In 2023, 15.4 percent of Black families were living below the poverty line in the United States. Poverty is the state of one who lacks a certain amount of material possessions or money. Absolute poverty or destitution is inability to afford basic human needs, which commonly includes clean and fresh water, nutrition, health care, education, clothing, and shelter.

In 1990, 48.1 percent of all Black families with a single mother in the United States lived below the poverty level. In 2023, that figure had decreased to 25.9 percent. This is significantly higher than white households with a single mother. Poverty is the state of one who lacks a certain amount of material possessions or money. Absolute poverty or destitution is inability to afford basic human needs, which commonly includes clean and fresh water, nutrition, health care, education, clothing and shelter.

In 2023, **** percent of Black people living in the United States were living below the poverty line, compared to *** percent of white people. That year, the total poverty rate in the U.S. across all races and ethnicities was **** percent. Poverty in the United States Single people in the United States making less than ****** U.S. dollars a year and families of four making less than ****** U.S. dollars a year are considered to be below the poverty line. Women and children are more likely to suffer from poverty, due to women staying home more often than men to take care of children, and women suffering from the gender wage gap. Not only are women and children more likely to be affected, racial minorities are as well due to the discrimination they face. Poverty data Despite being one of the wealthiest nations in the world, the United States had the third highest poverty rate out of all OECD countries in 2019. However, the United States' poverty rate has been fluctuating since 1990, but has been decreasing since 2014. The average median household income in the U.S. has remained somewhat consistent since 1990, but has recently increased since 2014 until a slight decrease in 2020, potentially due to the pandemic. The state that had the highest number of people living below the poverty line in 2020 was California.

Graph and download economic data for Income Before Taxes: Public Assistance, Supplemental Security Income, SNAP by Race: White and All Other Races, Not Including Black or African American (CXUWELFARELB0903M) from 2003 to 2023 about supplements, assistance, social assistance, public, SNAP, food stamps, tax, white, food, income, and USA.

The conventional wisdom maintains that whites’ racial predispositions are exogenous to their views of welfare. Against this position, scattered studies report that prejudice moves in response to new information about policies and groups. Likewise, theories of mediated intergroup contact propose that when individuals encounter messages about racial outgroups their levels of prejudice may wax or wane. In conjunction, these lines of work suggest that whites update their global views of blacks based on how they feel about people on welfare. The current paper tests this “prejudice revision” hypothesis with data from “welfare mother” vignettes embedded on national surveys administered in 1991, 2014, and 2015 and ANES panel data from the 1990s. The results indicate that views of welfare recipients systematically affect racial stereotypes, racial resentment, individualistic explanations for racial inequality, and structural explanations for racial inequality. Prejudice, in short, is endogenous to welfare attitudes.

Existing research shows a significant relationship between state racial minority population, the proportion of racial minority welfare recipients, and state levels of racial resentment with the proposal and adoption of punitive welfare policies (Soss et al. 2001; Fellowes and Rowe 2004; Volden 2006, Ledford 2018, etc.). This paper contributes to the extant literature by expanding on Ledford’s (2018) 2008-2014 analysis of state drug testing proposals by evaluating state-level racial factors and the diffusion of drug testing proposals from 2009 to 2018. Moreover, I account for the potential influence of drug-related variables on the probability of proposal by including variables measuring opioid overdose deaths and illicit drug use estimates. Event history analyses do not find that the size of a state’s Black population or percentage or proportion of Black welfare recipients have a significant effect on proposal. However, higher estimates of state-level racial resentment increase the likelihood of proposing drug testing for welfare legislation, supporting Ledford’s (2018) conclusion that racial biases matter in the diffusion of these policies. I find evidence that while opioid overdoses are negatively associated with the likelihood of proposal, estimates of illicit drug use have the opposite effect. Finally, analyses suggest that liberalism in state governments actually increases the probability of proposal.

Financial overview and grant giving statistics of Black Administrators in Child Welfare Inc.

What are the relative contributions of stereotypes about the race and deservingness of welfare recipients to Americans’ opinions on welfare? A recent study employing a conjoint-experimental method finds that Americans’ stereotypes of welfare recipients as undeserving drive negative attitudes towards welfare, while stereotypes of welfare recipients as Black have little effect. However, this finding may be produced by the measure of welfare attitudes that includes questions implicating deservingness. We implement a conceptual replication of that study using different measures of welfare policy opinions that directly ask respondents about spending, both on welfare generally and on specific welfare programs. We show that when support for welfare is measured using the spending questions, stereotypes about race are significantly associated with opposition to welfare. These results have important implications for the debate on Americans’ opposition to welfare programs, as well as for the measurement of policy opinions in surveys.

In 2022, there were about 4.15 million Black families in the United States with a single mother. This is an increase from 1990 levels, when there were about 3.4 million Black families with a single mother.

Single parenthood

The typical family is comprised of two parents and at least one child. However, that is not the case in every single situation. A single parent is someone who has a child but no spouse or partner. Single parenthood occurs for different reasons, including divorce, death, abandonment, or single-person adoption. Historically, single parenthood was common due to mortality rates due to war, diseases, and maternal mortality. However, divorce was not as common back then, depending on the culture.

Single parent wellbeing

In countries where social welfare programs are not strong, single parents tend to suffer more financially, emotionally, and mentally. In the United States, most single parents are mothers. The struggles that single parents face are greater than those in two parent households. The number of families with a single mother in the United States has increased since 1990, but the poverty rate of black families with a single mother has significantly decreased since that same year. In comparison, the poverty rate of Asian families with a single mother, and the percentage of white, non-Hispanic families with a single mother who live below the poverty level in the United States have both been fluctuating since 2002.

Descriptive statistics and variation by region, 2009–2011.

This study contains data on the political, social, economic, religious, ecological, and demographic characteristics of 32 Black African nations in the late 1950s and 1960s. Data are provided on political regime characteristics, such as the existence and nature of political parties, elections, the nature of the judicial system, the extent of government influence, and the occurrence of riots, civil violence, terrorist activities, civil wars, irredentist movements, and coup d'etats. Economic variables provide information on government revenues, government expenditures, gross domestic capital formation, public investment as a percentage of the gross domestic product (GDP), gross national product (GNP), defense budgets, energy, investment, labor, number of wage earners as a percentage of active population, industrial production, electricity production, per capita energy consumption, educational expenditures, economic welfare, consumer price index, international economic aid, total international trade, imports and exports, agriculture, and membership in major African multilateral economic organizations. Also included is information on the military and security systems, Africanization of the army officer corps, international relations, membership in nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), communication and transportation, and social welfare. Other variables provide information on population estimates and characteristics, population density, settlement patterns, cultural pluralism, language, religion, primary and secondary school enrollment, family organization, patrilineal kin groups, class stratification, and the number of physicians per population.

Over 38 million Americans experienced food insecurity in 2020 and a disproportionate number of those people, over 21 percent, were Black Americans (USDA, 2021). While Black people across the country experienced food insecurity at disproportionately high rates, the Deep South’s prevalence of food insecurity continues to outpace much of the rest of America with three of the top five food insecure states (Mississippi, Louisiana, and Arkansas) comprising the Mississippi Delta (Henchy & Jacobs, 2020). There is a paradox at play in the Mississippi Delta region regarding its role as one of the top agricultural producers in the country but simultaneously home to some of the food insecure communities as well. Food insecurity is associated with a number of poor health outcomes including, but not limited to, decreased cognitive performance in children, increased anxiety, and depression in non-senior adults, as well as higher rates of diabetes, hypertension, and general increased rates of poor health (Gundersen, 2015). Black households in the Mississippi Delta experience a series of social determinants that contribute to the high prevalence of food insecurity in the region including poverty, racial residential segregation, social isolation, and lack of access to nutritious foods. Food Insecurity and its complexity of confounding factors leave researchers with a significant task to find leverage points at which community leaders, policy makers and other actors in the socioecological framework might reduce food insecurity in places with high food insecurity like the Mississippi Delta. This report recommends addressing food insecurity in the Delta through improving the local structure of information flows by offering education programs to boost enrollment in social welfare programs underutilized in the region.

In the 3 years to March 2021, white British families were the most likely to receive a type of state support.

We examined attraction of different instars via dual-choice tests in the dark with the use of video recordings. Larval choices were identified based on first substrate contact, cumulative number of substrate contacts, entry of the substrate and number of larvae present in a substrate over time.

In this paper, we use the case of welfare recipients to validate conjoint experiments as a measure of stereotype content. Stereotypes are politically consequential, but their content can be difficult to measure. The conjoint measure of stereotype content, in which respondents see profiles describing hypothetical persons and rate these persons’ degree of belonging to the target group, offers several advantages over existing measures. However, no existing work evaluates the validity of this new measure. We evaluate this measurement technique using the case of welfare recipients. Stereotypes of welfare recipients are politically important and extensively studied, providing strong a priori expectations for portions of the stereotype, especially race, gender, and “deservingness.” At the same time, scholars disagree about the importance of another attribute with important political implications: immigration status. We find that aggregate stereotypes, measured via a conjoint experiment, match the strong a priori expectations: white Americans see welfare recipients as black, female, and violating the norms of work ethic. Individual-level stereotypes also predict welfare policy support—even when other demographic and ideological factors are accounted for. We also find that immigration status is not part of the welfare recipient stereotype for most Americans, but support for welfare is lower among those who do stereotype welfare recipients as undocumented immigrants. Finally, we suggest an improvement in the wording of the conjoint task. Overall, we confirm that conjoint experiments provide a valid measure of stereotypes.

Unadjusted and adjusted Black infant mortality rate by region and variance explained, 2009–2011.

Unadjusted and adjusted associations (rate ratio and rate difference) between contextual factors and the Black infant mortality rate, 2009–2011.

The survey is from the American Mosaic Project, a multiyear, multimethod study of the bases of solidarity and diversity in American life. The survey contains items measuring the place of diversity in visions of American society and in respondents' own lives; social and cultural boundaries between groups and dimensions of inclusion and exclusion; racial and religious identity, belonging and discrimination; opinions about sources of advancement for Whites and African Americans; opinions about immigration and assimilation; diversity in respondents' close-tie network; political identity and demographic information. The survey also includes oversamples of African American and Hispanic respondents, allowing for comparisons across racial/ethnic categories. Demographic variables include race, age, gender, religion, level of education, United States citizenship status, partisan affiliation, and family income. See Appendix: Project Narrative for more information.

Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Gujarat: Surat data was reported at 820.000 INR/kg in Mar 2023. This stayed constant from the previous number of 820.000 INR/kg for Feb 2023. Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Gujarat: Surat data is updated monthly, averaging 550.000 INR/kg from Jan 2005 (Median) to Mar 2023, with 73 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 890.000 INR/kg in Oct 2020 and a record low of 150.000 INR/kg in Apr 2005. Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Gujarat: Surat data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Department of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare. The data is categorized under India Premium Database’s Price – Table IN.PC130: Retail Price: Department of Agriculture and Cooperation: Food: by Cities: Black Pepper.

Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Punjab: Ludhiana data was reported at 550.000 INR/kg in Jan 2014. This stayed constant from the previous number of 550.000 INR/kg for Dec 2013. Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Punjab: Ludhiana data is updated monthly, averaging 180.000 INR/kg from Jan 2005 (Median) to Jan 2014, with 106 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 550.000 INR/kg in Jan 2014 and a record low of 6.000 INR/kg in Apr 2007. Retail Price: DOAC: Black Pepper: Whole: Punjab: Ludhiana data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Department of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare. The data is categorized under India Premium Database’s Price – Table IN.PC130: Retail Price: Department of Agriculture and Cooperation: Food: by Cities: Black Pepper.