Sadly, the trend of fatal police shootings in the United States seems to only be increasing, with a total 1,173 civilians having been shot, 248 of whom were Black, as of December 2024. In 2023, there were 1,164 fatal police shootings. Additionally, the rate of fatal police shootings among Black Americans was much higher than that for any other ethnicity, standing at 6.1 fatal shootings per million of the population per year between 2015 and 2024. Police brutality in the U.S. In recent years, particularly since the fatal shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri in 2014, police brutality has become a hot button issue in the United States. The number of homicides committed by police in the United States is often compared to those in countries such as England, where the number is significantly lower. Black Lives Matter The Black Lives Matter Movement, formed in 2013, has been a vocal part of the movement against police brutality in the U.S. by organizing “die-ins”, marches, and demonstrations in response to the killings of black men and women by police. While Black Lives Matter has become a controversial movement within the U.S., it has brought more attention to the number and frequency of police shootings of civilians.

The rate of fatal police shootings in the United States shows large differences based on ethnicity. Among Black Americans, the rate of fatal police shootings between 2015 and December 2024 stood at 6.1 per million of the population per year, while for white Americans, the rate stood at 2.4 fatal police shootings per million of the population per year. Police brutality in the United States Police brutality is a major issue in the United States, but recently saw a spike in online awareness and protests following the murder of George Floyd, an African American who was killed by a Minneapolis police officer. Just a few months before, Breonna Taylor was fatally shot in her apartment when Louisville police officers forced entry into her apartment. Despite the repeated fatal police shootings across the country, police accountability has not been adequate according to many Americans. A majority of Black Americans thought that police officers were not held accountable for their misconduct, while less than half of White Americans thought the same. Political opinions Not only are there differences in opinion between ethnicities on police brutality, but there are also major differences between political parties. A majority of Democrats in the United States thought that police officers were not held accountable for their misconduct, while a majority of Republicans that they were held accountable. Despite opposing views on police accountability, both Democrats and Republicans agree that police should be required to be trained in nonviolent alternatives to deadly force.

As of November 17, 277 Black people were killed by the police in the United States in 2024. This compares to 201 Hispanic people and 445 white people. The rate of police shootings of Black Americans is much higher than any other ethnicity, at 6.2 per million people. This rate stands at 2.8 per million for Hispanic people and 2.4 per million for white people.

The killing of Tyre Nichols in January 2023 by Memphis Police Officers has reignited debates about police brutality in the United States. Between 2013 and 2024, over 1,000 people have been killed by police in every year. Some of the most infamous examples include the murder of George Floyd in May 2020, and the shooting of Breonna Taylor earlier that year. Within this time period, the most people killed by police in the United States was in 2023, at 1,353 people. Police Violence in the U.S. Police violence is defined as any instance where a police officer’s use of force results in a civilian’s death, regardless of whether it is considered justified by the law. While many people killed by police in the U.S. were shot, other causes of death have included tasers, vehicles, and physical restraints or beatings. In the United States, the rate of police shootings is much higher for Black Americans than it is for any other ethnicity and recent incidents of police killing unarmed Black men and women in the United States have led to widespread protests against police brutality, particularly towards communities of color. America’s Persistent Police Problem Despite increasing visibility surrounding police violence in recent years, police killings have continued to occur in the United States at a consistently high rate. In comparison to other countries, police in the U.S. have killed people at a rate three times higher than police in Canada, and 60 times the rate of police in England. While U.S. police have killed people in almost all 50 states, as well as the District of Columbia, New Mexico was reported to have the highest rate of people killed by the police in the United States, with 8.03 people per million inhabitants killed by police.

As of December 31, the U.S. police shot 1,173 people to death in 2024. In 2023, 1,164 people were shot to death by police in the United States. Police treatment Since as early as the 18th century, police brutality has been a significant issue in the United States. Black Americans have been especially marginalized by police officers, as they have faced higher rates of fatal police shootings compared to other ethnicities. Disparities also exist in perceptions of police treatment depending on ethnicity. A majority of Black Americans think that Black and White people do not receive equal police treatment, while more than half of White and Hispanic Americans think the same. Police reform The upsurge in Black Lives Matter protests in response to the killing of Black Americans as a result of police brutality has created a call for police reform. In 2019, it was found that police killings decreased by a quarter in police departments that implemented a policy that requires officers to use all other means before shooting. Since the killing of George Floyd in May 2020, 21 states, including New York and California, have passed bills that focused on police supervision.

In 2023, 1,190 deadly police shootings occurred in the United States, a slight increase from 1,156 in the previous year. During this same period, there were 322 Black people killed by the police.

As of November 17, New Mexico had the highest rate of people killed by police out of all U.S. states in 2024, with 12.75 people per million inhabitants killed by police in that time period, followed by Wyoming with 12.13 people per million inhabitants killed by police.

In the United States, more men than women are shot to death by the police. As of October 22, the U.S. police shot 904 men and 44 women to death in 2024. In 2023, the police shot 1,107 men and 48 women to death.

These Bloomington Police Department cases have been identified as Domestic Battery using the State Statue definition of 'domestic'.

Key code for Race:

A- Asian/Pacific Island, Non-Hispanic B- African American, Non-Hispanic C- Hawaiian/Other Pacific Island, Hispanic H- Hawaiian/Other Pacific Island, Non-Hispanic I- Indian/Alaskan Native, Non-Hispanic K- African American, Hispanic L- Caucasian, Hispanic N- Indian/Alaskan Native, Hispanic P- Asian/Pacific Island, Hispanic S- Asian, Non-Hispanic T- Asian, Hispanic U- Unknown W- Caucasian, Non-Hispanic

Key Code for Reading Districts:

Example: LB519

L for Law call or incident B stands for Bloomington 5 is the district or beat where incident occurred All numbers following represents a grid sector.

Disclaimer: The Bloomington Police Department takes great effort in making open data as accurate as possible, but there is no avoiding the introduction of errors in this process, which relies on data provided by many people and that cannot always be verified. Information contained in this dataset may change over a period of time. The Bloomington Police Department is not responsible for any error or omission from this data, or for the use or interpretation of the results of any research conducted.

Under what conditions can citizens hold government officials accountable for their behavior? I examine accountability over the police, a pervasive face of the state as experienced by most people. Like elected politicians, police enjoy significant discretion, limited oversight, power, and corruptibility. Continued problems of police violence and disparate treatment, especially against Black Americans, have shown the importance of accountable policing. Using calls for service records, election returns, survey data, and case studies, I explore challenges of political accountability across the highly varied 18,000 police department in the United States. The police are both a nationally salient social group – evaluated differently by partisans in a national media environment – as well as a locally-provided government function that tens of millions of Americans encounter regularly. This decentralization complicates improvements to policing policies by limiting the impacts of reform activism to particular cities and by misaligning activism with local conditions (Chapter 1). Millions of Americans regularly call the police to manage a swathe of urgent problems. Examining whether citizens punish street-level bureaucrats for misbehavior by withdrawing from demands for police intervention, I find that daily demands for policing services remain steady after well-publicized police abuse (Chapter 2). Absent exit, change requires political action. One manifestation of the varieties of American policing is between elected and appointed police leadership. I show that each approach has problems: elected sheriffs seem too steady in their offices – over which they enjoy almost unfettered control and significant incumbency advantage – while appointed police chiefs are constrained by unions, politicians, and the public (Chapter 3). Drawing on case studies of immigration enforcement in county jails, I show that nationally salient issues can impinge on the domains of county Sheriffs and increase interest and energy in local elections – aligning policies with preferences through a process I term “redirected nationalization” (Chapter 4). An additional problem is that police officers are themselves political agents who can resist change. By analyzing their nearly universal support for Donald Trump in the 2016 election, and the status of police as a salient cleavage in American electoral politics, I show a strong affinity between police union and right-wing politics rooted in the sense that police are “under siege” by Black Lives Matter and calls for reform (Chapter 5). This uniform conservative orientation of police culture clashes with the array of problems the police manage, which frequently include homelessness and mental illness (Chapter 6, co-authored with Jacob Brown). I conclude that, where possible, it is better to unbundle the multifaceted police role, with specialized civil servants responding to classes of problems (Chapter 7). However, the decentralization of policing in the United States and the ambiguity of many calls for services will complicate unbundling. Hence, there remains a need to cultivate a police culture sensitive to the range of problems police encounter and, longer term, to ameliorate the social conditions which drive reliance on police services.

In 1980, the National Institute of Justice awarded a grant to the Cornell University College of Human Ecology for the establishment of the Center for the Study of Race, Crime, and Social Policy in Oakland, California. This center mounted a long-term research project that sought to explain the wide variation in crime statistics by race and ethnicity. Using information from eight ethnic communities in Oakland, California, representing working- and middle-class Black, White, Chinese, and Hispanic groups, as well as additional data from Oakland's justice systems and local organizations, the center conducted empirical research to describe the criminalization process and to explore the relationship between race and crime. The differences in observed patterns and levels of crime were analyzed in terms of: (1) the abilities of local ethnic communities to contribute to, resist, neutralize, or otherwise affect the criminalization of its members, (2) the impacts of criminal justice policies on ethnic communities and their members, and (3) the cumulative impacts of criminal justice agency decisions on the processing of individuals in the system. Administrative records data were gathered from two sources, the Alameda County Criminal Oriented Records Production System (CORPUS) (Part 1) and the Oakland District Attorney Legal Information System (DALITE) (Part 2). In addition to collecting administrative data, the researchers also surveyed residents (Part 3), police officers (Part 4), and public defenders and district attorneys (Part 5). The eight study areas included a middle- and low-income pair of census tracts for each of the four racial/ethnic groups: white, Black, Hispanic, and Asian. Part 1, Criminal Oriented Records Production System (CORPUS) Data, contains information on offenders' most serious felony and misdemeanor arrests, dispositions, offense codes, bail arrangements, fines, jail terms, and pleas for both current and prior arrests in Alameda County. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, and marital status. Variables in Part 2, District Attorney Legal Information System (DALITE) Data, include current and prior charges, days from offense to charge, disposition, and arrest, plea agreement conditions, final results from both municipal court and superior court, sentence outcomes, date and outcome of arraignment, disposition, and sentence, number and type of enhancements, numbers of convictions, mistrials, acquittals, insanity pleas, and dismissals, and factors that determined the prison term. For Part 3, Oakland Community Crime Survey Data, researchers interviewed 1,930 Oakland residents from eight communities. Information was gathered from community residents on the quality of schools, shopping, and transportation in their neighborhoods, the neighborhood's racial composition, neighborhood problems, such as noise, abandoned buildings, and drugs, level of crime in the neighborhood, chances of being victimized, how respondents would describe certain types of criminals in terms of age, race, education, and work history, community involvement, crime prevention measures, the performance of the police, judges, and attorneys, victimization experiences, and fear of certain types of crimes. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, and family status. For Part 4, Oakland Police Department Survey Data, Oakland County police officers were asked about why they joined the police force, how they perceived their role, aspects of a good and a bad police officer, why they believed crime was down, and how they would describe certain beats in terms of drug availability, crime rates, socioeconomic status, number of juveniles, potential for violence, residential versus commercial, and degree of danger. Officers were also asked about problems particular neighborhoods were experiencing, strategies for reducing crime, difficulties in doing police work well, and work conditions. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, marital status, level of education, and years on the force. In Part 5, Public Defender/District Attorney Survey Data, public defenders and district attorneys were queried regarding which offenses were increasing most rapidly in Oakland, and they were asked to rank certain offenses in terms of seriousness. Respondents were also asked about the public's influence on criminal justice agencies and on the performance of certain criminal justice agencies. Respondents were presented with a list of crimes and asked how typical these offenses were and what factors influenced their decisions about such cases (e.g., intent, motive, evidence, behavior, prior history, injury or loss, substance abuse, emotional trauma). Other variables measured how often and under what circumstances the public defender and client and the public defender and the district attorney agreed on the case, defendant characteristics in terms of who should not be put on the stand, the effects of Proposition 8, public defender and district attorney plea guidelines, attorney discretion, and advantageous and disadvantageous characteristics of a defendant. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, marital status, religion, years of experience, and area of responsibility.

The Shootings dashboard contains information on shooting incidents where a victim was struck by a bullet, either fatally or non-fatally; that occurred in the City of Boston and fall under Boston Police Department jurisdiction. The dashboard does not contain records for self-inflicted gunshot wounds or shootings determined to be justifiable. Information on the incident, and the demographics of victims are included. This information is updated based on analysis conducted by the Boston Regional Intelligence Center under the Boston Police Department Bureau of Intelligence and Analysis. The data is for 2015 forward, with a 7 day rolling delay to allow for analysis and data entry to occur.

In 2023, the FBI reported that there were 9,284 Black murder victims in the United States and 7,289 white murder victims. In comparison, there were 554 murder victims of unknown race and 586 victims of another race. Victims of inequality? In recent years, the role of racial inequality in violent crimes such as robberies, assaults, and homicides has gained public attention. In particular, the issue of police brutality has led to increasing attention following the murder of George Floyd, an African American who was killed by a Minneapolis police officer. Studies show that the rate of fatal police shootings for Black Americans was more than double the rate reported of other races. Crime reporting National crime data in the United States is based off the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s new crime reporting system, which requires law enforcement agencies to self-report their data in detail. Due to the recent implementation of this system, less crime data has been reported, with some states such as Delaware and Pennsylvania declining to report any data to the FBI at all in the last few years, suggesting that the Bureau's data may not fully reflect accurate information on crime in the United States.

Characteristics of police violence fatalities, 2013–2019.

As of October 22, police in the United States had shot 23 unarmed people to death in 2024. The most common weapon for a victim of a fatal police shooting to be carrying is a gun. In 2023, 717 people carrying a gun were shot and killed by the U.S. police.

Supplemental data files for the 2020 Cooperative Congressional Election Study. Datasets include questions on COVID-19 and questions on police brutality and Black Lives Matter. This project was supported by the National Science Foundation, Grant Number SES-1948863. To search question text, use this tool: https://cooperativeelectionstudy.shinyapps.io/covid_blm/

In the 2022/23 reporting year, the police in England and Wales were more than 3.4 times likely to use force against black people, when compared to white people. People of mixed, Asian and other ethnic groups were however likely to have force used against them by police forces.

Following a series of high profile instances of police brutality and racial inequality in the United States in 2020, several professional athletes and teams took a stand and refused to compete in scheduled games to bring awareness to the situation. During an August 2020 survey in the United States, 72 percent of NBA fans believed that police violence against Black people was common.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.The Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) asks a sole adult in a random sample of households about their, or their household's, experience of crime victimisation in the previous 12 months. These are recorded in the victim form data file (VF). A wide range of questions are then asked, covering demographics and crime-related subjects such as attitudes to the police and the criminal justice system (CJS). These variables are contained within the non-victim form (NVF) data file. In 2009, the survey was extended to children aged 10-15 years old; one resident of that age range was also selected from the household and asked about their experience of crime and other related topics. The first set of children's data covered January-December 2009 and is held separately under SN 6601. From 2009-2010, the children's data cover the same period as the adult data and are included with the main study.The Telephone-operated Crime Survey for England and Wales (TCSEW) became operational on 20 May 2020. It was a replacement for the face-to-face CSEW, which was suspended on 17 March 2020 because of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. It was set up with the intention of measuring the level of crime during the pandemic. As the pandemic continued throughout the 2020/21 survey year, questions have been raised as to whether the year ending March 2021 TCSEW is comparable with estimates produced in earlier years by the face-to-face CSEW. The ONS Comparability between the Telephone-operated Crime Survey for England and Wales and the face-to-face Crime Survey for England and Wales report explores those factors that may have a bearing on the comparability of estimates between the TCSEW and the former CSEW. These include survey design, sample design, questionnaire changes and modal changes.More general information about the CSEW may be found on the ONS Crime Survey for England and Wales web page and for the previous BCS, from the GOV.UK BCS Methodology web page.History - the British Crime SurveyThe CSEW was formerly known as the British Crime Survey (BCS), and has been in existence since 1981. The 1982 and 1988 BCS waves were also conducted in Scotland (data held separately under SNs 4368 and 4599). Since 1993, separate Scottish Crime and Justice Surveys have been conducted. Up to 2001, the BCS was conducted biennially. From April 2001, the Office for National Statistics took over the survey and it became the CSEW. Interviewing was then carried out continually and reported on in financial year cycles. The crime reference period was altered to accommodate this. Secure Access CSEW dataIn addition to the main survey, a series of questions covering drinking behaviour, drug use, self-offending, gangs and personal security, and intimate personal violence (IPV) (including stalking and sexual victimisation) are asked of adults via a laptop-based self-completion module (questions may vary over the years). Children aged 10-15 years also complete a separate self-completion questionnaire. The questionnaires are included in the main documentation, but the data are only available under Secure Access conditions (see SN 7280), not with the main study. In addition, from 2011 onwards, lower-level geographic variables are also available under Secure Access conditions (see SN 7311).New methodology for capping the number of incidents from 2017-18The CSEW datasets available from 2017-18 onwards are based on a new methodology of capping the number of incidents at the 98th percentile. Incidence variables names have remained consistent with previously supplied data but due to the fact they are based on the new 98th percentile cap, and old datasets are not, comparability has been lost with years prior to 2012-2013. More information can be found in the 2017-18 User Guide (see SN 8464) and the article ‘Improving victimisation estimates derived from the Crime Survey for England and Wales’. The fifth British Crime Survey in the series asked respondents about their experiences of crime over the previous 13 - 14 months. All respondents were queried on their experience of crime, including fear of crime. Type of area lived in and other demographic details were also gathered, as well as factual and attitudinal questions on crime-related topics. Those respondents who had been victims of crime during the reference period were also asked about each incident of crime. For the May 2000 edition of the 1994 dataset, some changes were made to the data and documentation, including the addition of a Training Guide. Main Topics: Topics covered included : the extent and nature of crime; fear of crime; attitudes to the police; contacts with the police; Neighbourhood Watch schemes; crime prevention; fires in the home; self-reported use of prohibited drugs; self-reported attitudes to the purchase of stolen goods; self-reported sexual victimisation against women. An additional ethnic boost sample of Asians and Afro-Caribbeans generated through focused enumeration - screening three addresses to the left and the right of main sample households. Multi-stage stratified random sample Face-to-face interview survey conducted using laptop computers (CAPI) 1994 ADOLESCENTS ADULTS ADVICE AGE ALCOHOL USE AMPHETAMINES ANABOLIC STEROIDS APARTMENTS ARREST ARSON ASIANS ASSAULT ATTITUDES BICYCLES BLACK PEOPLE BUILDINGS BURGLARY CANNABIS CAR PARKING AREAS CHILDREN CLOTHING CLUBS COCAINE COMBATIVE SPORTS COMMERCIAL BUILDINGS COMMUNITIES COMMUNITY BEHAVIOUR COMMUNITY IDENTIFIC... COMMUNITY SAFETY CONSUMER GOODS CONVENTIONAL WEAPONS COSTS CRIME AND SECURITY CRIME PREVENTION CRIME VICTIMS CRIMINAL DAMAGE CRIMINAL INVESTIGATION CRIMINALS CULTURAL GOODS Crime and law enfor... DEBTS DISABILITIES DISEASES DOMESTIC RESPONSIBI... DOMESTIC SAFETY DOMESTIC VIOLENCE DRUG ABUSE DRUG USE ECONOMIC ACTIVITY ECONOMIC VALUE ECSTASY DRUG EDUCATIONAL INSTITU... ELECTRONIC EQUIPMENT EMERGENCY AND PROTE... EMOTIONAL STATES EMPLOYEES EMPLOYERS EMPLOYMENT EMPLOYMENT HISTORY EQUIPMENT ETHNIC CONFLICT ETHNIC GROUPS ETHNIC MINORITIES EVERYDAY LIFE EXPECTATION EXPOSURE TO NOISE England and Wales FAMILY MEMBERS FEAR OF CRIME FINANCIAL COMPENSATION FIRE FIRE DAMAGE FIRE FIGHTING SERVICES FIRE PROTECTION EQU... FRAUD FRIENDS FULL TIME EMPLOYMENT GARAGES GENDER GROUPS HARASSMENT HEADS OF HOUSEHOLD HEALTH HEROIN HOME BUYING HOME OWNERSHIP HOUSEHOLD BUDGETS HOUSEHOLD HEAD S EC... HOUSEHOLD HEAD S OC... HOUSEHOLDS HOUSING HOUSING CONDITIONS HOUSING TENURE HUMAN BEHAVIOUR HUMAN SETTLEMENT INCOME INDUSTRIES INFORMATION INFORMATION MATERIALS INJURIES INSURANCE INSURANCE CLAIMS INTERPERSONAL CONFLICT INTERPERSONAL RELAT... INTRUDER ALARM SYSTEMS JOB DESCRIPTION JUDGMENTS LAW JUVENILE DELINQUENCY LANDLORDS LAW ENFORCEMENT LEAVE LEISURE TIME ACTIVI... LIGHTING LOCATION LOCKS LSD DRUG MANAGERS MARITAL STATUS MASS MEDIA COVERAGE MASS MEDIA USE MEDICAL CARE MEMBERSHIP MONEY MOTOR VEHICLES NEIGHBOURHOODS NEIGHBOURS NON PRESCRIPTION DRUGS OCCUPATIONS OFFENCES ORGANIZATIONS PART TIME EMPLOYMENT PATIENTS PAYMENTS PERSONAL FASHION GOODS PERSONAL IDENTIFICA... PERSONAL SAFETY PERSONALITY PHYSIOLOGICAL DEVEL... POLICE BRUTALITY POLICE COMMUNITY RE... POLICE CORRUPTION POLICE SERVICES POLICING PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS PUBLIC HOUSES PUBLIC INFORMATION PUBLIC TRANSPORT PUNISHMENT PURCHASING QUALIFICATIONS QUALITY OF LIFE RACIAL DISCRIMINATION REFUSE RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION RELIGIOUS ATTENDANCE RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS RELIGIOUS DISCRIMIN... RENTED ACCOMMODATION RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY RESPONSIBILITY RETIREMENT ROAD ACCIDENTS ROBBERY SATISFACTION SECURITY SYSTEMS SELF EMPLOYED SEXUAL ASSAULT SEXUAL HARASSMENT SEXUAL OFFENCES SHOPS SMOKING SOCIAL ACTIVITIES L... SOCIAL HOUSING SOCIAL PROBLEMS SOCIAL SUPPORT SOLVENT ABUSE SPORT SPORTS FACILITIES STREET LIGHTING STUDENTS SUPERVISORS Social behaviour an... TERRORISM THEFT THEFT PROTECTION TIED HOUSING TIME TRAFFIC OFFENCES TRANQUILLIZERS TRESPASS UNEMPLOYED UNEMPLOYMENT VAGRANTS VISITS PERSONAL VOLUNTARY WELFARE O... WAGES WITNESSES WOMEN WORKERS WORKPLACE YOUTH

Between 2015 and 2022, 38 percent of police killings of Black people in the United States were committed while the victim was fleeing, the highest percentage of any ethnicity. Over the same time period, 22 percent of police killings of Asian Americans occurred while the victim was fleeing - the lowest percentage of any ethnicity.