A survey conducted in February 2025 found that the most important issue for 24 percent of Americans was inflation and prices. A further 12 percent of respondents were most concerned about jobs and the economy.

In December 2024, 11 percent of survey respondents said that the most important problem facing the United States was the high cost of living and inflation. Another 20percent said that the government and poor leadership was the most serious concern for the nation.

In this 2018 survey, eight percent of respondents stated they think the biggest problem for the United States today is Donald Trump. In fact, most of the important problems mentioned are somehow related to the current POTUS – the most mentioned one being immigration and racism.

A country divided

Since Trump’s inauguration in January 2017, political camps in the United States are deeply divided and global politics is in turmoil; Trump’s job approval ratings are notoriously low, and in fact, they are lower than Reagan’s or Nixon’s averages ever were. Trump’s leadership is controversial at best and his executive orders often cause protests, especially among Democrats and liberals – like the travel ban for Muslims.

On the other side

One of Trump’s main campaign promises was a wall on the border with Mexico in order to keep potential illegal immigrants out and enhance security for American citizens. When he did not get the majority for this plan, he declared a national emergency to force the budget to be allocated, even though the majority of Americans did not support this idea, and it is unclear if the situation at the Mexican border actually warrants it. In fact, the total number of unauthorized immigrants has decreased over the last few years and today, many Americans believe that their country benefits from immigrants and their work .

This poll is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. In this poll, respondents were asked about President Ronald Reagan's performance in office and the government's handling of the economy, with a special focus on United States involvement in Latin America. Demographic information on respondents includes age, sex, race, educational level, employment status, political party affiliation, voting history, and marital status.

According to a survey from late December 2024, the two most important issues among Republican voters in the United States were inflation and immigration, with 25 and 22 percent ranking it their primary political concerns respectively. In contrast, only two percent of Democrats considered immigration their most important issue. Inflation and healthcare were the leading issues among democrats in the U.S.

In a survey conducted between 2022 and 2023, stark divisions between Democrats and Republicans emerged on a number political issues. One of the most pronounced disparities was in regards to government responsibility for ensuring universal healthcare access, with less than one-third of Republicans in favor compared to 85 percent of Democrats. Furthermore, environmental protection emerged as another polarizing topic, with just 26 percent of Republicans prioritizing it over energy development, in contrast to the 81 percent of Democrats who regarded it as a top priority.

This study is part of a quadrennial series designed to investigate the opinions and attitudes of the general public on matters related to foreign policy, and to define the parameters of public opinion within which decision-makers must operate. This public opinion study of the United States focused on respondents' opinions of the United States' leadership role in the world and the challenges the country faces domestically and internationally. The survey covered the following international topics: relations with other countries, role in foreign affairs, possible threats to vital interests in the next ten years, foreign policy goals, benefits or drawbacks of globalization, situations that might justify the use of United States troops in other parts of the world, the number and location of United States military bases overseas, respondent feelings toward people of other countries, opinions on the influence of other countries in the world and how much influence those countries should have, whether there should be a global regulating body to prevent economic instability, international trade, United States participation in potential treaties, the United States' role in the United Nations and NATO, respondent opinions on international institutions and regulating bodies such as the United Nations, World Trade Organization, and the World Health Organization, whether the United States will continue to be the world's leading power in the next 50 years, democracy in the Middle East and South Korea, the role of the United Nations Security Council, which side the United States should take in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, what measures should be taken to deal with Iran's nuclear program, the military effort in Afghanistan, opinions on efforts to combat terrorism and the use of torture to extract information from prisoners, whether the respondent favors or opposes the government selling military equipment to other nations and using nuclear weapons in various circumstances, the economic development of China, and the conflict between North and South Korea. Domestic issues included economic prospects for American children when they become adults, funding for government programs, the fairness of the current distribution of income in the United States, the role of government, whether the government can be trusted to do what is right, climate change, greenhouse gas emissions, United States' dependence on foreign energy sources, drilling for oil and natural gas off the coast of the United States, and relations with Mexico including such issues as the ongoing drug war, as well as immigration and immigration reform. Demographic and other background information included age, gender, race/ethnicity, marital status, left-right political self-placement, political affiliation, employment status, highest level of education, and religious preference. Also included are household size and composition, whether the respondent is head of household, household income, housing type, ownership status of living quarters, household Internet access, Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) status, and region and state of residence.

This dataset covers ballots 310, 312-15, spanning January, June, September-November 1965. The dataset contains the data resulting from these polls in ASCII. The ballots are as follows: 310 - January This Gallup poll aims to collect the opinions of Canadians on a variety of issues important to the country and government. Some of the questions are about politics, government, and current topics of interest to Canadians, including capital punishment, marriage and juvenile delinquency. The respondents were also asked questions so that they could be grouped according to geographic, demographic, and social variables. Topics of interest include: advertising on television and radio; the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (C.B.C.); capital punishment; Diefenbaker's performance as opposition leader; education funding; fairness in collecting taxes; federal elections; juvenile delinquency; predictions for the next world war; Pearson's performance as Prime Minister; product quality; proposing for marriage; opinions towards provincial governments; opinions towards the size of Canada's population; how the new leadership of the Soviet Union is going to affect international relations; tax levels; union membership; the United Nations' peacekeeping chances; and voting behaviour. Basic demographics variables are also included. 312 - June This Gallup poll aims to collect the opinions of Canadians on important political issues, both within Canada and abroad. Included are questions about political parties and leaders, and current events topics, such as abortion, birth control, and American involvement in Viet Nam. The respondents were also asked questions so that they could be grouped according to geographic, demographic, and social variables. Topics of interest include: American intervention in Viet Nam; birth control approval; Canada Pension Plan age eligibility; church attendance; the Conservative party; country Canada is most closely tied with; curfew for kids under 16; doctors reporting unfit drivers; Expo '67 interest; federal elections; whether the respondents have heard of gallup polls; languages taught in schools; legalizing abortion; the Liberal party; most important freedoms; the New Democratic Party; predictions for political parties; Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism's performance; Social Credit party; union membership; union of the Anglican and the United church; and voting behaviour. Basic demographics variables are also included. 313 - September This Gallup poll intends to collect the opinions of Canadians. The main theme of the survey questions is politics, with most questions relating either to political parties or leaders, or issues that are of importance to the government and Canadians in general. Respondents were also asked questions so that they could be grouped according to geographic, demographic, and social variables. Topics of interest include: civil service strikes; compulsory Medicare; Diefenbaker's performance as leader of the opposition; federal elections; immigration of skilled workers to Canada; whether inflation is dangerous or not; if the Liberal party is favouring a certain group; whether a minority government is good for the nation; attitudes towards mothers in law; Pearson's performance as Prime Minister; preferred political parties; price and wage freezes; opinions of school officials hitting pupils; union membership; the United Nations' problems with Peacekeeping; and voting behaviour. Basic demographics variables are also included. 314 - October This Gallup poll seeks the opinions of Canadians on issues of importance to the country and government. This survey has a strong interest in politics, elections and votings, due to the fact that it was conducted prior to an election. Most of the questions are about voting habits, preferred parties, and political leaders. The respondents were also asked questions so that they could be grouped according to geographic, demographic and social variables. Topics of interest include: car ownership; causes of high prices; whether Diefenbaker or Pearson would be better for national unity; whether farmers are getting a fair deal from the government; federal elections; the importance of a majority government; preferred political parties; union membership; and voting behaviour. Basic demographics variables are also included. 315 - November This Gallup poll aims to collect the opinions and views of Canadians on issues of importance to the country. The survey questions are predominantly politically based, asking about preferred leaders and parties, as well as about other issues important to the country and government. The respondents were also asked questions so that they could be grouped according to geographic, demographic, and social variables. Topics of interest include: Canada's relations with the United States; car ownership; causes of high prices; economic conditions; federal elections; French/English relations; which leader would be best for national unity; which political parties are best fo certain groups; whether Russia would side with China or the United States in a war; the success of political campaigns; union membership; voting behaviour; and whether women should be given equal opportunity for jobs. Basic demographics variables are also included.The codebook for this dataset is available through the UBC Library catalogue, with call number HN110.Z9 P84.

This statistic shows the results of a 2012 survey in the United States regarding the most important problems in the current U.S. economy. The respondents were sorted by political party. In 2012, 27 percent of democrats, 38 percent of republicans and 30 percent of independent voters stated that the economy in general was the most crucial problem for the United States.

This study is part of a time-series collection of national surveys fielded continuously since 1948. The election studies are designed to present data on Americans' social backgrounds, enduring political predispositions, social and political values, perceptions and evaluations of political groups and candidates, opinions on questions of public policy, and participation in political life. The 2000 National Election Study entailed both a pre-election interview and a post-election re-interview. A freshly drawn cross-section of the electorate was taken to yield 1,807 cases. Because the study includes a carefully designed mode experiment, the data represent two presidential studies in 2000, side by side. The core study preserves the past commitment to probability area sampling and face-to-face interviewing: 1,006 respondents were interviewed prior to the election and 694 were re-interviewed face-to-face after the election. Supporting the core study, random-digit dial sampling and telephone interviewing were used to interview by phone 803 respondents prior to the election and 862 respondents after the election. This experiment allows an examination of the differences between the two modes and provides a preview of what shifting to telephone interviewing will mean for future ANES time-series iterations. The content of the 2000 election study reflects its dual purpose as a traditional presidential election year time-series data collection and as a mode study. Many of the substantive themes included in the 2000 questionnaires are a continuation of past topics. Interest in politics and the election was examined through questions regarding interest in the political campaigns, concern about the outcome, attentiveness to the media's coverage of the campaign, and information about politics. Respondents' knowledge of candidates and the political parties was ascertained through questions evaluating the presidential candidates and their placement on various issue dimensions. Respondents' knowledge of the religious background of the major presidential and vice-presidential candidates, partisanship and evaluations of the political parties, as well as knowledge, and evaluation of the United States House of Representatives and United States Senate candidates was also ascertained. Respondents were asked about their political participation in the November general election and in other forms of electoral campaign activities, their choice for president, their choice for the United States House of Representatives, and the United States Senate, as well as their second choice for president. Respondents were also queried about President Clinton's legacy and their knowledge of former president George Bush Sr. and his administration. Additional items focused on respondents' perceptions of personal and national economic well-being, their positions on social welfare issues (including government health insurance, federal budget priorities, and the role of government in the provision of jobs and a good standard of living), campaign finance and preference for divided government, social issues (including gun control, abortion, women's roles, the rights of homosexuals, the death penalty, school vouchers, environmental policy), racial and ethnic stereotypes, affirmative action, attitudes toward immigrants, and views on the nation's most important problem. Respondents' values and political predispositions (including moral traditionalism, political efficacy, egalitarianism, humanitarianism, individualism, and trust in government), views on fairness in elections, satisfaction with democracy, and the value of voting were also assessed. Other questions addressed social altruism, social connectedness, feeling thermometers on a wide range of political figures and political groups, affinity with various social groups, and detailed demographic information and measures of religious affiliation and religiosity. Several new concepts were also addressed in the 2000 study and include measures of social trust derived from perceptions of the trustworthiness of neighbors and coworkers. Voter turnout was also investigated with expanded response categories to help respondents be more accurate in determining whether they did in fact vote in November 2000. The concept of political knowledge was addressed with new instructions encouraging respondents to take their best guess when

This poll is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President George W. Bush and his handling of the presidency, the economy, education, environmental issues, the federal budget, the campaign against terrorism, and Social Security, as well as their views on Congress, the Republican party, the Democratic party, First Lady Laura Bush, and Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle. Those queried were asked which domestic and foreign policy issues should receive the administration's attention, which political party could be trusted to address these issues, and on what topics Bush should focus in his upcoming State of the Union speech. Respondents were asked to identify Bush's two most significant accomplishments and to assess his job performance during his first year in office. They were also asked whether Bush understood the problems of the average American, and whether big business, environmental groups, the oil/gas industry, and/or the American people had the appropriate amount of influence in the Bush administration. Opinions were elicited on the state of the nation's economy, how long the current economic recession would last, whether military spending or spending on social programs should be reduced to balance the federal budget, and whether the Bush administration was responsible for the budget deficit. Respondent views were sought on the 2001 collapse of the energy trading giant Enron Corporation. Topics covered whether the Enron situation was an isolated incident, whether new laws regulating corporate accounting practices or the enforcement of existing laws were necessary, the Bush administration's dealings with Enron, whether recipients of campaign contributions from Enron should disclose communications with Enron officials, and whether a full-scale federal investigation should be conducted. A series of questions addressed the ongoing war on terrorism. Topics covered respondent confidence in the ability of the United States government to prevent further terrorist attacks against Americans and to capture/kill Osama Bin Laden, whether his capture was necessary for the war to be considered a success, possible military action against Iraq to force Saddam Hussein from power, and whether non-citizens charged with terrorism should be put on trial in the United States court system or in a military tribunal. A series of questions focused on the benefits given to families of the victims of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. Items focused on whether payments should be reduced for families that had other sources of financial benefits, whether victims of previous terrorist attacks should be paid similar benefits, and whether payments should be made to the families and victims of all future terrorist attacks. Respondents expressed their degree of confidence in the federal government's ability to actually solve a problem. Those queried gave their opinions on the amount of waste in military and domestic program spending by the United States government, whether they would rather work in the public or private sector, and whether a smaller government with fewer services or a larger government with many services was preferred. A series of questions focused on Saudi Arabia. Topics covered whether Saudi Arabia was an ally or enemy of the United States, the importance of maintaining good relations with them, and whether the United States was dependent on the oil it buys from Saudi Arabia. In addition, respondents were asked to give their views on whether the federal government should allow oil drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge in Alaska. Background information on respondents includes age, gender, political party, political orientation, voter registration and participation history, education, race, Hispanic descent, marital status, children in household, religion, labor union membership, urban/suburban/rural area of residence, whether close family/friends lost a job in the previous six months, and household income.

This study is part of a time-series collection of national surveys fielded continuously since 1952. The election studies are designed to present data on Americans' social backgrounds, enduring political predispositions, social and political values, perceptions and evaluations of groups and candidates, opinions on questions of public policy, and participation in political life. The 2000 National Election Study (NES) entailed both a pre-election interview and a post-election reinterview. A freshly drawn cross-section of the electorate was taken to yield 1,807 cases. Because the study includes a carefully designed mode experiment, the data represent two presidential studies in 2000, side by side. The core study preserves the past commitment to probability area sampling and face-to-face interviewing: 1,000 respondents were interviewed prior to the election and 694 were reinterviewed face-to-face after the election. Supporting the core study, random-digit dial sampling and telephone interviewing were used: 803 respondents were interviewed by phone prior to the election and 862 respondents were interviewed by phone after the election. As such, the experiment examines the differences between the two modes and provides a preview of what shifting to telephone interviewing will mean for the NES time-series. The content of the 2000 election study reflects its dual purpose as a traditional presidential election year time-series data collection and as a mode study. Many of the substantive themes included in the 2000 questionnaires are a continuation of past topics. Interest in politics and the election was examined through questions regarding interest in the political campaigns, concern about the outcome, attentiveness to the media's coverage of the campaign, and information about politics. Respondents' knowledge of candidates and the political parties was ascertained through questions evaluating the presidential candidates and placement of presidential candidates on various issue dimensions, knowledge of the religious background of the major presidential and vice-presidential candidates, partisanship and evaluations of the political parties, and knowledge of and evaluation of United States House of Representatives and United States Senate candidates. Respondents were also asked about their political participation in the November general election and in other forms of electoral campaign activity, their choice for president, their choice for the United States House of Representatives, and the United States Senate, as well as their second choice for president. Respondents were also queried about President Clinton's legacy and their knowledge of former president George Bush Sr. and his administration. Additional items focused on respondents' perceptions of personal and national economic well-being, their positions on social welfare issues (including government health insurance, federal budget priorities, and the role of government in the provision of jobs and a good standard of living), campaign finance and preference for divided government, social issues (including gun control, abortion, women's roles, the rights of homosexuals, the death penalty, school vouchers, environmental policy), racial and ethnic stereotypes, affirmative action, attitudes toward immigrants, and views on the nation's most important problem. Respondents' values and political predispositions (including moral traditionalism, political efficacy, egalitarianism, humanitarianism, individualism, and trust in government), views on fairness in elections, satisfaction with democracy, and the value of voting were also assessed. Other questions addressed social altruism, social connectedness, feeling thermometers on a wide range of political figures and political groups, affinity with various social groups, and detailed demographic information and measures of religious affiliation and religiosity. Several new concepts were also addressed in the 2000 study and include measures of social trust derived from perceptions of the trustworthiness of neighbors and coworkers. Voter turnout was also investigated with expanded response categories to help respondents be more accurate in determining whether they did in fact vote in November 2000. The concept of political knowledge was also addressed with new instructions encouraging respondents to take their best guess when answering t

This study is part of the American National Election Study (ANES), a time-series collection of national surveys fielded continuously since 1948. The American National Election Studies are designed to present data on Americans' social backgrounds, enduring political predispositions, social and political values, perceptions and evaluations of groups and candidates, opinions on questions of public policy, and participation in political life. As with all Time Series studies conducted during years of presidential elections, respondents were interviewed during the two months preceding the November election (Pre-election interview), and then re-interviewed during the two months following the election (Post-election interview). Like its predecessors, the 2012 ANES was divided between questions necessary for tracking long-term trends and questions necessary to understand the particular political moment of 2012. The study maintains and extends the ANES time-series 'core' by collecting data on Americans' basic political beliefs, allegiances, and behaviors, which are so critical to a general understanding of politics that they are monitored at every election, no matter the nature of the specific campaign or the broader setting. For the first time in the ANES Time Series history, face-to-face interviewing was supplemented in 2012 with data collection on the Internet. Data collection was conducted in the two modes independently, using separate samples. While face-to-face (FTF) respondents were administered the single pre-election interview and single post-election interview traditional to Time Series presidential-election-year studies, for the internet sample the same questions were administered over a total of four shorter online interviews, two pre-election and two post-election. Web-administered cases constituted a representative sample separate from the face-to-face sample and were drawn from panel members of GfK Knowledge Networks. The face-to-face (FTF) sample of fresh cross-section cases featured oversamples of African-Americans and Hispanics. For the first time in the ANES Time Series, FTF respondents were administered CAPI interviews programmed as instruments on handheld tablets, which were employed by interviewers using touchscreen, stylus, attached keyboard or any combination of entry modes according to interviewer preference. In both the pre-election and post-election FTF interviews a special CASI (Computer Assisted Self-Interviewing) segment was conducted. In addition to content on electoral participation, voting behavior, and public opinion, the 2012 ANES Time Series Study contains questions about areas such as media exposure, cognitive style, and values and predispositions. Several items were measured on the ANES for the first time, including "Big Five" personality traits using the Ten Item Personality Inventory (TIPI), skin tone observations made by interviewers in the face-to-face study, and a vocabulary test from the General Social Survey called "Wordsum." The Post-Election interview also included Module 4 from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES). Demographic variables include respondent age, education level, political affiliation, race/ethnicity, marital status, and family composition.

Two parallel processes structure American politics in the current moment: partisan polarization and the increasing linkage between racial attitudes and issue preferences of all sorts. We develop a novel theory that roots these two trends in historical changes in party coalitions. Changing racial compositions of the two major parties led to the formation of racialized images about Democrats and Republicans in people’s minds—and these images now structure Americans’ partisan loyalties and policy preferences. We test this theory in three empirical studies. First, using the American National Election Studies we trace the growing racial gap in party coalitions as well as the increasing overlap between racial and partisan affect. Then, in two original survey studies we directly measure race–party schemas and explore their political consequences. We demonstrate that race–party schemas are linked to partisan affect and issue preferences—with clear implications for the recent developments in U.S. politics.

This study is part of a time-series collection of national surveys fielded continuously since 1952. The American National Election Studies are designed to present data on Americans' social backgrounds, enduring political predispositions, social and political values, perceptions and evaluations of groups and candidates, opinions on questions of public policy, and participation in political life. This data collection is a subset of a larger survey conducted by the Economic Behavior Program of the Survey Research Center (AMERICAN NATIONAL ELECTION STUDY, 1960 [ICPSR 7216]) and includes only a limited number of items pertaining to political behavior, with the major focus on attitudinal questions designed to measure consumer optimism and confidence.

This Gallup polls seeks the opinions of Canadians on current events in Canada and around the world, the continuing development of industry and communities in Canada, and some lighter topics including holidays. Respondents were also asked questions so that they could be grouped according to geographic, demographic, and social variables. Topics of interest include: American influence over Canada; American investment in Canada; the conflict between Israel and the Arabs; arms sales in Canada; bilingualism and unity; the British commonwealth; federal elections; flouridation of water; gender issues; how to spend holidays; major development of Canada; preferred political parties; prevention of war; standards of living; union membership; the United Nations; and voting behaviour. Basic demographics variables are also included.

This map layer shows the prevalent generations that make up the population of the United States using multiple scales. As of 2018, the most predominant generations in the U.S. are Baby Boomers (born 1946-1964), Millennials (born 1981-1998), and Generation Z (born 1999-2016). Currently, Millennials are the most predominant population in the U.S.A generation represents a group of people who are born around the same time and experience world events and trends during the same stage of life through similar mediums (for example, online, television, print, or radio). Because of this, people born in the same generation are expected to have been exposed to similar values and developmental experiences, which may cause them to exhibit similar traits or behaviors over their lifetimes. Generations provide scientists and government officials the opportunity to measure public attitudes on important issues by people’s current position in life and document those differences across demographic groups and geographic regions. Generational cohorts also give researchers the ability to understand how different developmental experiences, such as technological, political, economic, and social changes, influence people’s opinions and personalities. Studying people in generational groups is significant because an individual’s age is a conventional predictor for understanding cultural and political gaps within the U.S. population.Though there is no exact equation to determine generational cutoff points, it is understood that we designate generational spans based on a 15- to 20-year gap. The only generational period officially designated by the U.S. Census Bureau is based on the surge of births after World War II in 1946 and a significant decline in birth rates after 1964 (Baby Boomers). From that point, generational gaps have been determined by significant political, economic, and social changes that define one’s formative years (for example, Generation Z is considered to be marked by children who were directly affected by the al Qaeda attacks of September 11, 2001).In this map layer, we visualize six active generations in the U.S., each marked by significant changes in American history:The Greatest Generation (born 1901-1924): Tom Brokaw’s 1998 book, The Greatest Generation, coined the term ‘the Greatest Generation” to describe Americans who lived through the Great Depression and later fought in WWII. This generation had significant job and education opportunities as the war ended and the postwar economic booms impacted America.The Silent Generation (born 1925-1945): The title “Silent Generation” originated from a 1951 essay published in Time magazine that proposed the idea that people born during this period were more cautious than their parents. Conflict from the Cold War and the potential for nuclear war led to widespread levels of discomfort and uncertainty throughout the generation.Baby Boomers (born 1946-1964): Baby Boomers were named after a significant increase in births after World War II. During this 20-year span, life was dramatically different for those born at the beginning of the generation than those born at the tail end of the generation. The first 10 years of Baby Boomers (Baby Boomers I) grew up in an era defined by the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War, in which a lot of this generation either fought in or protested against the war. Baby Boomers I tended to have great economic opportunities and were optimistic about the future of America. In contrast, the last 10 years of Baby Boomers (Baby Boomers II) had fewer job opportunities and available housing than their Boomer I counterparts. The effects of the Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal led a lot of second-wave boomers to lose trust in the American government. Generation X (born 1965-1980): The label “Generation X” comes from Douglas Coupland’s 1991 book, Generation X: Tales for An Accelerated Culture. This generation was notoriously exposed to more hands-off parenting, out-of-home childcare, and higher rates of divorce than other generations. As a result, many Gen X parents today are concerned about avoiding broken homes with their own kids.Millennials (born 1981-1998): During the adolescence of Millennials, America underwent a technological revolution with the emergence of the internet. Because of this, Millennials are generally characterized by older generations to be technologically savvy.Generation Z (born 1999-2016): Generation Z or “Zoomers” represent a generation raised on the internet and social media. Gen Z makes up the most ethnically diverse and largest generation in American history. Like Millennials, Gen Z is recognized by older generations to be very familiar with and/or addicted to technology.Questions to ask when you look at this mapDo you notice any trends with the predominant generations located in big cities? Suburbs? Rural areas?Where do you see big clusters of the same generation living in the same area?Which areas do you see the most diversity in generations?Look on the map for where you, your parents, aunts, uncles, and grandparents live. Do they live in areas where their generation is the most predominant?

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The Audit of Political Engagement is a time-series study providing an annual benchmark to measure political engagement in Great Britain, gauging public opinion about politics and the political system, and more broadly the general health of our democracy. Each Audit report presents the findings from a public opinion survey, providing detailed commentary on a range of measures that have been chosen as key measures of political engagement. Repeating questions in successive years enables us to chronicle the public’s responses year on year and track the direction and magnitude of change since the Audit was first published in 2004, building trend data on public attitudes to key aspects of our democracy.

The Audit looks at core inter-locking areas that are known as vital facets, or 'building blocks', of political engagement. Given the multi-dimensional nature of political engagement, the indicators chosen are not exhaustive, but in capturing aspects of public behaviour, knowledge, opinions, attitudes and values towards politics they help us understand the drivers of political engagement and the relationships between them. Across the Audit series several 'core' indicator questions have been asked each year, supplemented by a range of thematic and topical questions, some of which are re-visited on two- or three-year cycles.

Further information about the survey series is available from the Hansard Society Audit of Political Engagement webpages.


The Audit of Political Engagement 14, 2017 was conducted by Ipsos MORI between 2 December 2016 and 15 January 2017 with a representative quota sample of adults aged 18 and over across Great Britain. Booster samples were included to make comparisons between England, Scotland and Wales, and between the white and black and minority ethnic (BME) populations, more statistically reliable. The data can also be weighted to match the national population profile. The 14th Audit took place after the European Union referendum of 23 June 2016 which was the biggest democratic event that has taken place in the 14-year life of this Audit study and one of the biggest in British electoral history.


Main Topics:
The core indicators of political engagement covered in every survey aim to discover the percentage of people who:

• feel they know about politics
• are interested in politics;
• are absolutely certain to vote at an immediate general election
• have undertaken a range of political activities
• believe that getting involved in politics is effective
• think that the present system of governing works well

Questions asked regularly but not every year aim to discover the percentage of people who:

• are satisfied with MPs in general, with their own MP, with the UK Parliament
• agree that the UK Parliament holds government to account, encourages public involvement in politics, is essential to our democracy, debates and makes decision on issues that matter to me
• feel involved in local/national decision-making
• want to be involved in local/national decision-making

Topics covered in 2017 include: the EU referendum; attitudes to referendums; role of MPs; most effective in holding UK Government to account; public engagement with Parliament; support for more referendums.

This Gallup poll aims to collect the opinions of Canadians on important political issues, both within Canada and abroad. Included are questions about political parties and leaders, and current events topics, such as abortion, birth control, and American involvement in Viet Nam. The respondents were also asked questions so that they could be grouped according to geographic, demographic, and social variables. Topics of interest include: American intervention in Viet Nam; birth control approval; Canada Pension Plan age eligibility; church attendance; the Conservative party; country Canada is most closely tied with; curfew for kids under 16; doctors reporting unfit drivers; Expo '67 interest; federal elections; whether the respondents have heard of gallup polls; languages taught in schools; legalizing abortion; the Liberal party; most important freedoms; the New Democratic Party; predictions for political parties; Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism's performance; Social Credit party; union membership; union of the Anglican and the United church; and voting bahaviour. Basic demographics variables are also included.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The Audit of Political Engagement is a time-series study providing an annual benchmark to measure political engagement in Great Britain, gauging public opinion about politics and the political system, and more broadly the general health of our democracy. Each Audit report presents the findings from a public opinion survey, providing detailed commentary on a range of measures that have been chosen as key measures of political engagement. Repeating questions in successive years enables us to chronicle the public’s responses year on year and track the direction and magnitude of change since the Audit was first published in 2004, building trend data on public attitudes to key aspects of our democracy.

The Audit looks at core inter-locking areas that are known as vital facets, or 'building blocks', of political engagement. Given the multi-dimensional nature of political engagement, the indicators chosen are not exhaustive, but in capturing aspects of public behaviour, knowledge, opinions, attitudes and values towards politics they help us understand the drivers of political engagement and the relationships between them. Across the Audit series several 'core' indicator questions have been asked each year, supplemented by a range of thematic and topical questions, some of which are re-visited on two- or three-year cycles.

Further information about the survey series is available from the Hansard Society Audit of Political Engagement webpages.


The Audit of Political Engagement 11, 2013 (APE 11) explored public attitudes to the conduct of politicians generally and the accountability of MPs in particular. It builds on earlier focus group research talking to members of the public about their perceptions of the political system and what they would most like to change in order to improve it. There was a strong preference in the focus groups, confirmed in APE 10, for MPs to be more accountable. The APE 11 survey examined ideas for what greater accountability might look like in practice. The survey also investigated attitudes to Prime Minister's Question Time (PMQs), finding that the public are far from engaged or content with the most high-profile element of Parliament’s work.


Main Topics:
The core indicators of political engagement covered in every survey aim to discover the percentage of people who:

• feel they know about politics
• are interested in politics;
• are absolutely certain to vote at an immediate general election
• have undertaken a range of political activities
• believe that getting involved in politics is effective
• think that the present system of governing works well

Questions asked regularly but not every year aim to discover the percentage of people who:

• are satisfied with MPs in general, with their own MP, with the UK Parliament
• agree that the UK Parliament holds government to account, encourages public involvement in politics, is essential to our democracy, debates and makes decision on issues that matter to me
• feel involved in local/national decision-making
• want to be involved in local/national decision-making

Topics covered in APE 11, 2013 include: electoral registration; feelings of partisanship; consumption of and attitudes to Prime Minister's Question Time (PMQs); perceptions of politicians; preferred mechanisms for accountability of MPs; attitudes to the European Parliament elections.