The analysis of real wages has a long tradition in Germany. The focus of the acquisition is on company wages, on wages of certain branches or for categories of workers as well as on the investigation of long term aggregated nominal and real wages. The study of Ashok V. Desai on the development of real wages in the German Reich between 1871 and 1913 is an important contribution to historical research on wages. The study is innovative and methodically on an exemplary level. But mainly responsible for the upswing in the historical research on wages in the 50s and 60s is an extraordinary publication by Jürgen Kuczynski. “The new historical research on wages in Germany is insolubly connected with Jürgen Kuczynski. In his broad researches the history of wages is only one section among many other themes but it is a very important one can be seen as the core piece of his work.” (Kaufhold, K.H., 1987: Forschungen zur deutschen Preis- und Lohngeschichte (seit 1930). In: Historia Socialis et Oeconomica. Festschrift für Wolfgang Zorn zum 65. Geburtstag. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, S, 83). In his first study on long series on nominal and real wages in Germany he used a broad empirical basis and encouraged more research in this area. His weaknesses are methodological inconsistencies and a restricted representativeness. For example he includes tariff wages but also actually paid wages. Some important industries like food or textile industry are not taken into account. Wages in agriculture were often estimated but without enough material necessary for a good estimation. Wages for work at home are not regraded in the calculation of the index. The weight of cities in the calculation of the index is relatively too high compared to rural regions and therefor it leaks regional representativeness.In his study Desai uses the reports of trade associations for the Reich´s insurance office on the persons who are insured in the accident insurance and their wages as a basis for the calculation of annual nominal average wages. Desais focusses on industrial wages because only for them long term series are available. As the insurance premiums are calculated according to the income level the documents of the trade associations can be used for the calculation of an index for wages development. Desais study is also very useful regarding the calculation of a new index for costs of living based the model of a typical worker family. „F. Grumbach and H. König have used the same sources to derive indices of industrial earnings. The main differences between their series and ours are: (a) we have adopted the industrial classification followed by the Reichsversicherungsamt, while Grumbach and König have made larger industrial groups, (b) we have calculated average annual earnings, while they claim to have calculated average daily earnings (i.e. to have adjusted the annual figures for the average number of days worked per year per worker), and (c) they have failed to correct distortions in the original data” (Desai, A.V., 1968: Real Wages in Germany 1871–1913. Oxford. Clarendon Press, S. 4). Register of tables in HISTAT:A. OverviewsA.1 Overview: Different estimations of the real and nominal gross wages in the German Reich, index 1913 = 100 (1871-1913)A.2 Overview: Development of costs of living, index 1913 = 100 (1871-1913)A.3 Overview: Development of nominal and real wages, index 1913=100 (1844-1937) D. Study by Ashok V. DesaiD.01 Different estimations of real wages in the German Reich, index 1895 = 100 (1871-1913)D.02 Annual average wage (1871-1886)D.03 Annual gross wages in chosen production segments (1887-1913)D.04 Annual average wage in industry, transportation and trade (1871-1913)D.05 Construction of an index for costs of living, 1895 = 100 (1871-1913)D.06 Real wages, in constant prices from 1895 (1871-1913)D.07 Wheat prices and prices for wheat bread (1872-1913)D.08 Rye prices and prices for rye bread (1872-1913)D.09 Average export prices by product groups, index 1895 = 100 (1872-1913)D.10 Average import prices by product groups, index 1895 = 100 (1872-1913)D.11 Average export prices, import prices and terms of trade, index 1895 = 100 (1872-1913) O. Study by Thomas J. OrsaghO. Adjusted indices for costs of living and real wages after Orsgah, index 1913 = 100 (1871-1913)

Between 1914 and 1969, weekly wages in manufacturing industries in the United States grew by a factor of 12. In the first half of the century, the most significant periods of increase came during the World Wars, as manufacturing industries were at the core of the war effort. However, wages then fell sharply after both World Wars, due to post-war recessions and oversaturation of the job market as soldiers returned home. Interwar period Wage growth during the interwar period was often stagnant, despite the significant economic growth during the Roarin' 20s, and manufacturing wages remained steady at around 24 dollars from 1923 to 1929. This was, again, due to oversaturation of the job market, as employment in the agricultural sector declined due to mechanization and many rural workers flocked to industrial cities in search of employment. The Great Depression then saw the largest and most prolonged period of decline in manufacturing wages. From September 1929 to March 1933, weekly wages fell from 24 dollars to below 15 dollars, and it would take another four years for them to return to pre-Depression levels. Postwar prosperity After the 1945 Recession, the decades that followed the Second World War then saw consistent growth in manufacturing wages in almost every year, as the U.S. cemented itself as the foremost economic power in the world. This period is sometimes referred to as the Golden Age of Capitalism, and the U.S. strengthened its economic presence in Western Europe and other OECD countries, while expanding its political and military presence across Asia. Manufacturing and exports played a major role in the U.S.' economic growth in this period, and wages grew from roughly 40 dollars per week in 1945 to more than 120 dollars by the late 1960s.

This data collection provides selected economic, social, demographic, and political information for 48 states of the United States during the 1950s and 1960s. Variables describe population characteristics, such as the number of adults aged 65 and over, the number of dentists and physicians, the number of patients in mental hospitals, the death rates of white and non-white infants under one year of age per 1,000 live births, respectively, the number of recipients of public assistance such as Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), elementary and secondary school enrollment, enrollment in vocational programs, the total number of students in higher education, the number of those conferred with M.A. and Ph.D. degrees, and the number of workers in research experiment stations. Other variables provide economic information, such as personal income per capita, average monthly payment per recipient of some public assistance programs, average salary per month for full-time state and local employees, state and local government revenues and expenditures, and various intergovernmental revenues from the federal government for certain services. Additional variables record crime statistics, such as the number of robbery, burglary, larceny, auto theft, assault, rape, and murder offenses per 100,000 of the population. There are also variables that give information on each state's topography, such as the acreage of state parks, total farm acreage, municipal road mileage, and total unsurfaced road mileage.

In 2024, men aged 55 to 59 years old earned the highest average monthly salaries among male full-time workers in Japan, receiving a monthly income of 444.1 thousand Japanese yen on average. The average wage decreased significantly once workers entered their sixties.

In 2024, women aged 50 to 54 years old earned the highest average monthly salaries among female full-time workers in Japan, reaching a monthly income of 295.4 thousand Japanese yen. The average wage decreased significantly once workers entered their sixties.

The difference between men and women's weekly earnings is heavily associated with their age. Among part-time workers, women had the highest average weekly salary when compared to men in their 30s, 40s and 50s. Men however earned more in the younger age groups, and among workers in their 60s.

One aim of the Soviet Union, and communist countries in general, was to achieve full employment. Official policy was designed to prevent unemployment, and the state stopped paying most unemployment benefits in the 1930s. Every citizen had the right (or requirement) to work, and jobs were allocated by the state, not competed for as they were in the west. People could apply for certain positions, based on their education, experience, or interests, but roles could often be distributed to meet employment demands, or preferential roles were distributed via nepotism. The socialist economic system removed job market competition, which provided increased job security but removed many of the incentives that boosted productivity (especially in later decades). In the 1970s and 1980s, average work weeks were under 35 hours long and people retired in their mid to late fifties. Compared to the U.S. in 1985, on average, work weeks were around four hours shorter in the USSR, and Soviet men retired five years earlier, while women retired nine years earlier than their American counterparts.

Wages In earlier years, wages had been tied to individual performance or output, however the de-Stalinization process of the 1960s introduced a more standardized system of payment; from this point onwards, base wages were more fixed, and bonuses had a larger impact on disposable income. Personal finances in the Soviet Union were very different from those in the west; wages were split into base salaries and bonuses, along with a social wage that was "paid" in the form of investments in housing, healthcare, education, and infrastructure, as well as subsidized vouchers for holidays and food. Many of these amenities were also provided by the state, which removed the individual costs that were required across the west and in post-Soviet states today. Overall, income and money in general had a much lower influence on daily life in the USSR than it did in the west, lessening factors such as financial stress and indebtedness, but restricting consumeristic freedom.

Gender differences A major difference between the East and West Blocs was the participation rate of women in the workforce. Throughout most of the USSR's history, women made up the majority of the workforce, with a 51.4 percent share in 1970, and 50.4 percent in 1989; in the U.S. figures for these years were 38 and 45 percent respectively. Although this was due to the fact that women also made up a larger share of the total population (around 53 percent in this period), Soviet women were possibly the most economically active in the world in these decades. When comparing activity rates of women aged between 40 and 44 across Europe in 1985, the USSR had a participation rate of 97 percent; this was the highest in the East Bloc (where rates ranged from 85 to 93 percent in other countries), and is much higher than rates in Northern Europe (71 percent), Western Europe (56 percent) and Southern Europe (37 percent).