As of 2025, the average age of senators in the 119th Congress was 64. Of the total 100, 33 members of the U.S. Senate were between the ages of 60 and 69 - more than any other age group. The minimum age requirement to be a member of the Senate is 30, opposed to the House of Representatives which has a minimum age requirement of 25. The average age of members of Congress from 2009 to 2023 can be found here.

While the average age of members of Congress in the United States has gradually risen in recent years, this number decreased slightly with the beginning of the 119th Congress in 2025. This Congress first convened on January 3rd, 2025, and will end on January 3, 2027. In this Congress, the average age in the House of Representatives was 57 years, and the average age in the Senate was 64 years.

As of 2024, the average age of staffers in U.S. Senate was 32. Over half of those working for the U.S. Senate were between the ages of 21 and 29 - more than any other age group. The average age of members of Congress from 2009 to 2023 can be found here.

In the 119th Congress which began in January 2025, almost 27 percent of members of the House of Representatives were between the ages of 50 and 59 in 2025- more than any other age group.

This graph represents the average age of senators after each election in France in 2004, 2008, 2011, 2014 and 2017. We can thus observe that the Senate became younger in these last 13 years: going from an average age of 66 in 2011, to an average 60 years old after the 2017 elections.

The Italian Parliament consists of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate of the Republic. In the Senate, there are 320 Senators, including 208 men and 112 women. The average age of all Senators in Italy is around 56 years and it is higher by two years for men than for women.

This dataset was developed by the Research & Analytics Group at the Atlanta Regional Commission using data from the U.S. Census Bureau.For a deep dive into the data model including every specific metric, see the Infrastructure Manifest. The manifest details ARC-defined naming conventions, field names/descriptions and topics, summary levels; source tables; notes and so forth for all metrics.Naming conventions:Prefixes: None Countp Percentr Ratem Mediana Mean (average)t Aggregate (total)ch Change in absolute terms (value in t2 - value in t1)pch Percent change ((value in t2 - value in t1) / value in t1)chp Change in percent (percent in t2 - percent in t1)s Significance flag for change: 1 = statistically significant with a 90% CI, 0 = not statistically significant, blank = cannot be computed Suffixes: _e19 Estimate from 2014-19 ACS_m19 Margin of Error from 2014-19 ACS_00_v19 Decennial 2000, re-estimated to 2019 geography_00_19 Change, 2000-19_e10_v19 2006-10 ACS, re-estimated to 2019 geography_m10_v19 Margin of Error from 2006-10 ACS, re-estimated to 2019 geography_e10_19 Change, 2010-19The user should note that American Community Survey data represent estimates derived from a surveyed sample of the population, which creates some level of uncertainty, as opposed to an exact measure of the entire population (the full census count is only conducted once every 10 years and does not cover as many detailed characteristics of the population). Therefore, any measure reported by ACS should not be taken as an exact number – this is why a corresponding margin of error (MOE) is also given for ACS measures. The size of the MOE relative to its corresponding estimate value provides an indication of confidence in the accuracy of each estimate. Each MOE is expressed in the same units as its corresponding measure; for example, if the estimate value is expressed as a number, then its MOE will also be a number; if the estimate value is expressed as a percent, then its MOE will also be a percent. The user should also note that for relatively small geographic areas, such as census tracts shown here, ACS only releases combined 5-year estimates, meaning these estimates represent rolling averages of survey results that were collected over a 5-year span (in this case 2015-2019). Therefore, these data do not represent any one specific point in time or even one specific year. For geographic areas with larger populations, 3-year and 1-year estimates are also available. For further explanation of ACS estimates and margin of error, visit Census ACS website.Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Atlanta Regional CommissionDate: 2015-2019Data License: Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC by 4.0)Link to the manifest: https://www.arcgis.com/sharing/rest/content/items/3d489c725bb24f52a987b302147c46ee/data

This layer was developed by the Research & Analytics Division of the Atlanta Regional Commission using data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

The user should note that American Community Survey data represent estimates derived from a surveyed sample of the population, which creates some level of uncertainty, as opposed to an exact measure of the entire population (the full census count is only conducted once every 10 years and does not cover as many detailed characteristics of the population). Therefore, any measure reported by ACS should not be taken as an exact number – this is why a corresponding margin of error (MOE) is also given for ACS measures. The size of the MOE relative to its corresponding estimate value provides an indication of confidence in the accuracy of each estimate. Each MOE is expressed in the same units as its corresponding measure; for example, if the estimate value is expressed as a number, then its MOE will also be a number; if the estimate value is expressed as a percent, then its MOE will also be a percent.

The user should also note that for relatively small geographic areas, such as census tracts shown here, ACS only releases combined 5-year estimates, meaning these estimates represent rolling averages of survey results that were collected over a 5-year span (in this case 2014-2018). Therefore, these data do not represent any one specific point in time or even one specific year. For geographic areas with larger populations, 3-year and 1-year estimates are also available.

For a deep dive into the data model including every specific metric, see the Infrastructure Manifest. The manifest details ARC-defined naming conventions, field names/descriptions and topics, summary levels; source tables; notes and so forth for all metrics.

For further explanation of ACS estimates and margin of error, visit Census ACS website.

Naming conventions:

Prefixes:

None

Count

p

Percent

r

Rate

m

Median

a

Mean (average)

t

Aggregate (total)

ch

Change in absolute terms (value in t2 - value in t1)

pch

Percent change ((value in t2 - value in t1) / value in t1)

chp

Change in percent (percent in t2 - percent in t1)

s

Significance flag for change: 1 = statistically significant with a 90% Confidence Interval, 0 = not statistically significant, blank = cannot be computed

Suffixes:

_e18

Estimate from 2014-18 ACS

_m18

Margin of Error from 2014-18 ACS

_00_v18

Decennial 2000 in 2018 geography boundary

_00_18

Change, 2000-18

_e10_v18

Estimate from 2006-10 ACS in 2018 geography boundary

_m10_v18

Margin of Error from 2006-10 ACS in 2018 geography boundary

_e10_18

Change, 2010-18

This dataset was developed by the Research & Analytics Group at the Atlanta Regional Commission using data from the U.S. Census Bureau.For a deep dive into the data model including every specific metric, see the Infrastructure Manifest. The manifest details ARC-defined naming conventions, field names/descriptions and topics, summary levels; source tables; notes and so forth for all metrics.Naming conventions:Prefixes: None Countp Percentr Ratem Mediana Mean (average)t Aggregate (total)ch Change in absolute terms (value in t2 - value in t1)pch Percent change ((value in t2 - value in t1) / value in t1)chp Change in percent (percent in t2 - percent in t1)s Significance flag for change: 1 = statistically significant with a 90% CI, 0 = not statistically significant, blank = cannot be computed Suffixes: _e19 Estimate from 2014-19 ACS_m19 Margin of Error from 2014-19 ACS_00_v19 Decennial 2000, re-estimated to 2019 geography_00_19 Change, 2000-19_e10_v19 2006-10 ACS, re-estimated to 2019 geography_m10_v19 Margin of Error from 2006-10 ACS, re-estimated to 2019 geography_e10_19 Change, 2010-19The user should note that American Community Survey data represent estimates derived from a surveyed sample of the population, which creates some level of uncertainty, as opposed to an exact measure of the entire population (the full census count is only conducted once every 10 years and does not cover as many detailed characteristics of the population). Therefore, any measure reported by ACS should not be taken as an exact number – this is why a corresponding margin of error (MOE) is also given for ACS measures. The size of the MOE relative to its corresponding estimate value provides an indication of confidence in the accuracy of each estimate. Each MOE is expressed in the same units as its corresponding measure; for example, if the estimate value is expressed as a number, then its MOE will also be a number; if the estimate value is expressed as a percent, then its MOE will also be a percent. The user should also note that for relatively small geographic areas, such as census tracts shown here, ACS only releases combined 5-year estimates, meaning these estimates represent rolling averages of survey results that were collected over a 5-year span (in this case 2015-2019). Therefore, these data do not represent any one specific point in time or even one specific year. For geographic areas with larger populations, 3-year and 1-year estimates are also available. For further explanation of ACS estimates and margin of error, visit Census ACS website.Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Atlanta Regional CommissionDate: 2015-2019Data License: Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC by 4.0)Link to the manifest: https://www.arcgis.com/sharing/rest/content/items/3d489c725bb24f52a987b302147c46ee/data

This layer was developed by the Research & Analytics Group of the Atlanta Regional Commission, using data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey 5-year estimates for 2013-2017, to show population by sex and age by Georgia Senate in the Atlanta region.

The user should note that American Community Survey data represent estimates derived from a surveyed sample of the population, which creates some level of uncertainty, as opposed to an exact measure of the entire population (the full census count is only conducted once every 10 years and does not cover as many detailed characteristics of the population). Therefore, any measure reported by ACS should not be taken as an exact number – this is why a corresponding margin of error (MOE) is also given for ACS measures. The size of the MOE relative to its corresponding estimate value provides an indication of confidence in the accuracy of each estimate. Each MOE is expressed in the same units as its corresponding measure; for example, if the estimate value is expressed as a number, then its MOE will also be a number; if the estimate value is expressed as a percent, then its MOE will also be a percent.

The user should also note that for relatively small geographic areas, such as census tracts shown here, ACS only releases combined 5-year estimates, meaning these estimates represent rolling averages of survey results that were collected over a 5-year span (in this case 2013-2017). Therefore, these data do not represent any one specific point in time or even one specific year. For geographic areas with larger populations, 3-year and 1-year estimates are also available.

For further explanation of ACS estimates and margin of error, visit Census ACS website.

Naming conventions:

Prefixes:

None

Count

p

Percent

r

Rate

m

Median

a

Mean (average)

t

Aggregate (total)

ch

Change in absolute terms (value in t2 - value in t1)

pch

Percent change ((value in t2 - value in t1) / value in t1)

chp

Change in percent (percent in t2 - percent in t1)

Suffixes:

None

Change over two periods

_e

Estimate from most recent ACS

_m

Margin of Error from most recent ACS

_00

Decennial 2000

Attributes:

Attributes and definitions available below under "Attributes" section and in Infrastructure Manifest (due to text box constraints, attributes cannot be displayed here). Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Atlanta Regional Commission

Date: 2013-2017

For additional information, please visit the Census ACS website.

This layer was developed by the Research & Analytics Group of the Atlanta Regional Commission, using data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey 5-year estimates for 2013-2017, to show the number of grandparents living with grandchildren and the number and percentage of grandparents responsible for grandchildren by Georgia Senate in the Atlanta region.

The user should note that American Community Survey data represent estimates derived from a surveyed sample of the population, which creates some level of uncertainty, as opposed to an exact measure of the entire population (the full census count is only conducted once every 10 years and does not cover as many detailed characteristics of the population). Therefore, any measure reported by ACS should not be taken as an exact number – this is why a corresponding margin of error (MOE) is also given for ACS measures. The size of the MOE relative to its corresponding estimate value provides an indication of confidence in the accuracy of each estimate. Each MOE is expressed in the same units as its corresponding measure; for example, if the estimate value is expressed as a number, then its MOE will also be a number; if the estimate value is expressed as a percent, then its MOE will also be a percent.

The user should also note that for relatively small geographic areas, such as census tracts shown here, ACS only releases combined 5-year estimates, meaning these estimates represent rolling averages of survey results that were collected over a 5-year span (in this case 2013-2017). Therefore, these data do not represent any one specific point in time or even one specific year. For geographic areas with larger populations, 3-year and 1-year estimates are also available.

For further explanation of ACS estimates and margin of error, visit Census ACS website.

Naming conventions:

Prefixes:

None

Count

p

Percent

r

Rate

m

Median

a

Mean (average)

t

Aggregate (total)

ch

Change in absolute terms (value in t2 - value in t1)

pch

Percent change ((value in t2 - value in t1) / value in t1)

chp

Change in percent (percent in t2 - percent in t1)

Suffixes:

None

Change over two periods

_e

Estimate from most recent ACS

_m

Margin of Error from most recent ACS

_00

Decennial 2000

Attributes:

SumLevel

Summary level of geographic unit (e.g., County, Tract, NSA, NPU, DSNI, SuperDistrict, etc)

GEOID

Census tract Federal Information Processing Series (FIPS) code

NAME

Name of geographic unit

Planning_Region

Planning region designation for ARC purposes

Acres

Total area within the tract (in acres)

SqMi

Total area within the tract (in square miles)

County

County identifier (combination of Federal Information Processing Series (FIPS) codes for state and county)

CountyName

County Name

GrandWChild_e

# Grandparents living with grandchildren under age 18, 2017

GrandWChild_m

# Grandparents living with grandchildren under age 18, 2017 (MOE)

GrandRespChild_e

# Grandparents responsible for grandchildren under age 18, 2017

GrandRespChild_m

# Grandparents responsible for grandchildren under age 18, 2017 (MOE)

pGrandRespChild_e

% Grandparents responsible for grandchildren under age 18, 2017

pGrandRespChild_m

% Grandparents responsible for grandchildren under age 18, 2017 (MOE)

PopU18_e

# Population under age 18, 2017

PopU18_m

# Population under age 18, 2017 (MOE)

ChildrenByGrandHH_e

# Children raised by grandparent, 2017

ChildrenByGrandHH_m

# Children raised by grandparent, 2017 (MOE)

pChildrenByGrandHH_e

% Children raised by grandparent, 2017

pChildrenByGrandHH_m

% Children raised by grandparent, 2017 (MOE)

last_edited_date

Last date the feature was edited by ARC

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Atlanta Regional Commission

Date: 2013-2017

For additional information, please visit the Census ACS website.

This graph shows the median wealth of US lawmakers in Congress from 2008 to 2018, for both chambers. In 2018, the median wealth in the Senate amounted to 1.76 million U.S. dollars.

The 119th Congress began in January 2025. In this Congress, there were 26 women serving as Senators, and 74 men. The number of women has increased since the 1975 when there were no women in the Senate. The first female Senator was Rebecca Felton of Georgia who was sworn in 1922. A breakdown of women Senators by party can be found here.

This layer was developed by the Research & Analytics Group of the Atlanta Regional Commission, using data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey 5-year estimates for 2013-2017, to show age, type, vacancy rates, and owner/renter tenure of housing units by Georgia Senate in the Atlanta region.

The user should note that American Community Survey data represent estimates derived from a surveyed sample of the population, which creates some level of uncertainty, as opposed to an exact measure of the entire population (the full census count is only conducted once every 10 years and does not cover as many detailed characteristics of the population). Therefore, any measure reported by ACS should not be taken as an exact number – this is why a corresponding margin of error (MOE) is also given for ACS measures. The size of the MOE relative to its corresponding estimate value provides an indication of confidence in the accuracy of each estimate. Each MOE is expressed in the same units as its corresponding measure; for example, if the estimate value is expressed as a number, then its MOE will also be a number; if the estimate value is expressed as a percent, then its MOE will also be a percent.

The user should also note that for relatively small geographic areas, such as census tracts shown here, ACS only releases combined 5-year estimates, meaning these estimates represent rolling averages of survey results that were collected over a 5-year span (in this case 2013-2017). Therefore, these data do not represent any one specific point in time or even one specific year. For geographic areas with larger populations, 3-year and 1-year estimates are also available.

For further explanation of ACS estimates and margin of error, visit Census ACS website.

Naming conventions:

Prefixes:

None

Count

p

Percent

r

Rate

m

Median

a

Mean (average)

t

Aggregate (total)

ch

Change in absolute terms (value in t2 - value in t1)

pch

Percent change ((value in t2 - value in t1) / value in t1)

chp

Change in percent (percent in t2 - percent in t1)

Suffixes:

None

Change over two periods

_e

Estimate from most recent ACS

_m

Margin of Error from most recent ACS

_00

Decennial 2000

Attributes:

Attributes and definitions available below under "Attributes" section and in Infrastructure Manifest (due to text box constraints, attributes cannot be displayed here).

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Atlanta Regional Commission

Date: 2013-2017

For additional information, please visit the Census ACS website.

A 2010 archive of county precincts for Jefferson County, Colorado.The county precinct number is a ten-digit code conforming to a specified format:DIGIT 1: FEDERAL HOUSE (CONGRESSIONAL) DISTRICTDIGITS 2-3: STATE SENATE DISTRICT DIGITS 4-5: STATE HOUSE DISTRICTDIGITS 6-7: COUNTY CODE ("30")DIGITS 8-10: UNIQUE PRECINCT IDENTIFIER (PER COLUMNS 1-7)As an example, precinct 6222630071 is the 71st unique precinct serving the combination of Jefferson County (30) and the 6th Congressional district, 22nd State Senate district, and 26th State House district.County precinct data, along with all core jurisdictional data pertinent to elections, was maintained in the Address Geocode Environment (AGE) production database by IT Services via the AGE Tools. Source data was the Geocode coverage which contained polygonal data to which jurisdictional attributes were attached. Geocode was an atomic-level polygonal coverage, by which we mean each polygon feature carried the core political data (county precinct {with federal house, state house and state senate districts embedded within}, city code {municipal status}, city ward, city precinct, commissioner district, regional transportation district {RTD}, traffic impact fee area {TIFA}, south jeffco local improvement district) used by the Elections Office in the determination of ballot styles. Whenever editing to Geocode geometry occurred or whenever Geocode political atttribution was edited, Geocode was dissolved for each core political component (column) by nightly enterprise processing. In this case, CountyPrecinct results from a dissolve of Geocode's CPCNT column (here column CPCNT2010RS). All derivatives, like CountyPrecinct, are then re-freshed in the County's spatial data warehouse.Data is in State Plane Grid Coordinates, Colorado Central Zone, NAD83 (US feet).

This poll, fielded December 12-15, 1999, is part of a continuing series of monthly polls that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked for their opinions of President Bill Clinton and his handling of the presidency, as well as their views on the upcoming November 7, 2000, presidential election and the current presidential primary/caucus season. Respondents were asked how much attention they had paid to the 2000 presidential race and whether they intended to vote in the election. Given a choice among Vice President Al Gore, former New Jersey senator Bill Bradley, Texas governor George W. Bush, and Arizona senator John McCain, those queried were asked for whom they would vote. Their views were also sought on the most important issues of this presidential election and which candidate was best suited to handle issues such as education, the economy, taxes, Social Security/Medicare, campaign finance reform, international affairs, and health care. Respondents were asked if the following statements applied to Bradley, Bush, Gore, or McCain: typical politician, understands the average American, strong leader, experienced enough to be president, would bring needed change to Washington, DC, knowledgeable of world affairs, could be trusted in a crisis, has a clear idea of where to lead the nation, and says what he thinks regardless of what is popular. Respondents were asked for whom they would vote in a Democratic primary or caucus, given a choice between Gore and Bradley, and for whom they would vote in a Republican primary or caucus, given a choice among Bush, publisher Steve Forbes, McCain, radio talk show host Alan Keyes, Family Research Council president Gary Bauer, and Utah senator Orrin Hatch. Additional topics focused on whether the amount of money that people could contribute to political parties should be limited, whether the people of New Hampshire had too much influence in determining who wins the Democratic and Republican presidential nominations, whether Bradley's irregular heartbeat for which he took medication was considered serious by the American people, and which candidate would best handle campaign finance reform, taxes, and balancing the federal budget. Background information on respondents includes age, gender, education, political party, political orientation, Hispanic descent, voter registration and participation history, military service, and family income.

This special topic poll, fielded January 13, 2000, queried residents of New Hampshire on the upcoming February 1, 2000, presidential primaries. Respondents were asked how much attention they had paid to the New Hampshire primary campaigns and whether they intended to vote. Those queried were asked for whom they intended to vote in the Democratic primary, Vice President Al Gore or former New Jersey senator Bill Bradley, or for whom they intended to vote in the Republican primary, given the choice among Texas governor George W. Bush, publisher Steve Forbes, Arizona senator John McCain, Family Research Council president Gary Bauer, radio talk show host Alan Keyes, and Utah senator Orrin Hatch. Their views were sought on the most important issues of the presidential election and which candidate was best suited to handle issues such as education, the economy, taxes, Social Security/Medicare, campaign finance reform, international affairs, and health care. Respondents were asked if the following statements applied to Bradley, Bush, Gore, or McCain: typical politician, understands the average American, strong leader, experienced enough to be president, would bring needed change to Washington, DC, knowledgeable in world affairs, loyal to his political party, inspiring, has a chance of winning the election, and says what he thinks even though it may be unpopular. Additional topics covered whether respondents were pleased with the choice of candidates for the 2000 election, whether they would support a plan whereby candidates agreed to participate in twice-weekly debates and agree not to run televised political advertisements, whether Bush could cut income taxes while maintaining a balanced federal budget, and which candidate was best prepared to lead the nation into the Internet age. Background information on respondents includes age, gender, education, political party, political orientation, Hispanic descent, voter registration and participation history, military service, labor union membership, and family income.

This bar chart shows the distribution of the members of the French Senate in 2017, by age group. Thus, there was one senator aged under 30 years, against two who were 80 years old. The majority of Senate members were between 60 and 69 years old.

According to Article II: Section one of the United States Constitution, the President of the United States (as well as the Vice President) must be at least 35 years of age, and have lived in the country for at least 14 years when taking office. Requirements for the House of Representatives and the Senate are also outlined in the Constitution, in Article I: Sections two and three, although figures are lower. There is no minimum age for Supreme Court Justices given in the constitution. Terms and term lengths The President of the United States is elected for a term of four years, and may hold office for a maximum of two terms (Franklin D. Roosevelt is the only president to have served more than two terms, as an exception was made during the Second World War). There is no maximum number of terms for Vice Presidents, who may hypothetically serve in the role under a number of presidents, although no Vice President has ever served more than two full terms. In the event of a President's death or removal from office, the Vice President would then assume the presidency - if the remaining term time is less than two years then this person may seek two further terms in the presidency, giving a maximum term length of 10 years (although this has never happened). For representatives and senators, there is no maximum number of terms providing the candidate wins re-election. Some states did have term limits in the past, but these were invalidated in 1995 when the Supreme Court ruled that no state can impose stricter qualifications than those outlined in the Constitution. The longest-serving Senator was Robert Byrd, who served for over 51 years between 1959 and 2010, while the longest-serving Representative was John Dingell Jr., who served for over 59 years between 1955 and 2015. As appointments to the Supreme Court are lifetime appointments, they are not restricted by term lengths or limits. Natural-born-citizen clause Unlike the other roles, the Constitution includes a "natural-born-citizen" clause in reference to the President and Vice President, where a person must have been born in the U.S. (or be a citizen at the time of the Constitution's adoption) to be eligible for either role. This was included to prevent unwanted foreign influence at the highest level of U.S. government. Historically, there were few challenges to this clause, however, as there is no clear definition of what makes a natural-born-citizen, it has been addressed several times in the past two decades. This was most notable in the 2008 election, where John McCain's status was called into question since he was born in the United States' Panama Canal Zone, while Barack Obama's eligibility was questioned due to a widely-discredited conspiracy theory that he was born in Kenya (this became known as the "birther movement"). Since 2016, questions were raised over candidates such as Ted Cruz and Tulsi Gabbard, who acquired U.S. citizenship through their parents - since this time it has become more widely accepted that those who qualify for birthright citizenship should also be considered natural-born-citizens.

The most recent polling data from February 2025 puts the approval rating of the United States Congress at 29 percent, reflecting a significant increase from January. The approval rating remained low throughout the 118th Congress cycle, which began in January 2025. Congressional approval Congressional approval, particularly over the past few years, has not been high. Americans tend to see Congress as a group of ineffectual politicians who are out of touch with their constituents. The 118th Congress began in 2023 with a rocky start. The Democratic Party maintains control of the Senate, but Republicans took back control of the House of Representatives after the 2022 midterm elections. The House caught media attention from its first days with a contentious fight for the position of Speaker of the House. Representative Kevin McCarthy was eventually sworn in as Speaker after a historic fifteen rounds of voting. Despite the current Congress having a historic share of women and being the most diverse Congress in American history, very little has been done to improve the opinion of Americans regarding its central lawmaking body. Ye of little faith However, Americans tend not to have much confidence in many of the institutions in the United States. Additionally, public confidence in the ability of the Republican and Democratic parties to work together has decreased drastically between 2008 and 2022, with nearly 60 percent of Americans having no confidence the parties can govern in a bipartisan way.