Surveys in which U.S. adults report their current weight have shown that the share of those reporting they weigh 200 pounds or more has increased over the past few decades. In 2024, around 28 percent of respondents reported their weight as 200 pounds or more, compared to 15 percent in 1990. However, the same surveys show the share of respondents who report they are overweight has decreased compared to figures from 1990. What percentage of the U.S. population is obese? Obesity is an increasing problem in the United States that is expected to become worse in the coming decades. As of 2023, around one third of adults in the United States were considered obese. Obesity is slightly more prevalent among women in the United States, and rates of obesity differ greatly by region and state. For example, in West Virginia, around 41 percent of adults are obese, compared to 25 percent in Colorado. However, although Colorado is the state with the lowest prevalence of obesity among adults, a quarter of the adult population being obese is still shockingly high. The health impacts of being obese Obesity increases the risk of developing a number of health conditions including high blood pressure, heart disease, type 2 diabetes, and certain types of cancer. It is no coincidence that the states with the highest rates of hypertension are also among the states with the highest prevalence of obesity. West Virginia currently has the third highest rate of hypertension in the U.S. with 45 percent of adults with the condition. It is also no coincidence that as rates of obesity in the United States have increased so have rates of diabetes. As of 2022, around 8.4 percent of adults in the United States had been diagnosed with diabetes, compared to six percent in the year 2000. Obesity can be prevented through a healthy diet and regular exercise, which also increases overall health and longevity.

This statistic depicts the average male body weight of U.S. adults aged 20 years and over from 1999 to 2016. According to the data, the average male body weight for those aged 40-59 years was 194.3 in 1999-2000 and increased to 200.9 as of 2015-2016.

This statistic depicts the average body weight of U.S. men aged 20 years and over from 1999 to 2016, by ethnicity. According to the data, the average male body weight for those that identified as non-Hispanic white has increased from 192.3 in 1999-2000 to 202.2 in 2015-2016.

In 2024, the mean average weight reported by men was 195 pounds, while the mean average weight for women was 164 pounds. This statistic shows the mean self-reported weight among U.S. adults from 1990 to 2024, by gender, in pounds.

This statistic depicts the average body mass index (BMI) of U.S. adults aged 20 years and over as of 2016, by gender. According to the data, the average male BMI has increased from 27.8 in 1999-2000 to 29.1 as of 2015-2016.

West Virginia, Mississippi, and Arkansas are the U.S. states with the highest percentage of their population who are obese. The states with the lowest percentage of their population who are obese include Colorado, Hawaii, and Massachusetts. Obesity in the United States Obesity is a growing problem in many countries around the world, but the United States has the highest rate of obesity among all OECD countries. The prevalence of obesity in the United States has risen steadily over the previous two decades, with no signs of declining. Obesity in the U.S. is more common among women than men, and overweight and obesity rates are higher among African Americans than any other race or ethnicity. Causes and health impacts Obesity is most commonly the result of a combination of poor diet, overeating, physical inactivity, and a genetic susceptibility. Obesity is associated with various negative health impacts, including an increased risk of cardiovascular diseases, certain types of cancer, and diabetes type 2. As of 2022, around 8.4 percent of the U.S. population had been diagnosed with diabetes. Diabetes is currently the eighth leading cause of death in the United States.

Of the forty* men who have been elected to the office of U.S. president, the average weight of U.S. presidents has been approximately 189lbs (86kg). The weight range has been between 122lbs (55kg) and 332lbs (151kg), meaning that the heaviest president, William Howard Taft, was almost three times as heavy as the lightest president, James Madison (who was also the shortest president). Although Taft weighed over 300lbs during his presidency in 1909, he did implement a fitness and dietary regimen in the 1920s, that helped him lose almost 100lbs (45kg) before his death due to cardiovascular disease in 1930. Increase over time The tallest ever president, Abraham Lincoln (who was 6'4"), actually weighed less than the presidential average, and also less than the average adult male in the U.S. in 2018. It is important to note that the average weight of U.S. males has gradually increased in the past two decades, with some studies suggesting that it may have even increased by 15lbs (7kg) since the 1980s. The presidential averages have also increased over time, as the first ten elected presidents had an average weight of 171lbs (78kg), while the average weight of the ten most recent is 194lbs (88kg). Recent presidents In recent years, the heaviest president has been Donald Trump, who weighed 237lbs (108kg) during his first term in office; however medical reports published in June 2020 show that he gained 7lbs (3kg) during this term. There was also controversy in 2018, when it appeared that Trump's official height had been increased from 6'2" to 6'3", which many speculated was done to prevent him from being categorized as "obese" (according to his BMI). In the past half century, George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton were the only other presidents to have weighed more than the presidential average, although both men were also 6'2" (188cm) tall. President Joe Biden weighs below the presidential average, at 177lbs (81kg).

In 2022, men aged 55 to 64 years had an average body mass index (BMI) of 29 kg/m2 and women in the same age group had a BMI of 28.8 kg/m2, the highest mean BMI across all the age groups. Apart from individuals aged 16 to 24 years, every demographic in England had an average BMI which is classified as overweight.An increasing problem It is shown that the mean BMI of individuals for both men and women has been generally increasing year-on-year in England. The numbers show in England, as in the rest of the United Kingdom (UK), that the prevalence of obesity is an increasing health problem. The prevalence of obesity in women in England has increased by around nine percent since 2000, while for men the share of obesity has increased by six percent. Strain on the health service Being overweight increases the chances of developing serious health problems such as diabetes, heart disease and certain types of cancers. In the period 2019/20, England experienced over 10.7 thousand hospital admissions with a primary diagnosis of obesity, whereas in 2002/03 this figure was only 1,275 admissions. Furthermore, the number of bariatric surgeries taking place in England, particularly among women, has significantly increased over the last fifteen years. In 2019/20, over 5.4 thousand bariatric surgery procedures were performed on women and approximately 1.3 thousand were carried out on men.

In 2020, around 60 percent of survey respondents in Chile stated they were trying to lose weight, compared to 30 percent of respondents in China. This statistic shows the percentage of the population in select countries worldwide who were trying to lose weight in 2020.

In the UK, national statistics show obesity and overweight rising in adults and children from 1993-2021 (NHS Digital, 2022). Obesity is defined as a Body Mass Index (BMI) score of ≥30.0, with overweight defined as BMI ≥ 25.0 and <30.0, and both conditions are associated with significant health risks (World Health Organization, 2021). Obesity is linked to weight gain caused by a positive energy balance, meaning that the calorific intake through consuming food and drink is greater than calorific expenditure through physical activity. Around 38% of UK adults are overweight and a further 26% obese, prompting government interventions to improve public health.

Calorie labelling on menus in large cafes, restaurants, and food outlets (over 250 employees) was introduced in England by the UK government in 2022 as part of a strategy to raise awareness about healthy eating and reduce obesity (Department of Health and Social Care, 2022). Menus must show food calorie content in kilocalories (kcal) and state the daily calorie needs of adults. The idea was to provide dietary information that would enable individuals to be more intentional about what they chose to eat, with the aim of reducing their calorific intake.

There is some evidence that calorie labelling on menus can reduce calorific intake. In their meta-analysis, Nikolaou et al. (2015) reviewed six studies that had investigated calorie labelling and calories consumed in US restaurants. In some studies, but not all, there was a small reduction in calories purchased (12.4-38.1 kcal reduction per person) linked to labelling. The UK government (Department of Health and Social Care, 2021) summarised a range of studies on calorie labelling and consumption, mainly drawn from the US, and arrived at a similar conclusion that labelling did not always affect consumer choices, but when it did, there was a small reduction in calorie intake.

In a recent study with a large sample (N = 3,312) representing the US population, Jia et al. (2023) measured whether individuals noticed menu calorie labelling and, if they did, whether it affected their food choices. Twenty seven percent noticed and used labels to inform decisions about food, while 30% noticed labels but chose to ignore them. This implies that, while providing calorie labelling has utility for some individuals, others are not being reached through this approach. This suggests that US citizens have attitudes about the value they attribute to menu calorie labelling, and these views may mediate the effect of labelling information on calorific intake. In one of the very few studies in this area, Nikolaou et al. (2015) had also investigated menu calorie labelling preferences, but focused on young adults. In their US quantitative study (N = 1440), they found that 46% of participants welcomed calorie labelling, 30% did not want it, and 20% were undecided. The differences in findings between this study and that of Jia et al. (2023) could suggest an age effect, with younger people being more open to the benefits of menu calorie labelling. However, far more research is needed to state this with any conviction.

The research on psychological characteristics that predict calorie labelling preferences is very limited. There is some evidence that individuals’ sense of responsibility for their own health is associated with their menu calorie labelling preferences. In a South Korean study, Jeong & Ham (2018) collected survey data on health beliefs and menu labelling from 335 restaurant users. The survey questions assessed individuals’ use of labels in terms of the perceived health threats of non-use, health benefits of use, barriers to use (e.g., finding it difficult to understand the label), and cues to action (e.g., being encouraged by friends and family to use labels). Using structural equation modelling, Jeong & Ham found that perceived benefits strongly predicted label use (β = .66, p < .001), there were weak but significant relationships between label use and perceived barriers (β = -.19, p <.001) and perceived threats (β = .13, p < .01), and that cues to action predicted perceived threats (β = .37, p < .001) but not label use directly. Jeong & Ham’s study showed that health beliefs predict menu calorie label use in South Korea. However, this effect has not been demonstrated in other countries. Furthermore, the study’s focus was on the use of calorie labels rather than individuals’ views about them. The current study will investigate whether health-orientated beliefs influence menu calorie labelling preferences in the UK.

While it seems likely that individuals interested in optimising their health would value calorie labels as part of their personal health care, others may find labelling irritating or irrelevant, or even detrimental to health management. For example, calorie labelling may have a damaging effect on some individuals with eating disorders. Frances et al. (2023) conducted a qualitative survey of 399 individuals with an eating disorder history, using open-ended questions concerning calorie labelling and its impact on relationships and personal recovery. Following thematic analysis, the authors concluded that most participants considered calorie labelling hindered their recovery process, accentuated a sense of isolation, restricted their freedom, and increased their frustration and anger. Given that 20% of UK women are at risk of an eating disorder (NHS, 2020), Frances et al.’s work points to the potential negative impact of menu calorie labelling for an important segment of society. The full range of attitudes towards calorie labelling is worthy of research.

There is some evidence of a gender effect for the impact of menu calorie labelling on calorific intake. Roseman et al. (2017) conducted a field experiment in which 192 US university students were exposed to Burger King menus in one of four conditions, involving variations in calorie labelling information. The type of calorie information twinned with participants’ knowledge of nutrition significantly affected the intention to choose lower calorie foods, with a far greater impact on women than men. Nikolaou et al.’s (2015) study, described above, also found that young women reduced their calorific intake in response to menu calorie labelling significantly more than men did. In a survey-based study of 324 students in Croatia, Kresic et al. (2018) found that females appreciated the potential health benefits of calorie labelling significantly more than men did. These combined results suggested that women were more likely than men to be influenced by calorie labelling. However, the studies have not explored predictors of menu calorie labelling preferences.

One other variable of potential interest in menu calorie labelling is BMI, since it is often used as a screening method for weight category (e.g., underweight, healthy weight, overweight and obesity). A review of the literature indicates that the role of BMI in menu calorie labelling preference is largely unexplored. Indeed, Jia et al.’s (2023) study, described above, found that BMI had no effect on calorific intake linked to menu calorie labelling. This supports the idea that, at a population level, BMI is unlikely to predict menu calorie labelling preferences. An earlier study, Reale and Flint (2016), explored the impact of menu labelling on food choices in individuals with obesity. However, as they did not include a control of individuals with a lower BMI it is not possible to draw conclusions about the impact of BMI on menu labelling preferences. Further research is needed in this area, including whether the relationship between BMI and menu calorie labelling preferences are mediated by other variables, such as health-orientated beliefs and goals.

To the best of my knowledge, there has been no published study that combines health-orientated beliefs, gender, and calorie labelling preferences in the UK. The current study will aim to fill this gap.