During a 2023 survey, around 35 percent of respondents interviewed in Brazil said they belonged to the middle class. Meanwhile, 24.3 percent of the interviewees defined their social class as "low" and 25.7 percent stated that they were part of the middle class.Furthermore, Brazil's Gini coefficient, an indicator that measures wealth distribution, shows Brazil is one of the most unequal countries in the Latin American region.
In Brazil, 70.6 percent of consumers earned at least the equivalent of the highest 40 percent of global income earners as of 2022 in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms. Those who earned at least the equivalent of the top 10 percent of global income earners stood at 7.4 percent.
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ABSTRACT The article presents a panorama of socioeconomic hierarchies in late Nineteenth-century Brazil. Income analysis of social classes underpins these echelons. Within a theoretical and historical approach focused on social class, the article reckons that the Brazilian Empire was relatively egalitarian in terms of wages. A broad expressiveness of the lower classes, rather than a hypothetical robustness of the middle or the upper classes, explains this equality. The analysis of purchasing power and patterns of consumption made it possible to identify the degree of precariousness of the popular classes, as well as the existence of mainly urban middle classes. Lastly, salary data on the upper classes should not hide concentration of wealth, a main characteristic of the Empire’s decay, which was largely due to a polarized structure of slave property.
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The social stratification of food consumption is the main empirical object of this paper. It aims to investigate the possible homology between the practices in the field of food consumption, on the one hand, and the relative positions in social space occupied by social agents, on the other hand. Therefore, such an investigation may be included in a set of studies influenced by Pierre Bourdieu’s sociology of class, which the matizes the symbolic dimensional of class relations. Secondarily, this paper attempts to further our understanding of the mechanisms of social reproduction, especially regarding the role of lifestyles in the production and reproduction of inequalities and symbolic hierarchies.
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Proportion of Population Pushed Below the 60% Median Consumption Poverty Line By Out-of-Pocket Health Expenditure: % data was reported at 2.040 % in 2017. This records an increase from the previous number of 2.030 % for 2008. Proportion of Population Pushed Below the 60% Median Consumption Poverty Line By Out-of-Pocket Health Expenditure: % data is updated yearly, averaging 2.030 % from Dec 1996 (Median) to 2017, with 3 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 2.040 % in 2017 and a record low of 1.920 % in 1996. Proportion of Population Pushed Below the 60% Median Consumption Poverty Line By Out-of-Pocket Health Expenditure: % data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Brazil – Table BR.World Bank.WDI: Social: Poverty and Inequality. This indicator shows the fraction of a country’s population experiencing out-of-pocket health impoverishing expenditures, defined as expenditures without which the household they live in would have been above the 60% median consumption but because of the expenditures is below the poverty line. Out-of-pocket health expenditure is defined as any spending incurred by a household when any member uses a health good or service to receive any type of care (preventive, curative, rehabilitative, long-term or palliative care); provided by any type of provider; for any type of disease, illness or health condition; in any type of setting (outpatient, inpatient, at home).;Global Health Observatory. Geneva: World Health Organization; 2023. (https://www.who.int/data/gho/data/themes/topics/financial-protection);Weighted average;This indicator is related to Sustainable Development Goal 3.8.2 [https://unstats.un.org/sdgs/metadata/].
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Multidimensional Poverty Headcount Ratio: UNDP: % of total population data was reported at 3.800 % in 2015. Multidimensional Poverty Headcount Ratio: UNDP: % of total population data is updated yearly, averaging 3.800 % from Dec 2015 (Median) to 2015, with 1 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 3.800 % in 2015 and a record low of 3.800 % in 2015. Multidimensional Poverty Headcount Ratio: UNDP: % of total population data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Brazil – Table BR.World Bank.WDI: Social: Poverty and Inequality. The multidimensional poverty headcount ratio (UNDP) is the percentage of a population living in poverty according to UNDPs multidimensional poverty index. The index includes three dimensions -- health, education, and living standards.;Alkire, S., Kanagaratnam, U., and Suppa, N. (2023). ‘The global Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) 2023 country results and methodological note’, OPHI MPI Methodological Note 55, Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI), University of Oxford. (https://ophi.org.uk/mpi-methodological-note-55-2/);;
Regardless of the employment status, the percentage of the population of Brazil whose average per capita income was below the poverty line experienced a downward trend between 2001 and 2014. In the case of the unemployed population, the share fell from 51.6 to 31.6 percent. However, the percentage of people in unemployment living under the poverty line has been oscillating since that year, and in 2023 the share stood at 38 percent. Furthermore, less than six percent of employees in Brazil were living under the poverty line that year.
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Abstract: This paper analyzes the effects of social class on the educational performance of young Brazilians students. Our theoretical approach in this study is based on Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of social class. We opted for a quantitative methodology using the database of the Basic Education Evaluation System (Saeb) tests carried out in 2013. We used descriptive statistics, correspondence analysis and multiple linear regression. Empirical results showed the persistence of the effects of social class on academic performance, although these results coexist with the impacts of variables related to schooling, individual life story and pedagogical aspects.
Overall, the percentage of the Brazilian population whose average per capita income was below the extreme poverty line experienced a downward trend between 2001 and 2020. In the case of the unemployed and inactive population, the share fluctuates. All statuses peak in 2021, being for the unemployed sector with the highest difference with 21.9 in share increase among them.
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Abstract Dentists should be alert not only to clinical variables, but also to socioeconomic, psychological and cultural factors, which have all been associated with the experience of dental caries. The aim of this study of was to assess social status and dental experience among Brazilian children. A cross-sectional study was conducted involving 1367 male and female children aged six and seven years enrolled at public and private schools in the city of Recife (Brazil) in 2013. The children at tending public schools were socioeconomically less privileged than those attending private schools. Data were collected through interviews and intraoral examinations. Caries experience was high (53.3%) in the overall sample, but less privileged children had larger percentages of decayed teeth and teeth that required extraction (p < 0.001). Children from less privileged social class had a greater chance of having a low (OR = 1.77 [95%CI 1.33 - 2.35]), moderate (OR = 4.41 [95%CI: 3.18 - 6,14]) and high (OR = 9.55 [95%CI 6.01 - 15.16]) caries experience. They also had a greater chance of never visiting a dentist (OR= 2.90 [95% CI 2.25 - 3.74]) and had dental anxiety (OR = 1.70 [95%CI 1.34-2, 16]). Socioeconomic status influences the dental caries experience, the visits to the dentist and the dental anxiety of the children analyzed.
According to a 2023 survey, ** percent of users of social media platform users in Brazil were Millennials. Among these platforms, Tumblr and Twitch had the youngest audiences, as with ** percent and ** percent of each app were from Generation Z. Meanwhile, Reddit and Snapchat were more popular among Millennial users than the average of other researched networks.
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This data collection contains the results of a survey measuring political attitudes and behavior in Belo Horizonte, the capital city of the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil, during the time of the gubernatorial elections in 1965-1966. Undertaken in two waves -- from July to November l965 -- (before the elections), and June to July 1966 (after the elections) the survey was administered to a total of 645 heads of households and housewives in Belo Horizonte. Data include the respondents' partisan affiliations and their voting behavior over the past few elections, as well as their attitudes toward Brazil's present government, political situation (e.g., agrarian reform, influence of communism, influence of labor unions, and the expected presidential election in 1966), problems facing the country, and their own political efficacy and trust in the government. Other variables describe respondents' mobility (residential, interoccupational, and generational), awareness of social class in Brazil, subjective social status and aspirations, and attitudes toward authority. Demographic and background data include occupation, education, age, marital status, race, sex, literacy, household composition, place of residence before Belo Horizonte, length of residence (if ever) on a farm, length of residence in Belo Horizonte, total monthly income of family, membership in associations, and socioeconomic status.
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Abstract: The occupational specialization of social groups is closely tied to gender, racial, and class identities, segmenting the labor market into perceived White/Black and male/female roles and skills sets. Using data from 100 million formal workers in Brazil (2003–2019), we examine patterns of occupational segmentation across 426 occupations, identifying distinct skill demands and socioeconomic statuses linked to race/skin color and gender. Classifications of “male” or “female” occupations are shaped by required skills, while distinctions between “White” and “Black” occupations reflect socioeconomic status and historical inequalities. Women and men are segmented by gender-associated skill sets, such as engineering versus caregiving skills. Within these skill sets, strong hierarchical segregation persists, with Black individuals disproportionately concentrated in lower socioeconomic status positions. Despite recent socioeconomic changes, occupational specialization patterns have remained stable. Our findings highlight that the strong association between race and lower-status occupations must be addressed for a more inclusive societyIn case of any questions related with the content of this repository, please contact:Ben-Hur Cardoso (benhur.phys@gmail.com)Laís Fernanda S. Souza (lais.fssouza@gmail.com)Flavio L. Pinheiro (fpinheiro@novaims.unl.pt)Dominik Hartmann (dominik.hartmann@ufsc.br)ContentsThis repository contains the following contents:In the Regressions folder, we share the original regression tables supporting the robustness results shown in the Supplementary Material.The Dataset folder contains the minimum data necessary to reproduce all the results in the main manuscript and supplementary information.The Code folder contains two documents with the necessary code to reproduce all the results and visualizations in the main manuscript and supplementary informationDataset Folder DescriptionThe core datasets used in this study are:- CENSUS_data_by_occupation_socialgroup_year.csv: The Relative Specialization (RS) of each ISCO-08 occupation code in relation to its social group in each year, using Brazilian Census Data.- RAIS_data_by_occupation_socialgroup_year.csv: The Relative Specialization (RS) of each ISCO-08 occupation code within social group each year, using RAIS Data.- RAIS_data_by_region_college_age_occupation_socialgroup_year.csv: The Relative Specialization (RS) of each ISCO-08 occupation code with social group in each year, region, college, and age group, using RAIS Data.- RAIS_data_by_age_occupation_socialgroup_year.csv: The Relative Specialization (RS) of each ISCO-08 occupation code within social group in each year and age group, using RAIS Data.- data_by_occupation.csv: for each ISCO-08 occupation code we have-- isco08_label_en: english label of occupation-- phi_SX: the intensity of skill X-- theta_SX: the specialization of skill X-- isei: The ISEI of occupation-- ISEIa: The regressed Adjusted ISEISkills X correspond to a single-digit (from 1 to 8) encoding that refers tocommunication, collaboration, and creativityinformation skillsassisting and caringmanagement skillsworking with computershandling and movingconstructingworking with machinery and specialized equipmentAdditional data files include:- isco08_data.csv: extends the data_by_occupations.csv dataset with the RS by gender/race of each occupation- isco08_skill_similarity.csv, netskill.csv, and node_meta.csv provide information on the skill similarity structure between occupations and meta information at the node level (occupation), compiled from the other datasets mentioned above.- Network_layout.gdf encodes the network layout used to draw the networks.Code Folder DescriptionThis folder is composed of two primary documents:A Jupyter Notebook that contains all the code to generate the main visualizations of the manuscript and regression analysis.A Wolfram Mathematica notebook in which we perform the PCA analysis and generate the Graph/Network visualizations.These two notebooks read and process the shared datasets.
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Abstract This paper analyses the discursive construction of Brazil’s new middle class (also called new class C) in the Brazilian telenovela (soap opera) I Love Paraisópolis, applying French semiotics as theoretical reference. Therefore, the first chapter of this telenovela, broadcasted by Rede Globo, in 2015, is taken as corpus. In the story, the main character, Marizete, lives in Paraisópolis favela, in São Paulo. It is noticeable, in this case, that the new class C does not play a peripheral part, but stars the central plot in the script. Thereby, acknowledging that the Brazil’s new middle class has privileged locus in the favela the telenovela is named after, the scenes are analyzed concerning the narrative and discursive levels of the generative path of meaning. Finally, taking into account Landowski’s (2002) model about the modes of relation to the otherness, it is presented how the relations between city and favela are established, also considering some elements of visual language. This pathway, therefore, allows to understand some of the social configurations in I Love Paraisópolis, considering, evidently, this society as an effect of meaning.
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This study was conducted in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in August 1960, two to four weeks before the presidential election. The study first established the amount of political information that respondents had received through the news media. Further questions ascertained their interest in the coming election, their past voting decisions, and their party preferences. The respondents' perceptions of social class rating and their ideas about the distribution of wealth and improvement of living conditions were also explored. Demographic data include the respondents' occupation, education, age, marital status, race, sex, and socioeconomic status.
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Abstract The 1990s, seen as the second lost decade, presented low dynamics of production and of the labor market in Brazil and in the Metropolitan Region of Natal (Northeastern Brazil). In this article, we consider that the labor market shows that the social classes are becoming increasingly segmented. Following this perspective, the article was based on Santos (2002) to study the segmentation of the labor market as a proxy for positions and segments of social classes in the analyzed reality. The hypothesis that guides the article is that possession of material assets, as well as qualification and command positions, are crucial to take on better positions in the structure of classes from the distribution standpoint. The analysis of the empirical data allows to increase the level of trust in the formulated hypothesis.
As of August 2024, **** percent of Facebook users in Brazil were between 25 and 34 years old. Around **** percent of Facebook's social network user base in Brazil was ** and over. According to estimates, it is expected that over ** percent of the Brazilian population will be using Facebook by 2025.
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ABSTRACT In this work, it is shown that Brazil has already entered the past century behind the developed countries. The three main views to explain this fact are reviewed and a fourth, based on recent theoretical developments, is presented. This view explains the backwardness of the Brazilian economy due to the composition of its social classes, their historical roots and their interrelations.
As of August 2024, almost 30 percent of Instagram users in Brazil were between 25 and 34 years old. The majority of users on this photo and video sharing social media platform in Brazil were women.
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Measures of social distancing, strictness of social distancing rules and other variables, by state, Brazil.
During a 2023 survey, around 35 percent of respondents interviewed in Brazil said they belonged to the middle class. Meanwhile, 24.3 percent of the interviewees defined their social class as "low" and 25.7 percent stated that they were part of the middle class.Furthermore, Brazil's Gini coefficient, an indicator that measures wealth distribution, shows Brazil is one of the most unequal countries in the Latin American region.