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TwitterThe percentage of persons, out of the total number of persons living in an area, self-identifying as racially White (and ethnically non-Hispanic). “White” refers to a person having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East, or North Africa. This indicator includes people who identified their race(s) as “White”. Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, American Community Survey Years Available: 2010, 2011-2015, 2012-2016, 2013-2017, 2014-2018, 2015-2019, 2020, 2017-2021, 2018-2022, 2019-2023Please note: We do not recommend comparing overlapping years of data due to the nature of this dataset. For more information, please visit: https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/acs/guidance/comparing-acs-data.html
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Context
This list ranks the 1 cities in the Baltimore city, MD by Multi-Racial White population, as estimated by the United States Census Bureau. It also highlights population changes in each cities over the past five years.
When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 5-Year Estimates, including:
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Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.
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Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.
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Abstract (en): This study explores attitudes and perceptions related to urban problems and race relations in 15 northern cities of the United States (Baltimore, Boston, Brooklyn, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Detroit, Gary, Milwaukee, Newark, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, St. Louis, San Francisco, and Washington, DC). More specifically, it seeks to define the social and psychological characteristics and aspirations of the Black and White urban populations. Samples of Blacks and Whites were selected in each of the cities in early 1968. The study employed two questionnaire forms, one for Whites and one for Blacks, and two corresponding data files were generated. Attitudinal questions asked of the White and Black respondents measured their satisfaction with community services, their feelings about the effectiveness of government in solving urban problems, and their experience with police abuse. Additional questions about the respondent's familiarity with and participation in antipoverty programs were included. Other questions centered on the respondent's opinions about the 1967 riots: the main causes, the purpose, the major participating classes, and the effect of the riots on the Black cause. Respondents' interracial relationships, their attitudes toward integration, and their perceptions of the hostility between the races were also investigated. White respondents were asked about their opinions on the use of governmental intervention as a solution for various problems of the Blacks, such as substandard schools, unemployment, and unfair housing practices. Respondent's reactions to nonviolent and violent protests by Blacks, their acceptance of counter-rioting by Whites and their ideas concerning possible governmental action to prevent further rioting were elicited. Inquiries were made as to whether or not the respondent had given money to support or hinder the Black cause. Other items investigated respondents' perceptions of racial discrimination in jobs, education, and housing, and their reactions to working under or living next door to a Black person. Black respondents were asked about their perceptions of discrimination in hiring, promotion, and housing, and general attitudes toward themselves and towards Blacks in general. The survey also investigated respondents' past participation in civil rights organizations and in nonviolent and/or violent protests, their sympathy with rioters, and the likelihood of personal participation in a future riot. Other questions probed respondents' attitudes toward various civil rights leaders along with their concurrence with statements concerning the meaning of "Black power." Demographic variables include sex and age of the respondent, and the age and relationship to the respondent of each person in the household, as well as information about the number of persons in the household, their race, and the type of structure in which they lived. Additional demographic topics include the occupational and educational background of the respondent, of the respondent's family head, and of the respondent's father. The respondent's family income and the amount of that income earned by the head of the family were obtained, and it was determined if any of the family income came from welfare, Social Security, or veteran's benefits. This study also ascertained the place of birth of the respondent and respondent's mother and father, in order to measure the degree of southern influence. Other questions investigated the respondent's military background, religious preference, marital status, and family composition. Individuals between the ages of 16 and 69, living in private households within the 1960 corporate limits of the cities sampled (Baltimore, Boston, Brooklyn, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Detroit, Gary, Milwaukee, Newark, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, St. Louis, San Francisco, and Washington, DC). Persons with no place of residence, the institutional population, and persons in group quarters had no chance of selection for the study. Samples of Blacks and whites were selected in each of the cities, and approximately 175 respondents of each race were interviewed in early 1968. There were three stages of sampling. First, city blocks were selected within each city. Then, dwellings were selected within each city block. Finally, individuals were selected within each dwelling. In the first stage, city blocks were sampled with probabilities proportional to the number of dwellings after stratification by r...
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TwitterThis dataset was created primarily to map and track socioeconomic and demographic variables from the US Census Bureau from year 1940 to year 2010, by decade, within the City of Baltimore's Mayor's Office of Information Technology (MOIT) year 2010 neighborhood boundaries. The socioeconomic and demographic variables include the percent White, percent African American, percent owner occupied homes, percent vacant homes, the percentage of age 25 and older people with a high school education or greater, and the percentage of age 25 and older people with a college education or greater. Percent White and percent African American are also provided for year 1930. Each of the the year 2010 neighborhood boundaries were also attributed with the 1937 Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC) definition of neighborhoods via spatial overlay. HOLC rated neighborhoods as A, B, C, D or Undefined. HOLC categorized the perceived safety and risk of mortgage refinance lending in metropolitan areas using a hierarchical grading scale of A, B, C, and D. A and B areas were considered the safest areas for federal investment due to their newer housing as well as higher earning and racially homogenous households. In contrast, C and D graded areas were viewed to be in a state of inevitable decline, depreciation, and decay, and thus risky for federal investment, due to their older housing stock and racial and ethnic composition. This policy was inherently a racist practice. Places were graded based on who lived there; poor areas with people of color were labeled as lower and less-than. HOLC's 1937 neighborhoods do not cover the entire extent of the year 2010 neighborhood boundaries. The neighborhood boundaries were also augmented to include which of the year 2017 Housing Market Typology (HMT) the 2010 neighborhoods fall within. Finally, the neighborhood boundaries were also augmented to include tree canopy and tree canopy change year 2007 to year 2015.
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TwitterOur goal in this paper is to examine whether there are similar patterns in the distribution of tree canopy by Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) graded neighborhoods across 37 cities. A pre-print of the paper can be found here: https://osf.io/preprints/socarxiv/97zcs This data packages contains: 1. City-specific file geodatabases with features classes of the HOLC polygons obtained from the Mapping Inequality Project https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/ , and tables summarizing tree canopy, and in some cases other land cover classes. 2. An *.R script that replicates all of the analyses, graphs, and tables in the paper. Other double checks, exploratory, and miscellaneous outputs are created by the script too as a bonus. Everything in the paper can be done with the script; additional work outputs are also created. 3. A *.csv file containing city, the HOLC grade, and the percent tree canopy cover. This can be used to create the main findings of the paper and this flat file is provided as an alternative to running the R script to extract information from the geodatabases, combine, and analyze them. The intention is that this file is more widely accessible; the underlying information is the same. Redlining was a racially discriminatory housing policy established by the federal government’s Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) during the 1930s. For decades, redlining limited access to homeownership and wealth creation among racial minorities, contributing to a host of adverse social outcomes, including high unemployment, poverty, and residential vacancy, that persist today. While the multigenerational socioeconomic impacts of redlining are increasingly understood, the impacts on urban environments and ecosystems remains unclear. To begin to address this gap, we investigated how the HOLC policy administered 80 years ago may relate to present-day tree canopy at the neighborhood level. Urban trees provide many ecosystem services, mitigate the urban heat island effect, and may improve quality of life in cities. In our prior research in Baltimore, MD, we discovered that redlining policy influenced the location and allocation of trees and parks. Our analysis of 37 metropolitan areas here shows that areas formerly graded D, which were mostly inhabited by racial and ethnic minorities, have on average ~23% tree canopy cover today. Areas formerly graded A, characterized by U.S.-born white populations living in newer housing stock, had nearly twice as much tree canopy (~43%). Results are consistent across small and large metropolitan regions. The ranking system used by Home Owners’ Loan Corporation to assess loan risk in the 1930s parallels the rank order of average percent tree canopy cover today.
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IntroductionCurtis Bay (CB) is an environmental justice (EJ) community in South Baltimore. With a high concentration of industrial polluters and compounding non-chemical stressors, CB has experienced socioeconomic, quality of life, and health burdens for over 100 years. Today, these polluters include the open-air CSX Coal Terminal, waste-to-energy incinerators, and heavy diesel traffic through residential areas. The Community of Curtis Bay Association, Free Your Voice, and South Baltimore Community Land Trust are local organizations enacting a vision for equitable, healthy, and community-led development without industrial encroachment. In response to community-identified EJ concerns and an explosion at the CSX Coal Terminal, CB community groups partnered with academic researchers to develop a community-driven hyperlocal air monitoring and capacity building approach. This paper describes this approach to characterizing hyperlocal air quality in CB, building bridges between community residents and regulatory agencies, and nurturing a cohesive and effective community-academic partnership toward EJ.MethodsUsing hyperlocal air monitoring, we are collecting real-time air pollution (particulate matter, black carbon, and ground-level gas species) and meteorological data from 15 low-cost sensors in residential and industrial areas of CB. We also use trail cameras to record activities at the CSX Coal Terminal. We merge air pollution and industrial activity data to evaluate the following: overall air quality in CB, multi-air pollutant profiles of elevated events, spatiotemporal changes in air quality in the community, patterns of industrial activity, and potential correlations between air quality and observed industrial activity. Members of our partnership also lead a high school course educating students about the history and ongoing efforts of the EJ movement in their community. Students in this course learn how to employ qualitative and quantitative data collection and analysis methods to bring scientific support to community EJ concerns.Results and DiscussionOur hyperlocal air monitoring network and community-academic partnership are continuing to evolve and have already demonstrated the ability to respond to community-identified EJ issues with real-time data while developing future EJ leaders. Our reflections can assist other community and academic groups in developing strong and fruitful partnerships to address similar EJ issues.
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Mortality Hazard Ratios and 95% Confidence Intervals for African Americans relative to Whites by Sex and Poverty Status, Healthy Aging in Neighborhoods of Diversity across the Life Span Study, Baltimore, Maryland, 2004–2013 (N = 3675).
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TwitterThe percentage of persons, out of the total number of persons living in an area, self-identifying as racially White (and ethnically non-Hispanic). “White” refers to a person having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East, or North Africa. This indicator includes people who identified their race(s) as “White”. Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, American Community Survey Years Available: 2010, 2011-2015, 2012-2016, 2013-2017, 2014-2018, 2015-2019, 2020, 2017-2021, 2018-2022, 2019-2023Please note: We do not recommend comparing overlapping years of data due to the nature of this dataset. For more information, please visit: https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/acs/guidance/comparing-acs-data.html