The average for 2015 based on 158 countries was 27.78 percent. The highest value was in Zimbabwe: 67 percent and the lowest value was in Switzerland: 6.94 percent. The indicator is available from 1991 to 2015. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.

In 2023, the untaxed shadow economy accounted for 19.3 percent of the global gross domestic product (GDP). Russia's shadow economy is estimated to be worth about 13.1 percent of its GDP, while Nigeria's shadow economy represented 30 percent of its GDP.

In 2023, the untaxed shadow economy accounted for 19.3 percent of the global gross domestic product (GDP). In Latin American. Bolivia's shadow economy was the largest of the region and was estimated to be worth about 32.1 percent of its GDP, while Mexico's shadow economy represented 18 percent of its GDP.

In 2023, the untaxed shadow economy accounted for 19.3 percent of the global gross domestic product (GDP). In Africa, Sierra Leone's shadow economy was the largest of the region and was estimated to be worth about 64.5 percent of its GDP, while Egypt's shadow economy represented 21 percent of its GDP.

Yearly citation counts for the publication titled "The shadow economy in three Mediterranean countries: France, Spain and Greece. A MIMIC approach".

The average for 2015 based on 43 countries was 35.92 percent. The highest value was in Zimbabwe: 67 percent and the lowest value was in Mauritius: 19.23 percent. The indicator is available from 1991 to 2015. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.

In 2023, the untaxed shadow economy accounted for **** percent of the global gross domestic product (GDP). In the Middle East, Iraq's shadow economy was the largest of the region and was estimated to be worth about **** percent of its GDP, while Qatar's shadow economy represented *** percent of its GDP.

While the shadow economy seems to have both positive and negative effects on a country’s macroeconomy, almost all governments have attempted to control the shadow economy to prevent the loss of tax revenues and the attendant impact on the government budget. Even though official development assistance (ODA) has no formal link with the shadow economy, we often observe a relationship between the two in recipient countries. We argue that ODA can increase the size of the shadow economy in recipient countries through both government and individual-level flows of ODA to the shadow economy. We analyzed data on the shadow economies of 107 ODA recipients from 1990 to 2018 using both fixed effect and Driscoll–Kraay estimators. The results show that recipients receiving a higher volume of ODA are more likely to have a larger shadow economy. Moreover, the relationship between ODA and the shadow economy is stronger in more corrupt recipients. We dealt with endogeneity issues using the generalized method of moments, which supported our findings.

In 2023, the shadow economy's value as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) was lower in high-income countries than in low-income countries. The shadow economy accounted for *** percent of GDP in high-income countries.

This is the data and do-files used for the article "Peacekeeping Operations and Shadow Economy Growth in Host Countries," forthcoming in Conflict Management and Peace Science.

Yearly citation counts for the publication titled "The Comparison of the Shadow Economy in Turkey and European Countries".

The considerations about productive activities regularly not captured by official statistics, the "non-observed economy" (NOE), is a relevant issue for the Brazilian economy, linked directly to the System of National Accounts (SNA). This article seeks to bring up conceptual and methodological questions, as well as results for the Brazilian economy to complement the SCN commonly reported in the country. The ENO in Brazil as a proportion of GDP declined from 15.8% to 11.6% between 2000 and 2009, a result influenced by reducing the still significant weight of household production and the informal economy Factors such as economic growth, especially in the period 2004-2008, and effects of specific policies such as reducing and simplifying taxes, credit expansion for micro entrepreneurs and increased labor inspection were identified as relevant to this reduction.

Yearly citation counts for the publication titled "Fiscal policy and shadow economy in Asian developing countries: does corruption matter?".

Network of 41 papers and 61 citation links related to "The shadow economy in three Mediterranean countries: France, Spain and Greece. A MIMIC approach".

Graph and download economic data for Unemployment Rate - Black or African American (LNS14000006) from Jan 1972 to Aug 2025 about African-American, 16 years +, household survey, unemployment, rate, and USA.

Yearly citation counts for the publication titled "Size and Development of the Shadow Economy in Germany, Austria and Other oecd-Countries".

Graph and download economic data for Employment Level - 20 Yrs. & over, Black or African American Men (LNS12000031) from Jan 1972 to Aug 2025 about 20 years +, African-American, males, household survey, employment, and USA.

For a long time, governments of all countries have attached great importance to the development of underground economic activities. The reason is that the characteristics of the underground economy are hidden and the information disclosure is not sufficient, which not only distorts the economic data indicators, but more importantly, the existence of the underground economy has led to the loss of a large amount of tax base, affecting the long-term economic development of the country. Whether raising the tax burden rate boosts the tax revenue or expand the scale of the underground economy. In this paper, we use Kuznet Tax Curve (KTC) method to analyze the relationship between GDP and TTR/DTR/ITR. We find that the tax base erosion rate of indirect tax is lower than that of direct tax. In addition, we explore the relationship among economic growth, tax rate and tax revenue and adopt SUR-OLS method and Threshold approach to estimate the response of economic growth on total tax revenue(TTR), direct tax revenue(DTR) and indirect tax revenue (ITR) in Taiwan from 1991-2020. Our empirical research shows that when DTR tax rates are between 12.59% and 13%, an increase in income leads to a decrease, not an increase, in DTR, leading to severe tax base erosion. That is, the relationship between GDP and DTR presents a N-shaped relationship. However, ITR does not exist any tax rate threshold effect. Obviously, with the increase of GDP, ITR also increases. This reflects that the difference of tax structure between direct tax and indirect tax plays a key role in the relationship between tax rate and tax base erosion.

Network of 42 papers and 70 citation links related to "Fiscal policy and shadow economy in Asian developing countries: does corruption matter?".

Introduction Black entrepreneurship in Canada makes important contributions to the Canadian economy, from fostering innovation to creating employment and building generational wealth. At least 1.3% of Black adults in Canada are business owners, relative to the 2.3% that are business owners from the entire Canadian population (Business Development Bank of Canada (BDC), 2025). Similarly, Black people account for 2.4% of all business owners in the country even though they only represent 4.3% of the entire population. Women account for 33% of these Black businesses, as compared to their 20% share in the country’s total business ownership (Diversity Institute, 2024), highlighting the potential of Black entrepreneurship for economic empowerment. However, Black businesses are faced with some systemic barriers that impede their ability to thrive, including but not limited to underrepresentation among entrepreneurs in Canada and limited access to finance, restricted networking opportunities, and insufficient specialized support programs (Gueye et al., 2022; Gueye, 2023; Diversity Institute, 2024). These challenges stem in part from a lack of comprehensive and reliable data on Black businesses and the absence of standardized definitions for key concepts such as Black entrepreneurs, Black enterprises, and Black entrepreneurship. Without a clear understanding of who constitutes a Black entrepreneur and the scale of their contributions, policymakers and stakeholders struggle to provide the necessary support and resources to advance this community. In fact, the development of policies and initiatives for Black businesses faces difficulties because current data about Black entrepreneurship remains fragmented and inconsistent, with different sources reporting different numbers (Grekou et al., 2021; Gueye, 2023). These discrepancies highlight the urgent need for a unified approach to data collection and analysis, as accurate and comprehensive data are critical to understanding the size, scope, and needs of Black entrepreneurs, enabling targeted policy interventions and resource allocation. Current data fragmentation problems combined with non-standardized definitions create a situation where Black business owners are frequently ignored or inaccurately classified or omitted (Coletto et al., 2021). The significance of this research, therefore, lies in its ability to resolve systemic barriers through an improved representation of Black entrepreneurs. This research aims to harmonise missing data points and set specific criteria to establish sound tools for policymakers, researchers, and community groups who want to better assist Black entrepreneurs. With this, Black-owned business support will be strengthened through targeted policies and programs that develop sustainable growth for these businesses in Canada. The main objectives of this study are threefold. The research seeks to reconcile disparate Black entrepreneurship statistics from Afrobiz.ca alongside Canadian Black Chamber of Commerce records and Statistics Canada databases. Also, the research seeks to develop unified criteria to define Black business owners together with their enterprises to improve both data collection precision and reporting consistency. Lastly, the research will establish procedures to build a standardized database of Black entrepreneurs by integrating present data sources and making sure both formal and informal businesses receive proper representation. These research efforts will establish fundamental principles for developing an inclusive and equal entrepreneurial system throughout Canada. Introduction L'entrepreneuriat noir au Canada apporte d'importantes contributions à l'économie canadienne, qu'il s'agisse de favoriser l'innovation, de créer des emplois ou de constituer un patrimoine générationnel. Au moins 1,3 % des adultes noirs au Canada sont propriétaires d'une entreprise, contre 2,3 % pour l'ensemble de la population canadienne (Banque de développement du Canada (BDC), 2025). De même, les Noirs représentent 2,4 % de tous les propriétaires d'entreprise du pays, alors qu'ils ne représentent que 4,3 % de la population totale. Les femmes représentent 33 % de ces entreprises noires, alors qu'elles représentent 20 % de l'ensemble des entreprises du pays (Diversity Institute, 2024), ce qui souligne le potentiel de l'entrepreneuriat noir en matière d'émancipation économique. Toutefois, les entreprises noires sont confrontées à certains obstacles systémiques qui entravent leur capacité à prospérer, notamment la sousreprésentation des entrepreneurs au Canada et l'accès limité au financement, les possibilités de réseautage restreintes et l'insuffisance des programmes de soutien spécialisés (Gueye et al., 2022 ; Gueye, 2023 ; Diversity Institute, 2024). Ces défis découlent en partie d'un manque de données complètes et fiables sur les entreprises noires et de l'absence de définitions normalisées pour des concepts clés tels que les entrepreneurs...