (RAI) for 3 bedroom dwellings. The data uses a single median income value for all of Australia (enabling comparisons across regions), and spans the quarters Q1 2011 to Q2 2021. The RAI covers all states with available data, the Northern Territory does not form part of this dataset.

National Shelter, Bendigo Bank, The Brotherhood of St Laurence, and SGS Economics and Planning have released the RentalAffordability Index (RAI) on a biannual basis since 2015. Since 2019, the RAI has been released annually.

It is generally accepted that if housing costs exceed 30% of a low-income household's gross income, the household is experiencing housing stress (30/40 rule). That is, housing is unaffordable and housing costs consume a disproportionately high amount of household income. The RAI uses the 30 per cent of income rule. Rental affordability is calculated using the following equation, where 'qualifying income' refers to the household income required to pay rent where rent is equal to 30% of income:

RAI = (Median income ∕ Qualifying Income) x 100

In the RAI, households who are paying 30% of income on rent have a score of 100, indicating that these households are at the critical threshold for housing stress. A score of 100 or less indicates that households would pay more than 30% of income to access a rental dwelling, meaning they are at risk of experiencing housing stress.

For more information on the Rental Affordability Index please refer to SGS Economics and Planning.

The RAI is a price index for housing rental markets. It is a clear and concise indicator of rental affordability relative to household incomes, applied to geographic areas across Australia.

AURIN has spatially enabled the original data using geometries provided by SGS Economics and Planning. Values of 'NA' in the original data have been set to NULL.

Since 2015, the gap between the cost of buying a home and renting has grown, with homeownership becoming increasingly less affordable. In the third quarter of 2024, the house price to rent ratio in the UK stood at 114.6. That meant that house price growth has outpaced rental growth by nearly 15 percent between 2015 and 2024. The UK's house price to rent ratio was slightly below the average Euro area ratio. House price to income ratio in the UK Another indicator for housing affordability is the house price to income ratio, which is calculated by dividing nominal house prices by the nominal disposable income per head. The ratio saw an overall increase between 2015, which was tthe base year, and 2022. After that, the index declined, but remained close to the average for the Euro area. Is it more affordable to rent or buy? There are many things to be considered when comparing buying to renting, such as the ability to qualify for a mortgage and whether prospective homebuyers have sufficient savings for a deposit. Generally, purchasing a home is more affordable than renting one. However, the average monthly savings first-time buyers can achieve have been on the decline. In East of England, where house prices have increased rapidly over the past few years, it was cheaper to rent than to buy in 2022.

This data set is EMBARGOED until noon ET Tuesday, June 29. This data is intended for print publication on or after June 29. A story will be filed under the slug US--Virus Outbreak-Rental Assistance.

Overview

The Center for Public Integrity in collaboration with the AP has collected detailed statistics from about 70 agencies that administered rental assistance programs in 2020 with money from the Coronavirus Relief Fund, part of the CARES Act. These figures show how much money these agencies planned to spend on rental assistance and how much they actually spent. We also have data showing how many households received assistance and how many applications were submitted.

An additional data sheet shows how much money was allocated for rental assistance from all sources (not just CRF money) per renter-occupied household in 2020 and statewide eviction rates in 2016, the latest available data from the Eviction Lab at Princeton University.

Findings

• All together, about 70 state and local agencies set aside $2.7 billion from the Coronavirus Relief Fund in 2020 for rental assistance programs. More than $425 million of that — 16 percent — was either reallocated for other COVID-related expenditures or remained unspent by March 31, 2021.
• Four states with comparatively high historic eviction rates allocated very little for renters in 2020. These states — Georgia, West Virginia, South Carolina and Oklahoma — are run by Republican governors.
• Onerous requisites, such as lengthy forms and extensive documentation requirements, prevented many applicants from accessing rental assistance funds. In New York, for example, tenants had to prove they were rent-burdened before the pandemic to qualify for assistance in the first round of funding; only $47.5 million wound up getting spent on rental assistance, out of $100 million allocated by the state legislature.

Methodology

The Center for Public Integrity started with a spreadsheet produced by the National Low Income Housing Coalition that showed every known rental assistance program in the United States as of Dec. 23, 2020. The detailed spreadsheet included how much money had been allocated per program and the source of those funds. Public Integrity isolated only the programs that were categorized as being funded by the Coronavirus Relief Fund, which was part of the CARES Act. We focused on the CRF because it was the largest single source of rental assistance in 2020. We contacted more than 70 agencies to find out how much money they wound up spending.

For the second set of data, we used the same NLIHC spreadsheet but tallied all allocations — regardless of funding source — for each state and divided that number by the U.S. Census Bureau’s estimate of renter-occupied households in each state (from American Community Survey table S2502, five-year estimate, 2015 to 2019). We also included the statewide eviction rates as of 2016 (the most recent available) published by the Eviction Lab.

Included Data

• 1-crf_programs.csv: Details for every known rental assistance program as of Dec. 23, 2020, that was funded by the Coronavirus Relief Fund.

  Columns A through E were collected by the National Low Income Housing Coalition, and they show the following: Geographic Level; State; City/County/Locality, if applicable; Program Name; and Administering Agency.

  Columns F through L were collected by Public Integrity and the Associated Press. Those columns show amount of CRF money set aside in 2020, the amount spent on rental assistance by March 31, 2021, the amount reallocated or unspent by March 31, 2021, the percent unspent by March 31, 2021, the number of households that received assistance by March 31, 2021, the number of applications received by March 31, 2021, and notes about the data.

• 2-state_totals.csv: State-level totals for all known allocated rental assistance funding, regardless of funding source, along with the number of renter-occupied households in each state from 2015 to 2019, the statewide eviction rate as of 2016, and the amount of allocated rental assistance funding per renter-occupied household.

Caveats

• If your city, county or state does not appear to have allocated any money for rental assistance, check with your local and state officials or your governor’s office to find out if a program was indeed administered. We can’t ensure that every program wound up on the NLIHC’s original list.
• We only focused on programs that were categorized as being part of the Coronavirus Relief Fund, but your city, county or state may have had a rental assistance program with other sources of funding.
• The per-capita funding figures do not necessarily indicate that those state governments administered rental assistance programs. Some — or all — of that per-capita money could have been administered by local governments. For example, Georgia did not administer a statewide rental assistance program in 2020; the per-capita figure for Georgia reflects money spent in that state by local governments. For a full list of programs, visit NLIHC’s broader list at https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1hLfybfo9NydIptQu5wghUpKXecimh3gaoqT7LU1JGc8/edit#gid=1851738141.
• Eviction rates were not available for these four states in 2016: Alaska, Arkansas, North Dakota and South Dakota.

Attribution

“According to data obtained by the Center for Public Integrity, The Associated Press and the National Low Income Housing Coalition”.

Contact reporter Sarah Kleiner at skleiner@publicintegrity.org.