In 2024, Brazil's homicide rate reached **** incidents per 100,000 people. This is the lowest figure recorded in the country since 2012.

The homicide rate registered in Brazil impacts ethnicities very differently. Whereas the number of homicides per 100,000 black or brown people increased to ** percent from 2006 to 2017, the homicide rate of non-black or brown individuals declined to nearly ***percent in the same period. In 2023, the homicide rate for the black ethnic group decreased compared to the previous year.

Historical dataset showing Brazil crime rate per 100K population by year from 1990 to 2020.

In 2024, six of the eight Brazilian cities with the highest homicide rates were in the Northeast. Feira da Santana led the ranking of the most violent city in Brazil, with a murder rate of ***** per 100,000 inhabitants. It was followed followed by Recife, with a homicide rate of more than ** per 100,000 inhabitants. In Latin America and the Caribbean, Feira da Santana was the **** most deadly city.

Content

This dataset contain official crime statistics from São Paulo state cities (Brazil) and were prepared based on information available on the Civil State Police statistics site: http://www.ssp.sp.gov.br/Estatistica/Pesquisa.aspx

• Period available:

  • Crime Monthly Occurrences and Policy productivity: 2001 - May, 2021 Note: in both datasets, decimal separator is a point (".") .

  • Crime rates (annual rates available): 1999 -2020 (available for some of the cities) Note: in this dataset, decimal separator is a comma (",") .

• Data and labels in brazilian portuguese.

• Information about crime type interpretation (available only in brazilian portuguese) in: http://www.ssp.sp.gov.br/Estatistica/download/manual.pdf

• Datasets prepared with Selenium (webscraping) and Pandas libraries in Python.

Author: Dalciana B. Waller https://github.com/DBWALLER

In 2024, Pernambuco reported the highest homicide rate in the country, at nearly **** occurrences per 100,000 inhabitants. Ceará, in the country's northeastern region, ranked second, with **** homicides per 100,000 inhabitants. Meanwhile, in 2022, Bahia also ranked first in numbers of homicides, with around ***** occurrences reported.

The number of black and Pardo Brazilian people murdered in Brazil had been increasing throughout the years up until 2017. In 2023, around 33,350 black and Pardo citizens were killed in the South American country, down from almost 35,500 recorded one year before.

The Brazilian Crimes Dataset (BCD) contains crime records and pre-processing procedures used in our experiments on crime analysis and prediction [1]. In particular, we proposed an approach to predict crimes and evaluated it by using crime records crawled from the brazilian web site Onde Fui Roubado.

Please consider citing the following references if you found this dataset useful:

[1] Úrsula Rosa Monteiro de Castro, Marcos Wander Rodrigues, Wladmir Cardoso Brandão. Predicting crime by exploiting supervised learning on heterogeneous data. In: Proceedings of the 22nd International Conference on Enterprise Information Systems (ICEIS'20), 2020.

[2] Úrsula Rosa Monteiro de Castro, Wladmir Cardoso Brandão. (2020). BCD: Brazilian Crimes Dataset (Version 1.0) [Data set]. Zenodo.

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to present the first results of the crime and justice mapping research in the nineteenth century and the first three decades of the twentieth century Minas Gerais, more specifically the region of Comarca do Rio das Mortes. The estimation of crime rates over the one century period, associated with the analysis of its geographical distribution, allowed us to observe changes occurred in the application of justice and in its control agencies, as well as the impact of changes over conflicts, violence and order negotiation. The data analysed in this paper is about the area of the old town of Tamanduá, now called Itapecerica, and its surroundings, with a total of 1133 criminal cases occurred between 1829 and 1930. The results show an exponential increase in the number of violent cases starting from the last decade of the nineteenth century. In an attempt to explain this change in the trend we work with a hypothesis of a collapse of the justice system with the implementation of the Republic.

The number of homicides of persons aged between 15 and 29 years had been rising in Brazil up until 2017. In that year, nearly ****** people from that age group were murdered in the South American country, up from almost ****** recorded one year before. In 2022, this figure had fallen to over ******.

Hi Fellas!

This dataset is about crime data in São Paulo City Brazil. I've scraping this data in SSP (Secretária de Segurança Pública) website. SSP is a government agency of public security in São Paulo state. A observation, São Paulo city is capital of state the of São Paulo, equal in Rio de Janeiro.

Any questions, is just send me message in email: marcus.rodrigues4003@gmail.com

SSP website: http://www.ssp.sp.gov.br/Estatistica/Pesquisa.aspx

Abstract Violence against LGBT people has always been present in our society. Brazil is the country with the highest number of lethal crimes against LGBT people in the world. The aim of this study was to describe the characteristics of homicides of LGBT people in Brazil using spatial analysis. The LGBT homicide rate was used to facilitate the visualization of the geographical distribution of homicides. Public thoroughfares and the victim’s home were the most common places of occurrence. The most commonly used methods for killing male homosexuals and transgender people were cold weapons and firearms, respectively; however, homicides frequently involved beatings, suffocation, and other cruelties. The large majority of victims were aged between 20 and 49 years and typically white or brown. The North, Northeast and Central-West regions, precisely the regions with the lowest HDI, presented LGBT homicide rates above the national rate. LGBT homicides are typically hate crimes and constitute a serious public health problem because they affect young people, particularly transgender people. This problem needs to be addressed by the government, starting with the criminalization of homophobia and the subsequent formulation of public policies to reduce hate crimes and promote respect for diversity.

Abstract The aim of this study was to determine the level of underreporting of violent crimes against property in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil, using stochastic frontier analysis. Failure to report a crime to competent authorities has negative consequences for the effectiveness of public safety policies, because policy decisions regarding criminal matters are based on official crime statistics, which in turn are biased by underreporting. An awareness of the magnitude of underreporting should help policy makers to design more appropriate crime prevention strategies. The database used for the study defines armed robbery, robbery, and theft as violent crimes against property. The main results of the study show that, from 2004 to 2011, 32.7% of all violent crimes against property in the state were not reported. A robustness test was carried out on the estimates by employing the same technique to calculate the level of underreporting for the homicide rate, which is the least unreported crime.

The number of violent crimes against property registered in Brazil showed a downward trend from 2017 to 2020. After an increase in 2021 and 2022, this number decreased again in 2024, with ****** such cases in the South American country.Furthermore, most of the violent crimes against property in Brazil consist of vehicle thefts and break-ins.

Abstract In this paper we analyzed data from police investigations and trials of intentional homicides shelved in Belo Horizonte between 2003 and 2013 in order to understand the clearance’s determinants. As independent variables, we used the characteristics of victim, crimes’ attributes and police procedures. The results inform that the homicides features and police truth-finding methods (centered on the flagrante delicto and the presence of eyewitnesses) were the variables that explained the clearance likelihood. However, the length of time may affect this result, since police inquiries that are not completed within five year are not likely to be trialed.

Raw data and R coding used on the paper. Visit https://dataone.org/datasets/sha256%3A4a561aa9ff3020cb4b64bdf1be43a4d239de080bec0160dd0a59bf6e4233de4a for complete metadata about this dataset.

Comprehensive dataset containing 2 verified Crime victim service businesses in State of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil with complete contact information, ratings, reviews, and location data.

The number of violent crimes against property registered in Brazil has been oscillating in recent years, experiencing a steep decline in 2020. In 2024, the figures were lower than the previous year, with around 344,600 car thefts or break-ins being reported in the South American country.Meanwhile, the number of violent deaths in Brazil has decreased lately.

Comprehensive dataset containing 1 verified Crime victim service businesses in State of Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil with complete contact information, ratings, reviews, and location data.

Extensive research suggests that electoral competition and power alternations increase violence in weakly institutionalized democracies. Yet little is known about how political parties affect violence and security. We theorize that the type of party strengthened in elections shapes security outcomes and argue that the rise of programmatic parties, at the expense of clientelistic parties, can significantly reduce violence. In contexts of large-scale criminal violence, programmatic parties are less likely to establish alliances with coercive actors because they possess fewer incentives and greater coordination capacity. Focusing on Brazil, we use a regression discontinuity design that leverages the as-if random assignment of election winners across three rounds of mayoral races. We find that violent crime decreased in municipalities where programmatic parties won coin-flip elections, while it increased in those where clientelistic parties triumphed. Our findings suggest that whether electoral competition increases violence depends on the type of party that wins elections.