In 2023, 15.4 percent of Black families were living below the poverty line in the United States. Poverty is the state of one who lacks a certain amount of material possessions or money. Absolute poverty or destitution is inability to afford basic human needs, which commonly includes clean and fresh water, nutrition, health care, education, clothing, and shelter.

The purpose of this study was to provide an appropriate theoretical and empirical approach to concepts, measures, and methods in the study of black Americans. The questionnaire was developed over two years with input from social scientists, students, and a national advisory panel of black scholars. The final instrument is comprehensive, encompassing several broad areas related to black American life. The study explores neighborhood-community integration, services, crime and community contact, the role of religion and the church, physical and mental health, and self-esteem. It examines employment, the effects of chronic unemployment, the effects of race on the job, and interaction with family and friends. The survey includes questions about racial attitudes, race identity, group stereotypes, and race ideology. Demographic variables include education, income, occupation, and political behavior and affiliation. The sample includes 2,107 black United States citizens, 18 years of age or older. A national multistage probability sample was selected. Therefore, the sample is self-weighting and every black American household in the continental United States had an equal probability of being selected. The Murray Research Archive has available numeric file data from the study. A subset of numeric file data comprised of 500 respondents and 152 variables created specifically for use in research methodology and statistics courses is also available. Additional waves of data for this study have been collected and are available through ICPSR.

In 2023, **** percent of Black people living in the United States were living below the poverty line, compared to *** percent of white people. That year, the total poverty rate in the U.S. across all races and ethnicities was **** percent. Poverty in the United States Single people in the United States making less than ****** U.S. dollars a year and families of four making less than ****** U.S. dollars a year are considered to be below the poverty line. Women and children are more likely to suffer from poverty, due to women staying home more often than men to take care of children, and women suffering from the gender wage gap. Not only are women and children more likely to be affected, racial minorities are as well due to the discrimination they face. Poverty data Despite being one of the wealthiest nations in the world, the United States had the third highest poverty rate out of all OECD countries in 2019. However, the United States' poverty rate has been fluctuating since 1990, but has been decreasing since 2014. The average median household income in the U.S. has remained somewhat consistent since 1990, but has recently increased since 2014 until a slight decrease in 2020, potentially due to the pandemic. The state that had the highest number of people living below the poverty line in 2020 was California.

In 1990, 48.1 percent of all Black families with a single mother in the United States lived below the poverty level. In 2023, that figure had decreased to 25.9 percent. This is significantly higher than white households with a single mother. Poverty is the state of one who lacks a certain amount of material possessions or money. Absolute poverty or destitution is inability to afford basic human needs, which commonly includes clean and fresh water, nutrition, health care, education, clothing and shelter.

Graph and download economic data for Income Before Taxes: Public Assistance, Supplemental Security Income, SNAP by Race: Black or African American (CXUWELFARELB0905M) from 1984 to 2023 about supplements, assistance, African-American, public, SNAP, social assistance, food stamps, tax, food, income, and USA.

The conventional wisdom maintains that whites’ racial predispositions are exogenous to their views of welfare. Against this position, scattered studies report that prejudice moves in response to new information about policies and groups. Likewise, theories of mediated intergroup contact propose that when individuals encounter messages about racial outgroups their levels of prejudice may wax or wane. In conjunction, these lines of work suggest that whites update their global views of blacks based on how they feel about people on welfare. The current paper tests this “prejudice revision” hypothesis with data from “welfare mother” vignettes embedded on national surveys administered in 1991, 2014, and 2015 and ANES panel data from the 1990s. The results indicate that views of welfare recipients systematically affect racial stereotypes, racial resentment, individualistic explanations for racial inequality, and structural explanations for racial inequality. Prejudice, in short, is endogenous to welfare attitudes.

Financial overview and grant giving statistics of Black Administrators in Child Welfare Inc.

What are the relative contributions of stereotypes about the race and deservingness of welfare recipients to Americans’ opinions on welfare? A recent study employing a conjoint-experimental method finds that Americans’ stereotypes of welfare recipients as undeserving drive negative attitudes towards welfare, while stereotypes of welfare recipients as Black have little effect. However, this finding may be produced by the measure of welfare attitudes that includes questions implicating deservingness. We implement a conceptual replication of that study using different measures of welfare policy opinions that directly ask respondents about spending, both on welfare generally and on specific welfare programs. We show that when support for welfare is measured using the spending questions, stereotypes about race are significantly associated with opposition to welfare. These results have important implications for the debate on Americans’ opposition to welfare programs, as well as for the measurement of policy opinions in surveys.

In 2022, there were about 4.15 million Black families in the United States with a single mother. This is an increase from 1990 levels, when there were about 3.4 million Black families with a single mother.

Single parenthood

The typical family is comprised of two parents and at least one child. However, that is not the case in every single situation. A single parent is someone who has a child but no spouse or partner. Single parenthood occurs for different reasons, including divorce, death, abandonment, or single-person adoption. Historically, single parenthood was common due to mortality rates due to war, diseases, and maternal mortality. However, divorce was not as common back then, depending on the culture.

Single parent wellbeing

In countries where social welfare programs are not strong, single parents tend to suffer more financially, emotionally, and mentally. In the United States, most single parents are mothers. The struggles that single parents face are greater than those in two parent households. The number of families with a single mother in the United States has increased since 1990, but the poverty rate of black families with a single mother has significantly decreased since that same year. In comparison, the poverty rate of Asian families with a single mother, and the percentage of white, non-Hispanic families with a single mother who live below the poverty level in the United States have both been fluctuating since 2002.

Abstract (en): This survey was undertaken to assemble a broad range of family, household, employment, schooling, and welfare data on families living in urban poverty areas of Chicago. The researchers were seeking to test a variety of theories about urban poverty. Questions concerned respondents' current lives as well as their recall of life events from birth to age 21. Major areas of investigation included household composition, family background, education, time spent in detention or jail, childbirth, fertility, relationship history, current employment, employment history, military service, participation in informal economy, child care, child support, child-rearing, neighborhood and housing characteristics, social networks, current health, current and past public aid use, current income, and major life events. ICPSR data undergo a confidentiality review and are altered when necessary to limit the risk of disclosure. ICPSR also routinely creates ready-to-go data files along with setups in the major statistical software formats as well as standard codebooks to accompany the data. In addition to these procedures, ICPSR performed the following processing steps for this data collection: Performed consistency checks.. Non-Hispanic whites, non-Hispanic Blacks, and persons of Mexican or Puerto Rican ethnicity, aged 18-44, residing in 1986 in Chicago census tracts with 20 percent or more persons living under the poverty line. Multistage stratified probability sample design yielding 2,490 observations (1,183 Blacks, 364 whites, 489 Mexican-origin persons, and 454 Puerto Rican-origin persons). Though Black respondents include parents (N = 1,020) and non-parents (N = 163), only parents were selected within non-Black groups. Response rates ranged from 73.8 percent for non-Hispanic whites to 82.5 percent for Black parents. 1997-11-04 The documentation and frequencies are being released as PDF files, and an SPSS export file is now available. Also, the SAS data definition statements and SPSS data definition statements have been reissued with minor changes, and SPSS value labels are being released in Part 7 due to SPSS for Windows limitations. Funding insitution(s): Carnegie Corporation. Chicago Community Trust. Ford Foundation. Institute for Research on Poverty. Joyce Foundation. Lloyd A. Fry Foundation. John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation. Rockefeller Foundation. Spencer Foundation. United States Department of Health and Human Services. William T. Grant Foundation. Woods Charitable Fund. Value labels for this study are being released in a separate file, Part 7, to assist users of SPSS Release 6.1 for Windows. The syntax window in this version of SPSS will read a maximum of 32,767 lines. If all value labels were included in the SPSS data definition file, the number of lines in the file would exceed 32,767 lines.All references to card-image data in the codebook are no longer applicable.During generation of the logical record length data file, ICPSR optimized variable widths to the width of the widest value appearing in the data collection for each variable. However, the principal investigator's user-missing data code definitions were retained even when a variable contained no missing data. As a result, when user-missing data values are defined (e.g., by uncommenting the MISSING VALUES section in the SPSS data definition statements) and exceed the optimized variable width, SPSS's display dictionary output will contain asterisks for the missing data codes.Producer: University of Chicago, Center for the Study of urban Inequality, and the National Opinion Research Center (NORC).

In this paper, we use the case of welfare recipients to validate conjoint experiments as a measure of stereotype content. Stereotypes are politically consequential, but their content can be difficult to measure. The conjoint measure of stereotype content, in which respondents see profiles describing hypothetical persons and rate these persons’ degree of belonging to the target group, offers several advantages over existing measures. However, no existing work evaluates the validity of this new measure. We evaluate this measurement technique using the case of welfare recipients. Stereotypes of welfare recipients are politically important and extensively studied, providing strong a priori expectations for portions of the stereotype, especially race, gender, and “deservingness.” At the same time, scholars disagree about the importance of another attribute with important political implications: immigration status. We find that aggregate stereotypes, measured via a conjoint experiment, match the strong a priori expectations: white Americans see welfare recipients as black, female, and violating the norms of work ethic. Individual-level stereotypes also predict welfare policy support—even when other demographic and ideological factors are accounted for. We also find that immigration status is not part of the welfare recipient stereotype for most Americans, but support for welfare is lower among those who do stereotype welfare recipients as undocumented immigrants. Finally, we suggest an improvement in the wording of the conjoint task. Overall, we confirm that conjoint experiments provide a valid measure of stereotypes.

Unadjusted and adjusted Black infant mortality rate by region and variance explained, 2009–2011.

Misunderstandings about marginalized social groups are widespread among the American public and can play an important role in shaping outgroup prejudice. Does correcting racialized misperceptions about marginalized groups mitigate prejudicial attitudes? To test the impact of factual corrections, we conduct three preregistered survey experiments in the US (N = 8,306). Study 1 and Study 2 draw on the case of welfare and inform respondents that the share of Black welfare recipients is lower than that of White recipients. Study 3 focuses on the case of immigration and informs respondents that immigrants' crime rate is lower than natives' crime rate. Across three well-powered experiments, we estimate null to minuscule effects of factual corrections on multiple measures of prejudice---although our informational interventions significantly reduced misperceptions about Blacks and immigrants. These findings illuminate the scope conditions of factual corrections' efficacy in improving citizens' attitudes toward minority groups and have implications for scholarship on belief-attitude relationships.

This study contains data on the political, social, economic, religious, ecological, and demographic characteristics of 32 Black African nations in the late 1950s and 1960s. Data are provided on political regime characteristics, such as the existence and nature of political parties, elections, the nature of the judicial system, the extent of government influence, and the occurrence of riots, civil violence, terrorist activities, civil wars, irredentist movements, and coup d'etats. Economic variables provide information on government revenues, government expenditures, gross domestic capital formation, public investment as a percentage of the gross domestic product (GDP), gross national product (GNP), defense budgets, energy, investment, labor, number of wage earners as a percentage of active population, industrial production, electricity production, per capita energy consumption, educational expenditures, economic welfare, consumer price index, international economic aid, total international trade, imports and exports, agriculture, and membership in major African multilateral economic organizations. Also included is information on the military and security systems, Africanization of the army officer corps, international relations, membership in nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), communication and transportation, and social welfare. Other variables provide information on population estimates and characteristics, population density, settlement patterns, cultural pluralism, language, religion, primary and secondary school enrollment, family organization, patrilineal kin groups, class stratification, and the number of physicians per population.

As of 2019, approximately 18 million South Africans vulnerable to poverty or in need of state support received social grants, relief assistance or social relief paid by the government. The largest group that received social grants were Black and Coloured South Africans.

The survey is from the American Mosaic Project, a multiyear, multimethod study of the bases of solidarity and diversity in American life. The survey contains items measuring the place of diversity in visions of American society and in respondents' own lives; social and cultural boundaries between groups and dimensions of inclusion and exclusion; racial and religious identity, belonging and discrimination; opinions about sources of advancement for Whites and African Americans; opinions about immigration and assimilation; diversity in respondents' close-tie network; political identity and demographic information. The survey also includes oversamples of African American and Hispanic respondents, allowing for comparisons across racial/ethnic categories. Demographic variables include race, age, gender, religion, level of education, United States citizenship status, partisan affiliation, and family income. See Appendix: Project Narrative for more information.

Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Punjab: Ludhiana data was reported at 550.000 INR/kg in Jan 2014. This stayed constant from the previous number of 550.000 INR/kg for Dec 2013. Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Punjab: Ludhiana data is updated monthly, averaging 180.000 INR/kg from Jan 2005 (Median) to Jan 2014, with 106 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 550.000 INR/kg in Jan 2014 and a record low of 6.000 INR/kg in Apr 2007. Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Punjab: Ludhiana data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Department of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare. The data is categorized under India Premium Database’s Price – Table IN.PC130: Retail Price: Department of Agriculture and Cooperation: Food: by Cities: Black Pepper.

Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Gujarat: Surat data was reported at 820.000 INR/kg in Mar 2023. This stayed constant from the previous number of 820.000 INR/kg for Feb 2023. Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Gujarat: Surat data is updated monthly, averaging 550.000 INR/kg from Jan 2005 (Median) to Mar 2023, with 73 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 890.000 INR/kg in Oct 2020 and a record low of 150.000 INR/kg in Apr 2005. Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Gujarat: Surat data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Department of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare. The data is categorized under India Premium Database’s Price – Table IN.PC130: Retail Price: Department of Agriculture and Cooperation: Food: by Cities: Black Pepper.

Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Odisha: Bhubneshwar data was reported at 750.000 INR/kg in Mar 2023. This stayed constant from the previous number of 750.000 INR/kg for Feb 2023. Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Odisha: Bhubneshwar data is updated monthly, averaging 500.000 INR/kg from Jan 2005 (Median) to Mar 2023, with 216 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 900.000 INR/kg in Oct 2014 and a record low of 80.000 INR/kg in Jun 2005. Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Odisha: Bhubneshwar data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Department of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare. The data is categorized under India Premium Database’s Price – Table IN.PC130: Retail Price: Department of Agriculture and Cooperation: Food: by Cities: Black Pepper.

This dataset includes race/ethnicity of newly Medi-Cal eligible individuals who identified their race/ethnicity as Hispanic, White, Other Asian or Pacific Islander, Black, Chinese, Filipino, Vietnamese, Asian Indian, Korean, Alaskan Native or American Indian, Japanese, Cambodian, Samoan, Laotian, Hawaiian, Guamanian, Amerasian, or Other, by reporting period. The race/ethnicity data is from the Medi-Cal Eligibility Data System (MEDS) and includes eligible individuals without prior Medi-Cal Eligibility. This dataset is part of the public reporting requirements set forth in California Welfare and Institutions Code 14102.5.