This paper documents a set of facts about the dramatic decline in birth rates in the United States between 2007 and 2020 and explores possible explanations for it. The overall reduction in the birth rate reflects both very large declines within certain groups of women, including teens and Hispanic women – and smaller declines among demographic groups that comprise a large population share, including college-educated white women. We explore potential economic, policy, and social factors that might be responsible for the overall decline. We conclude from our empirical examination of possible factors that there is not a readily identifiable economic or policy factor or set of factors this is likely responsible for a substantial share of the decline. Instead, the patterns observed suggest that widespread, hard to quantify changes in preferences for having children, aspirations for life, and the nature of parenting are more likely behind the recent decline in US births. We conclude with a brief discussion about the societal consequences for a declining birth rate and what the United States might do about it.

The total fertility rate of the world has dropped from around 5 children per woman in 1950, to 2.2 children per woman in 2025, which means that women today are having fewer than half the number of children that women did 75 years ago. Replacement level fertility This change has come as a result of the global demographic transition, and is influenced by factors such as the significant reduction in infant and child mortality, reduced number of child marriages, increased educational and vocational opportunities for women, and the increased efficacy and availability of contraception. While this change has become synonymous with societal progress, it does have wide-reaching demographic impact - if the global average falls below replacement level (roughly 2.1 children per woman), as is expected to happen in the 2050s, then this will lead to long-term population decline on a global scale. Regional variations When broken down by continent, Africa is the only region with a fertility rate above the global average, and, alongside Oceania, it is the only region with a fertility rate above replacement level. Until the 1980s, the average woman in Africa could expect to have 6-7 children over the course of their lifetime, and there are still several countries in Africa where women can still expect to have 5 or more children in 2025. Historically, Europe has had the lowest fertility rates in the world over the past century, falling below replacement level in 1975. Europe's population has grown through a combination of migration and increasing life expectancy, however even high immigration rates could not prevent its population from going into decline in 2021.

Over the past 30 years, the birth rate in the United States has been steadily declining, and in 2023, there were 10.7 births per 1,000 of the population. In 1990, this figure stood at 16.7 births per 1,000 of the population. Demographics have an impact The average birth rate in the U.S. may be falling, but when broken down along ethnic and economic lines, a different picture is painted: Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander women saw the highest birth rate in 2022 among all ethnicities, and Asian women and white women both saw the lowest birth rate. Additionally, the higher the family income, the lower the birth rate; families making between 15,000 and 24,999 U.S. dollars annually had the highest birth rate of any income bracket in the States. Life expectancy at birth In addition to the declining birth rate in the U.S., the total life expectancy at birth has also reached its lowest value recently. Studies have shown that the life expectancy of both men and women in the United States has been declining over the last few years. Declines in life expectancy, like declines in birth rates, may indicate that there are social and economic factors negatively influencing the overall population health and well-being of the country.

In 2024, the average number of children born per 1,000 people in China ranged at ****. The birth rate has dropped considerably since 2016, and the number of births fell below the number of deaths in 2022 for the first time in decades, leading to a negative population growth rate. Recent development of the birth rate Similar to most East-Asian countries and territories, demographics in China today are characterized by a very low fertility rate. As low fertility in the long-term limits economic growth and leads to heavy strains on the pension and health systems, the Chinese government decided to support childbirth by gradually relaxing strict birth control measures, that had been in place for three decades. However, the effect of this policy change was considerably smaller than expected. The birth rate increased from **** births per 1,000 inhabitants in 2010 to ***** births in 2012 and remained on a higher level for a couple of years, but then dropped again to a new low in 2018. This illustrates that other factors constrain the number of births today. These factors are most probably similar to those experienced in other developed countries as well: women preferring career opportunities over maternity, high costs for bringing up children, and changed social norms, to name only the most important ones. Future demographic prospects Between 2020 and 2023, the birth rate in China dropped to formerly unknown lows, most probably influenced by the coronavirus pandemic. As all COVID-19 restrictions were lifted by the end of 2022, births figures showed a catch-up effect in 2024. However, the scope of the rebound might be limited. A population breakdown by five-year age groups indicates that the drop in the number of births is also related to a shrinking number of people with child-bearing age. The age groups between 15 and 29 years today are considerably smaller than those between 30 and 44, leaving less space for the birth rate to increase. This effect is exacerbated by a considerable gender gap within younger age groups in China, with the number of females being much lower than that of males.

The average for 2022 based on 195 countries was 18.38 births per 1000 people. The highest value was in Niger: 45.03 births per 1000 people and the lowest value was in Hong Kong: 4.4 births per 1000 people. The indicator is available from 1960 to 2022. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.

Over the past 30 years, the birth rate in the United States has been steadily declining, and in 2022, there were 11 births per 1,000 of the population. In 1990, this figure stood at 16.7 births per 1,000 of the population. Demographics have an impact The average birth rate in the U.S. may be falling, but when broken down along ethnic and economic lines, a different picture is painted: Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander women saw the highest birth rate in 2022 among all ethnicities, and Asian women and white women both saw the lowest birth rate. Additionally, the higher the family income, the lower the birth rate; families making between 15,000 and 24,999 U.S. dollars annually had the highest birth rate of any income bracket in the States. Life expectancy at birth In addition to the declining birth rate in the U.S., the total life expectancy at birth has also reached its lowest value in recent years. Studies have shown that the life expectancy of both men and women in the United States has declined as of 2021. Declines in life expectancy, like declines in birth rates, may indicate that there are social and economic factors negatively influencing the overall population health and well-being of the country.

The fertility rates have fallen in all five Nordic countries over the last years. However, in 2021, the birth rates increased again in all five Nordics countries, besides in Sweden, where the fertility rate stayed the same. This can be explained by the higher number of babies born during the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2022, Iceland had the highest fertility rate of the Nordic countries, with *** children born per woman in reproductive age. The global trend of decreasing fertility The Nordics are not the only region with decreasing fertility rates. Globally, fertility rates have been on a steady decline since 2000. While lower-income countries have had more significant declines, they still have more children born per woman than higher-income countries. In 2000, almost * children were born per woman in low-income countries, decreasing to **** in 2021. By comparison, nearly **** children were born per woman in high-income countries, falling slightly to **** by 2021. Overall, in 2023, Niger, Angola, and the Democratic Republic of Congo had the highest fertility rates, while Taiwan, South Korea, and Singapore had the lowest fertility rates. Impacts of low fertility Greater access to education, challenges between work-life balance, and the costs of raising children can all be linked to falling fertility rates. However, this decline is not without consequences, and many countries are facing social and economic challenges because of aging and shrinking populations. For example, in Japan, where nearly ** percent of the country is aged 65 or older, an increasing proportion of the government expenditure is going towards social security benefits. Moreover, the very low unemployment rate in Japan can partially be attributed to having a shrinking labor force and fewer people to support the economy.

The outbreak of the COVID-19 in early 2020 and the recurring epidemic in later years have disturbed China’s economy. Moreover, China’s demographic dividend has been disappearing due to its fastest aging population and declining birth rate. The birth rates in eastern provinces of China are much lower than those of the western provinces. Considering the impacts of the COVID-19 and aging population, this paper focused on the relationship between birth rate and the disposable income and tried to find effective measures to raise China’s birth rate. We discovered through regression analysis that the link between per capita disposable income and birth rate is initially "reverse J" and later "inverted J", indicating that per capita disposable income will influence the birth rate. Women’s employment rate and educational level are negatively correlated with the birth rate. To raise the fertility rate in China, it is necessary to increase the marriage rate and the willingness to have children by raising the per capita disposable income and introducing effective tax relief policies.

Economic growth and modernization of society are generally associated with fertility rate decreases but which forces trigger this is unclear. In this paper we assess how fertility changes with increased labor market participation of women in rural Senegal. Evidence from high-income countries suggests that higher female employment rates lead to reduced fertility rates but evidence from developing countries at an early stage of demographic transition is largely absent. We concentrate on a rural area in northern Senegal where a recent boom in horticultural exports has been associated with a sudden increase in female off-farm employment. Using survey data we show that employed women have a significantly higher age at marriage and at first childbirth, and significantly fewer children. As causal identification strategy we use instrumental variable and difference-in-differences estimations, combined with propensity score matching. We find that female employment reduces the number of children per woman by 25%, and that this fertility-reducing effect is as large for poor as for non-poor women and larger for illiterate than for literate women. Results imply that female employment is a strong instrument for empowering rural women, reducing fertility rates and accelerating the demographic transition in poor countries. The effectiveness of family planning programs can increase if targeted to areas where female employment is increasing or to female employees directly because of a higher likelihood to reach women with low-fertility preferences. Our results show that changes in fertility preferences not necessarily result from a cultural evolution but can also be driven by sudden and individual changes in economic opportunities.

BackgroundAssisted Reproductive Technology (ART) reports generated by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) exclude embryo banking cycles from outcome calculations.MethodsWe examined data reported to the CDC in 2013 for the impact of embryo banking exclusion on national ART outcomes by recalculating autologous oocyte ART live birth rates. Inflation of reported fresh ART cycle live birth rates was assessed for all age groups of infertile women as the difference between fresh cycle live births with reference to number of initiated fresh cycles (excluding embryo banking cycles), as typically reported by the CDC, and fresh cycle live births with reference to total initiated fresh ART cycles (including embryo banking cycles).ResultsDuring 2013, out of 121,351 fresh non-donor ART cycles 27,564 (22.7%) involved embryo banking. The proportion of banking cycles increased with female age from 15.5% in women 44 years. Concomitantly, the proportion of thawed cycles decreased with advancing female age (P 44. The inflation of live birth rates in thawed cycles could not be calculated from the publically available CDC data but appears to be even greater.ConclusionsUtilization of embryo banking increased during 2013 with advancing female age, suggesting a potential age selection bias. Exclusion of embryo banking cycles from national ART outcome reports significantly inflated national ART success rates, especially among older women.PrécisExclusion of embryo banking cycles from US National Assisted Reproductive Technology outcome reports significantly inflates reported success rates especially in older women.

At the beginning of the 1990s, the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (ECE) launched a project to conduct international comparative surveys on family and birth rates in European countries (Fertility and Family Surveys - FFS). For the past three decades, Europe has seen profound changes in birth rates, education and family structures. In this context, various authors speak of a "second demographic upheaval". In many European countries, the following trends are emerging: declining birth rates, together with combined birth rates which remain below the level necessary for generational survival (1.49 in Switzerland at the time of the survey in 1994 and 1.50 in 1996), a declining tendency to marry and the emergence of new family forms (consensual couples, single-parent families, blended families). If these trends continue, significant demographic consequences are to be expected, with correspondingly drastic consequences for social and economic organisation (one issue is above all the ageing of the population). The collection of biographical data makes it possible to collect detailed information at the individual level, which supplements the census data. The course of life in our society is becoming increasingly complex and diverse. Censuses can collect little information on the biography of individuals, but this information is essential for understanding and explaining changes in behaviour in terms of birth rates and partnership. The collection of biographical data thus provides an important basis for statistics and scientific research. Another objective of this study is to provide information to those involved in the development of family and social policies. An optional module of the questionnaire (not adopted by Switzerland) is dedicated to population policy and serves to monitor the effectiveness of this policy. The plan for an international survey on family and birth rates in Europe therefore pursues the following objectives: - Providing information on families and birth rates that complements census and marital status data and can be used for scientific purposes, but also for political and administrative purposes; - Provision of data that can be used to develop more precise population scenarios; - Testing of new hypotheses concerning the determinants of parental and partnership behaviour; - Investigation of problems related to family and birth policies; - Comparisons of recent developments in family and birth rates in European countries. Each participating country carries out a representative sample survey based on a standardised questionnaire. The data collected are therefore comparable with those of other countries. The Swiss Federal Statistical Office had planned to conduct a survey on family and birth rates as part of its microcensus programme. Official statistics in our country have few data that allow an analysis of the profound changes in this area. The project of the Economic Commission for Europe offered Switzerland the opportunity to conduct such a survey and at the same time participate in an international comparative research programme. The basic concept for this was drawn up in 1992. The Swiss Federal Statistical Office, which collaborated with the Institute of Sociology at the University of Zurich and the Laboratoire de démographie économique et sociale at the University of Geneva, was in charge of the overall management of the project on behalf of the Federal Council. The objectives of the survey were as follows: - To provide an overview of recent developments and the current situation of the family and the birth rate in Switzerland; - To study the interactions between education, employment, family lifestyles and birth rates; - To shed light on the changes in attitudes and values about family and child. This survey allows (lifecourse-related) longitudinal analyses as a supplement to the (momentary) cross-sectional studies of the situation in the areas of birth rate, tendency to marry and household structure based on census and civil status data. This information is intended for those involved in social and family policy decisions and for scientific research. Anfangs der 90er Jahre lanciert die Wirtschaftskommission für Europa (Economic Commission for Europe - ECE) der Vereinten Nationen ein Projekt, das die Durchführung international vergleichender Erhebungen über Familie und Geburtenhäufigkeit in den Ländern Europas vorsah (Fertility and Family Surveys - FFS). Seit drei Jahrzehnten ist in Europa ein tiefgreifender Wandel in den Bereichen Geburtenhäufigkeit, Ausbildung und Familienstrukturen zu beobachten. Verschiedene Autoren sprechen in diesem Zusammenhang von einem "zweiten demographischen Umbruch". In zahlreichen europäischen Ländern zeichnen sich folgende Trends ab: sinkende Geburtenhäufigkeit, zusammen mit zusammengefassten Geburtenziffern, welche weiterhin unter den für den Generationenerhalt notwendigen Wert liegen (1,49 in der Schweiz zum Erhebungszeitpunkt 1994 und 1,50 im Jahr 1996), Rückgang der Heiratsneigung und Aufkommen neuer Familienformen (Konsensualpaare, Einelternfamilien, Fortsetzungsfamilien). Falls diese Trends weiter anhalten, ist mit bedeutenden demographischen Konsequenzen zu rechnen, mit entsprechend einscheidenden Folgen für die gesellschaftliche und wirtschaftliche Organisation (ein Thema ist vor allem die Alterung der Bevölkerung). Die Erhebung von biographischen Daten gestattet es, detaillierte Informationen auf der Stufe des Einzelnen zu sammeln, welche die Volkszählungsdaten ergänzen. Die Lebensverläufe in unserer Gesellschaft werden immer komplexer und vielfältiger. Bei den Volkszählungen können nur wenige Informationen zur Biographie des Einzelnen erhoben werden; diese Angaben sind aber von grundlegender Bedeutung, wenn es darum geht, Verhaltensänderungen im Bereich Geburtenhäufigkeit und Partnerschaft zu verstehen und zu erklären. Die Erhebung von biographischen Daten liefert demnach wichtige Grundlagen für die Statistik und die wissenschaftliche Forschung. Ein weiteres Ziel dieses Projekts besteht darin, Informationen für die Personen bereitszustellen, die mit der Ausarbeitung der Familien- und Sozialpolitik befasst sind. Ein (von der Schweiz nicht übernommenes) fakultatives Modul des Fragebogens ist denn auch der Bevölkerungspolitik gewidmet und dient zur Überprüfung der Wirksamkeit dieser Politik. Der Plan einer internationalen Erhebung über Familie und Geburtenhäufigkeit in Europa verfolgt somit folgende Zielsetzungen: - Bereitstellung von Informationen über Familien und Geburtenhäufigkeit, welche die Volkszählungs- und Zivilstandsdaten ergänzen und für wissenschaftliche Zwecke, aber auch für die Belange der Politik und der Verwaltung verwendet werden können; - Bereitstellung von Daten, welche zur Erarbeitung von genaueren Bevölkerungsszenarien dienen können; - Testen neuer Hypothesen betreffend die Determinanten des Eltern- und Partnerschaftsverhaltens; - Untersuchung der Probleme im Zusammenhang mit der Familien- und Geburtenpolitik; - Vergleiche der neueren Entwicklungen im Bereich Familie und Geburtenhäufigkeit in den europäischen Ländern. Jedes teilnehmende Land führt eine für die Bevölkerung repräsentative Stichprobenerhebung durch, welche auf einem standardisierten Fragebogen basiert. Die erhobenen Daten sind demnach mit denjenigen anderer Länder vergleichbar. Das Bundesamt für Statistik hatte im Rahmen seines Mikrozensus-Programms die Durchführung einer Erhebung über Familie und Geburtenhäufigkeit geplant. Die amtliche Statistik in unserem Land verfügt nur über wenige Daten, die eine Analyse des tiefgreifenden Wandels in diesem Bereich ermöglichen. Das Projekt der Wirtschaftskommission für Europa bot der Schweiz die Möglichkeit, eine solche Erhebung durchzuführen und sich gleichzeitig an einem international vergleichenden Forschungsprogramm zu beteiligen. 1992 wurde das Grundkonzept dafür erstellt. Die Gesamtleitung des im Auftrag des Bundesrats realisierten Projekts lag beim Bundesamt für Statistik, das mit dem Soziologischen Institut der Universität Zürich und dem Laboratoire de démographie économique et sociale der Universität Genf zusammenarbeitete. Die Erhebung verfolgte folgende Zielsetzungen: - Erarbeiten eines Überblicks über die jüngste Entwicklung und die aktuelle Lage der Familie und der Geburtenhäufigkeit in der Schweiz; - Untersuchen der Wechselwirkungen zwischen Ausbildung, Erwerbstätigkeit, familialen Lebensformen und Geburtenhäufigkeit; - Aufschluss geben über den Wandel der Einstellungen und Werthaltungen über Familie und Kind. Diese Erhebung ermöglicht (lebenslaufbezogene) Längsschnittanalysen als Ergänzung zu den auf Volkszählungs- und Zivilstandsdaten basierenden (momentbezogenen) Querschnittuntersuchungen der Situation in den Bereichen Geburtenhäufigkeit, Heiratsneigung und Haushaltsstruktur. Diese Informationen sind für die mit sozial- und familienpolitischen Entscheiden befassten Personen sowie für die wissenschaftliche Forschung bestimmt.

Since 2000, Russia has consistently had the lowest population growth rate of the BRICS countries, and it even experienced a population decline throughout most of the 2000s, and again in the late 2010s. For Brazil, China, and India, population growth has gradually fallen over time, as their demographic development progresses. South Africa has had the highest population growth rate since 2010, as its population recovered from the initial impact of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, before it started falling as birth rates fall more in line with death rates.

• Opinion on the risks of population decline in Europe and Spain.
• Opinion on the effects of the decline in the birth rate in Spain.
• Opinion on the measures to be taken to encourage Spanish families to have more children.
• Opinion on the ideal age of marriage. Attitude to premarital and sexual relations.
• Opinion on cohabitation.
• Reasons that influence a couple to live together without getting married.
• Reasons that influence for a couple to marry.
• Degree of satisfaction with marriage.
• Opinion on factors that influence the success of a marriage. Attitude to divorce.
• Opinion on the grounds for divorce.
• Ideal number of children.
• Opinions about family and children. Attitude to motherhood of single women.
• Opinion on the reasons for not wanting to have children.
• Use of contraceptive methods.
• Reasons for non-use of contraceptives.
• Opinion on the reasons for a married woman to work outside the home.
• Characteristics of the interviewee's home.
• Scale of satisfaction with housing. Attitudes to the ageing of society.
• Opinions before retirement. Attitudes to euthanasia.
• Frequency with which the interviewee deals with the subject of death. Attitude to incineration. Predisposition to emigrate.
• Opinion on immigrants and political refugees.
• Stereotypes of Ibero-Americans, Arabs and Africans.

In the year 1975 the death rate has been higher than the birth rate for the first time since the end of the war. This means that our country has now the same problem as the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic namely a declining population. A decline in the birth rate is a phenomenon that could be observed in many industrialised countries since the 60s. This resulted in questions and problems that concern many areas of the economic an social development. The need for kindergartens, class rooms, apartments and workplaces has to be evaluated anew constantly as well as the necessary number of foreign workers or the financial burden for the contributors to the public pension scheme. In the developing countries on the other hand, it is the population boom in connection with the unemployment rate and the shortage of food that causes immense problems - which in return has an impact on the rich countries. Therefore, worldwide measures are taken understand the factors that influence the population growth and the birth rate so that decisions can be made for the future. The International Statistic Institute conducts, commissioned by the United Nations, a World-Fertility-Survey (WFS) in numerous countries; the up until now largest research on fertility and its conditions. The title birth-biography implies that this special survey collects information that cannot be gained from the existing birth statistic; the reports from the registrar’s offices to the Central Statistical Office cannot be merged with data from previous reports and also can not be evaluated together. To a limited extent, special question on children born alive had already been posed in the Mikrozensus in 1971 (Mikrozensus MZ7102). Since the number of answers was quite high, important partial results had already been gained. This special survey also concentrates on question on regional and social origin, occupation of the women in connection with the birth of their children and previous marriages. It is also noted if and at what age a child died. This is necessary for research on social conditions of infant mortality which is still quite high in Austria.

The 1998 Philippines National Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS). is a nationally-representative survey of 13,983 women age 15-49. The NDHS was designed to provide information on levels and trends of fertility, family planning knowledge and use, infant and child mortality, and maternal and child health. It was implemented by the National Statistics Office in collaboration with the Department of Health (DOH). Macro International Inc. of Calverton, Maryland provided technical assistance to the project, while financial assistance was provided by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and the DOH. Fieldwork for the NDHS took place from early March to early May 1998. The primary objective of the NDHS is to Provide up-to-date information on fertility levels; determinants of fertility; fertility preferences; infant and childhood mortality levels; awareness, approval, and use of family planning methods; breastfeeding practices; and maternal and child health. This information is intended to assist policy makers and program managers in evaluating and designing programs and strategies for improving health and family planning services in the country. MAIN RESULTS Survey data generally confirm patterns observed in the 1993 National Demographic Survey (NDS), showing increasing contraceptive use and declining fertility. FERTILITY Fertility Decline. The NDHS data indicate that fertility continues to decline gradually but steadily. At current levels, women will give birth an average of 3.7 children per woman during their reproductive years, a decline from the level of 4.1 recorded in the 1993 NDS. A total fertility rate of 3.7, however, is still considerably higher than the rates prevailing in neighboring Southeast Asian countries. Fertility Differentials. Survey data show that the large differential between urban and rural fertility levels is widening even further. While the total fertility rate in urban areas declined by about 15 percent over the last five years (from 3.5 to 3.0), the rate among rural women barely declined at all (from 4.8 to 4.7). Consequently, rural women give birth to almost two children more than urban women. Significant differences in fertility levels by region still exist. For example, fertility is more than twice as high in Eastern Visayas and Bicol Regions (with total fertility rates well over 5 births per woman) than in Metro Manila (with a rate of 2.5 births per woman). Fertility levels are closely related to women's education. Women with no formal education give birth to an average of 5.0 children in their lifetime, compared to 2.9 for women with at least some college education. Women with either elementary or high school education have intermediate fertility rates. Family Size Norms. One reason that fertility has not fallen more rapidly is that women in the Philippines still want moderately large families. Only one-third of women say they would ideally like to have one or two children, while another third state a desire for three children. The remaining third say they would choose four or more children. Overall, the mean ideal family size among all women is 3.2 children, identical to the mean found in 1993. Unplanned Fertility. Another reason for the relatively high fertility level is that unplanned pregnancies are still common in the Philippines. Overall, 45 percent of births in the five years prior to the survey were reported to be unplanned; 27 percent were mistimed (wanted later) and 18 percent were unwanted. If unwanted births could be eliminated altogether, the total fertility rate in the Philippines would be 2.7 births per woman instead of the actual level of 3.7. Age at First Birth. Fertility rates would be even higher if Filipino women did not have a pattem of late childbearing. The median age at first birth is 23 years in the Philippines, considerably higher than in most other countries. Another factor that holds down the overall level of fertility is the fact that about 9 or 10 percent of women never give birth, higher than the level of 3-4 percent found in most developing countries. FAMILY PLANNING Increasing Use of Contraception. A major cause of declining fertility in the Philippines has been the gradual but fairly steady increase in contraceptive use over the last three decades. The contraceptive prevalence rate has tripled since 1968, from 15 to 47 percent of married women. Although contraceptive use has increased since the 1993 NDS (from 40 to 47 percent of married women), comparison with the series of nationally representative Family Planning Surveys indicates that there has been a levelling-off in family planning use in recent years. Method Mix. Use of traditional methods of family planning has always accounted for a relatively high proportion of overall use in the Philippines, and data from the 1998 NDHS show the proportion holding steady at about 40 percent. The dominant changes in the "method mix" since 1993 have been an increase in use of injectables and traditional methods such as calendar rhythm and withdrawal and a decline in the proportions using female sterilization. Despite the decline in the latter, female sterilization still is the most widely used method, followed by the pill. Differentials in Family Planning Use. Differentials in current use of family planning in the 16 administrative regions of the country are large, ranging from 16 percent of married women in ARMM to 55 percent of those in Southern Mindanao and Central Luzon. Contraceptive use varies considerably by education of women. Only 15 percent of married women with no formal education are using a method, compared to half of those with some secondary school. The urban-rural gap in contraceptive use is moderate (51 vs. 42 percent, respectively). Knowledge of Contraception. Knowledge of contraceptive methods and supply sources has been almost universal in the Philippines for some time and the NDHS results indicate that 99 percent of currently married women age 15-49 have heard of at least one method of family planning. More than 9 in 10 married women know the pill, IUD, condom, and female sterilization, while about 8 in 10 have heard of injectables, male sterilization, rhythm, and withdrawal. Knowledge of injectables has increased far more than any other method, from 54 percent of married women in 1993 to 89 percent in 1998. Unmet Need for Family Planning. Unmet need for family planning services has declined since I993. Data from the 1993 NDS show that 26 percent of currently married women were in need of services, compared with 20 percent in the 1998 NDHS. A little under half of the unmet need is comprised of women who want to space their next birth, while just over half is for women who do not want any more children (limiters). If all women who say they want to space or limit their children were to use methods, the contraceptive prevalence rate could be increased from 47 percent to 70 percent of married women. Currently, about three-quarters of this "total demand" for family planning is being met. Discontinuation Rates. One challenge for the family planning program is to reduce the high levels of contraceptive discontinuation. NDHS data indicate that about 40 percent of contraceptive users in the Philippines stop using within 12 months of starting, almost one-third of whom stop because of an unwanted pregnancy (i.e., contraceptive failure). Discontinuation rates vary by method. Not surprisingly, the rates for the condom (60 percent), withdrawal (46 percent), and the pill (44 percent) are considerably higher than for the 1UD (14 percent). However, discontinuation rates for injectables are relatively high, considering that one dose is usually effective for three months. Fifty-two percent of injection users discontinue within one year of starting, a rate that is higher than for the pill. MATERNAL AND CHILD HEALTH Childhood Mortality. Survey results show that although the infant mortality rate remains unchanged, overall mortality of children under five has declined somewhat in recent years. Under-five mortality declined from 54 deaths per 1,000 births in 1988-92 to 48 for the period 1993-97. The infant mortality rate remained stable at about 35 per 1,000 births. Childhood Vaccination Coverage. The 1998 NDHS results show that 73 percent of children 12- 23 months are fully vaccinated by the date of the interview, almost identical to the level of 72 percent recorded in the 1993 NDS. When the data are restricted to vaccines received before the child's first birthday, however, only 65 percent of children age 12-23 months can be considered to be fully vaccinated. Childhood Health. The NDHS provides some data on childhood illness and treatment. Approximately one in four children under age five had a fever and 13 percent had respiratory illness in the two weeks before the survey. Of these, 58 percent were taken to a health facility for treatment. Seven percent of children under five were reported to have had diarrhea in the two weeks preceeding the survey. The fact that four-fifths of children with diarrhea received some type of oral rehydration therapy (fluid made from an ORS packet, recommended homemade fluid, or increased fluids) is encouraging. Breastfeeding Practices. Almost all Filipino babies (88 percent) are breastfed for some time, with a median duration of breastfeeding of 13 months. Although breastfeeding has beneficial effects on both the child and the mother, NDHS data indicate that supplementation of breastfeeding with other liquids and foods occurs too early in the Philippines. For example, among newborns less than two months of age, 19 percent were already receiving supplemental foods or liquids other than water. Maternal Health Care. NDHS data point to several areas regarding maternal health care in which improvements could be made. Although most Filipino mothers (86 percent) receive prenatal care from a doctor, nurse, or midwife, tetanus toxoid coverage is far from universal and

Female fertility was the highest in Yemen in 2019 at an approximate of *** births per woman, followed by Iraq and Palestine at about *** and **** births per woman respectively. In comparison, the United Arab Emirates had the lowest fertility rate of about *** births per woman in 2019. Fertility rates over time Fertility rates have been declining over the years from *** in 2010 to *** in 2018 in the Middle East and Africa region. The population of a country starts declining due to the decline in fertility rates when the fertility rate drops below the threshold of approximately ***. This effect is more prominent in countries with high child mortality rates as child survival is one of the main factors affecting fertility rates. Parents are more likely to attempt to replace lost children or have more children as insurance when experiencing early child mortality. In the MENA region, child mortality witnessed a significant decline over the past decade. Factors affecting female fertility The variation in fertility rates across countries is very evident. Developed countries have lower fertility rates between *** and ***** births per female, while developing countries have higher rates that could reach ***** births per female. Female fertility rates drop as countries develop economically. It was found that a higher income and education decreases female fertility. Increasing the employment of women also reduces female fertility as it increases their opportunity cost of bearing children.

The world's population first reached one billion people in 1803, and reach eight billion in 2023, and will peak at almost 11 billion by the end of the century. Although it took thousands of years to reach one billion people, it did so at the beginning of a phenomenon known as the demographic transition; from this point onwards, population growth has skyrocketed, and since the 1960s the population has increased by one billion people every 12 to 15 years. The demographic transition sees a sharp drop in mortality due to factors such as vaccination, sanitation, and improved food supply; the population boom that follows is due to increased survival rates among children and higher life expectancy among the general population; and fertility then drops in response to this population growth. Regional differences The demographic transition is a global phenomenon, but it has taken place at different times across the world. The industrialized countries of Europe and North America were the first to go through this process, followed by some states in the Western Pacific. Latin America's population then began growing at the turn of the 20th century, but the most significant period of global population growth occurred as Asia progressed in the late-1900s. As of the early 21st century, almost two thirds of the world's population live in Asia, although this is set to change significantly in the coming decades. Future growth The growth of Africa's population, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa, will have the largest impact on global demographics in this century. From 2000 to 2100, it is expected that Africa's population will have increased by a factor of almost five. It overtook Europe in size in the late 1990s, and overtook the Americas a decade later. In contrast to Africa, Europe's population is now in decline, as birth rates are consistently below death rates in many countries, especially in the south and east, resulting in natural population decline. Similarly, the population of the Americas and Asia are expected to go into decline in the second half of this century, and only Oceania's population will still be growing alongside Africa. By 2100, the world's population will have over three billion more than today, with the vast majority of this concentrated in Africa. Demographers predict that climate change is exacerbating many of the challenges that currently hinder progress in Africa, such as political and food instability; if Africa's transition is prolonged, then it may result in further population growth that would place a strain on the region's resources, however, curbing this growth earlier would alleviate some of the pressure created by climate change.

• Evaluation of the effects of the decline in birth rate in Spain
• Opinion on the reasons that have influenced the decline in birth rate Attitude to the recommendations of the Catholic Church on artificial fertilization, contraceptives and abortion
• Opinion on legal, clandestine and abortions performed outside Spain Attitude to which cases abortion should or should not be authorized in Spain
• Opinion on the current Abortion Act
• Opinion on the situation of youth in Spain
• Opinion on characteristics of young Spaniards
• Opinion on the main problems faced by young Spaniards
• Knowledge and assessment of national political leaders
• Affinity with political parties
• Scale of political ideology
• Intention to vote in general elections
• Remembrance of vote in general elections of 29 October 1989

From March on, the number of births in Italy experienced a decrease. The coronavirus pandemic might have had an impact of the country's birth rate as well. In particular, during the second wave of infections registered between October and December 2020, the number of births dropped by 7.7 percent compared to the same period of 2019. However, Italy's birth rate has been decreasing constantly in the last decades.

BackgroundNon-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs), such as social distancing and hand washing, have been associated with a decline in the preterm birth rate worldwide. We aimed to evaluate whether the preterm birth rate in Korea during the coronavirus disease 2019 lockdown has changed compared to that in previous years.MethodA birth registry from the Korea Statistical Information Service, which is a nationwide official database, was used to include all births claimed to have occurred between 2011 and 2020. Newborns with gestational age (GA) less than 22 weeks and birth weight less than 220 g were excluded. The pre-NPI period was designated as January 2011 to January 2020, and the NPI period was defined as February 2020 to December 2020. We assessed the effect of NPI on the incidence of prematurity per 100 births using an interrupted time-series quasi-experimental design and implementing an autoregressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) model.ResultsFrom 2011 to 2020, a total of 3,931,974 live births were registered, among which 11,416 were excluded. Consequently, the final study population included 3,920,558 live births (both singleton and multiple births) among which 275,009 (7.0%) were preterm. The preterm birth rate was significantly higher during the NPI period (8.68%) compared to that in the pre-NPI period (6.92%) (P