In 2024, Brazil's homicide rate reached **** incidents per 100,000 people. This is the lowest figure recorded in the country since 2012.

In 2024, Pernambuco reported the highest homicide rate in the country, at nearly **** occurrences per 100,000 inhabitants. Ceará, in the country's northeastern region, ranked second, with **** homicides per 100,000 inhabitants. Meanwhile, in 2022, Bahia also ranked first in numbers of homicides, with around ***** occurrences reported.

Abstract Homicide is the most serious form of violence with a negative impact on the population. It is broadly studied in the scientific field and disseminated in print and in the virtual media. The scope of this article is to locate papers in national and international journals, seeking the synthesis of knowledge and the incorporation of the applicability of the results of significant studies. It involved an integrative review of the SciELO, PubMed and LILACS databases of articles published between 2006 and 2016. The following key words were researched: Homicide and Brazil. The publications were selected by the title, abstract and methodology. For homicide and health studies in Brazil, 427 papers were found, of which 98 were selected. There were publications with emphasis on the national scenario, followed by the state of São Paulo and Pernambuco. The quantitative study was the most used, with collection of secondary data. The papers dealt with homicides in the population in general (48%), Femicide (14.3%) and Social Determinants (7.1%). The Brazilian scientific production on homicide and health is on the increase. It is important that researchers, analysts and editors turn their attention to the development of papers in this area, aiming to improve the quality of published articles.

In 2023, approximately 50,000 cases of violence against women were reported in the city of Rio de Janeiro. With over 18,000 cases, psychological violence, such as threatening behavior, harassment, and humiliation, was the category with the most reported cases, while property damage was the least reported category with fewer than 2,200 cases.

In 2022, the state of Bahia reported the largest number of homicides in Brazil. That year, ***** homicides were recorded in this northeastern state. Bahia was followed by the state of Rio de Janeiro, with ***** murders reported. Despite that, the number of homicides in Brazil reached the lowest figure that year since at least 2006, totaling ******. Homicide targets Data shows that homicides affected men disproportionaly more than women in this South American country. Considering the over ****** homicides registered in Brazil in 2022, nearly ** percent had men as victims. Again, it is important to remember the deterioration of data quality, specially in the case of femicides: there was a woman victim of violent death with no clear cause for every woman victim of homicide in Brazil. In that regard, the Brazilian states of Mato Grosso and Rondônia had the highest femicide rates. At least ***** of every 100,000 women who lived in those territories were murdered on account of their gender in 2023. Not only women, but the number of black and brown people murdered in Brazil had been growing throughout the years up until 2017, revealing that minorities are increasingly becoming the targets of violence. In 2022, nearly ****** people of color were killed in Brazil, over ***** times the number of non-black or non-brown people. Police Violence Police brutality has been gaining attention from the media, especially after George Floyd violent death in 2020. In Brazil, police violence, particularly in poor areas, such as favelas, is an old and well-known problem that affects society as a whole. Figures have shown that the number of civilians killed by police officers in Brazil surpassed ***** in both 2021 and 2022. Coincidentally, Rio de Janeiro and Bahia, the Brazilian states with the highest number of homicides, are also the ones with the highest number of people killed by the police. In Rio, the state with the second-highest figure, people of color were the main victims of deadly police interventions.

Historical dataset showing Brazil crime rate per 100K population by year from 1990 to 2020.

Content

This dataset contain official crime statistics from São Paulo state cities (Brazil) and were prepared based on information available on the Civil State Police statistics site: http://www.ssp.sp.gov.br/Estatistica/Pesquisa.aspx

• Period available:

  • Crime Monthly Occurrences and Policy productivity: 2001 - May, 2021 Note: in both datasets, decimal separator is a point (".") .

  • Crime rates (annual rates available): 1999 -2020 (available for some of the cities) Note: in this dataset, decimal separator is a comma (",") .

• Data and labels in brazilian portuguese.

• Information about crime type interpretation (available only in brazilian portuguese) in: http://www.ssp.sp.gov.br/Estatistica/download/manual.pdf

• Datasets prepared with Selenium (webscraping) and Pandas libraries in Python.

Author: Dalciana B. Waller https://github.com/DBWALLER

Measuring homicides across the world helps us understand violent crime and how people are affected by interpersonal violence.

But measuring homicides is challenging. Even homicide researchers do not always agree on whether the specific cause of death should be considered a homicide. Even when they agree on what counts as a homicide, it is difficult to count all of them.

In many countries, national civil registries do not certify most deaths or their cause. Besides lacking funds and personnel, a body has to be found to determine whether a death has happened. Authorities may also struggle to distinguish a homicide from a similar cause of death, such as an accident.

Law enforcement and criminal justice agencies collect more data on whether a death was unlawful — but their definition of unlawfulness may differ across countries and time.

Estimating homicides where neither of these sources is available or good enough is difficult. Estimates rely on inferences from similar countries and contextual factors that are based on strong assumptions. So how do researchers address these challenges and measure homicides?

In our work on homicides, we provide data from five main sources:

The WHO Mortality Database (WHO-MD)1 The Global Study on Homicide by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC)2 The History of Homicide Database by Manuel Eisner (20033 and 20144) The Global Burden of Disease (GBD) study by the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME)5 The WHO Global Health Estimates (WHO-GHE)6 These sources all report homicides, cover many countries and years, and are frequently used by researchers and policymakers. They are not entirely separate, as they partially build upon each other.

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DAY 1846 (January 1st, 2018 - January 20th, 2023)

This is a dataset that tracks both non-violent and violent conflicts in Brazil since 2018. The January 8th invasion of Brazil's National Congress by Jair Bolsonaro supporters served as inspiration for this dataset.

All data are official figures from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) that have been compiled and structured by myself. The latest snapshot used from ACLED's Latin America & the Caribbean dataset was its January 20th, 2023 update and was last accessed on January 28th, 2023. From the regional dataset, conflict data from countries outside of Brazil were removed, along with ID-related variables provided by ACLED that offered minimal potential for statistical analysis.

Data Sources

The primary data source used was the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), an organization that curates event data specifically designed for disaggregated conflict analysis and crisis mapping. ACLED has meticulously compiled conflict reports from the local, regional, national, and international level to ensure its quantity and quality.

1. ACLED's Latin America & the Caribbean Regional Dataset - Updated weekly, the regional dataset for Latin America & the Caribbean provided the conflict data for Brazil. The original dataset had to be cleaned thoroughly due to the vast number of ID-related variables and null values.
2. ACLED's Codebook (January 2021) - Cross-referencing with ACLED's Codebook clarified what events qualified as "conflicts" and the various functionalities that the data could provide.
3. ACLED's Data Columns (April 2019) - Unknown variable names from the ACLED's original Latin America & the Caribbean dataset were defined in this report.

Statistics Being Tracked

• EVENT_DATE: The day, month and year on which a conflict event took place.
• EVENT_TYPE: The type of conflict.
• SUB_EVENT_TYPE: The type of sub-conflict.
• ACTOR1: The named actor in the conflict.
• ACTOR2: The named actor associated with or identifying ACTOR 1.
• COUNTRY: The country in which the conflict took place (Brazil).
• LOCATION: The specific location in which the conflict took place.
• LATITUDE: The latitude of the location.
• LONGITUDE: The longitude of the location.
• SOURCE_SCALE: The scale (local, regional, national, international) of the source.
• NOTES: A short description of the conflict.
• FATALITIES: The number of reported fatalities that occurred during the conflict.

Dataset History

2023-01-28 - Dataset is created (1854 days after temporal coverage start date).

GitHub Repository - The same data but on GitHub.

Code Starter

Link to Notebook

Acknowledgements

Thank you once again to ACLED for enabling access keys to the necessary data! Make sure to check out the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) at www.acleddata.com. MLA Citation: “Curated Data For Latin America & the Caribbean (20 January 2023).” ACLED, 10 Jan. 2023, https://acleddata.com/curated-data-files/#regional.

Brazil BR: Intentional Homicides: per 100,000 People data was reported at 22.384 Ratio in 2020. This records an increase from the previous number of 20.810 Ratio for 2019. Brazil BR: Intentional Homicides: per 100,000 People data is updated yearly, averaging 26.021 Ratio from Dec 1990 (Median) to 2020, with 31 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 30.593 Ratio in 2017 and a record low of 16.656 Ratio in 1992. Brazil BR: Intentional Homicides: per 100,000 People data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Brazil – Table BR.World Bank.WDI: Social: Health Statistics. Intentional homicides are estimates of unlawful homicides purposely inflicted as a result of domestic disputes, interpersonal violence, violent conflicts over land resources, intergang violence over turf or control, and predatory violence and killing by armed groups. Intentional homicide does not include all intentional killing; the difference is usually in the organization of the killing. Individuals or small groups usually commit homicide, whereas killing in armed conflict is usually committed by fairly cohesive groups of up to several hundred members and is thus usually excluded.;UN Office on Drugs and Crime's International Homicide Statistics database.;Weighted average;

In 2024, six of the eight Brazilian cities with the highest homicide rates were in the Northeast. Feira da Santana led the ranking of the most violent city in Brazil, with a murder rate of ***** per 100,000 inhabitants. It was followed followed by Recife, with a homicide rate of more than ** per 100,000 inhabitants. In Latin America and the Caribbean, Feira da Santana was the **** most deadly city.

Abstract Macrosociological theories of criminal violence predict that the rate of violent crimes, especially intentional homicide, increases in response to social structures and processes that strengthen violent motivations or weaken social controls on violence. To test these hypotheses, we used several bivariate and multivariate regression models with panel data and variables constructed with demographic and mortality data, according to theoretical relevance, to verify whether the use of psychoactive substances, access to firearms, sociodemographic structures (population growth and density and proportion of young men), and the prevalence of socioeconomic exclusion increased the rate of intentional homicides in Brazilian microregions between 1996 and 2019. Most of the results significantly support the hypotheses. But the most powerful factor was the previous year’s homicide rate. This reveals an endogenous feedback tendency of violence in the short and medium terms, which can lead to the accumulation of the effects of the structural factors of intentional homicides.

Data about homicide rate and the relationship with drug market and socioeconomic factors

Occurrence of violent crimes (2019-2020)

ABSTRACT: Objective: To describe the notifications of interpersonal and self-inflicted firearm violence in adolescents and to identify the factors associated with the notification of this event. Methodology: Cross-sectional study analyzing data from Sinan from 2011 to 2017, in adolescents aged 10-19 years, injured by firearms. The χ2 test was used to verify the gender ratio difference. Correlation analysis and multiple linear regression were performed between the logarithm of the firearm notification rate and each independent variable, in a sample of large municipalities. Results: There were 30,103 reports of firearm violence in adolescents, of which (74.7%) were males aged 15-19 years (83.8%). Among girls, violence is more common at home, with a known perpetrator, and with physical and sexual violence combined. The death rate by firearms was higher in Fortaleza, Maceió, João Pessoa, Salvador and Natal, ranging from 105.88 to 71.73 per 100 thousand. Higher notification rates of firearm violence were associated with higher firearm death rates and greater coverage of health facilities. Conclusion: Firearm violence is a major public health problem in adolescents. Attacks on the disarmament statute and the loosening of gun possession and ownership directly confront the present and future of children and adolescents.

Actual value and historical data chart for Brazil Political Stability And Absence Of Violence Terrorism Estimate

Abstract The purpose of this article is to examine the influence of the media on perceptions of fear of crime among residents of the Brazilian Federal District. The study explores the influence of audience characteristics on the relationship between the media and fear of crime. We also analyzed the impact of different types of media (television, newspapers, and social media) on fear of crime. Research shows that the media's influence on fear of crime depends on the type of media, due to the differences in content and the characteristics of the audience.

Why do people support extrajudicial violence? In two survey experiments with respondents in Brazil, we examine which characteristics of lynching scenarios garner greater support for lynching and whether providing different types of information about lynching reduces support for it. We find that people often do support community members to take vengeance. In particular, our analysis finds that people strongly support the use of extrajudicial violence by families of victims against men who sexually assault and murder women and children. We also find that criminal punishment and the threat of vendettas reduce support, but appeals to the human rights of victims have zero effect on support for lynchings. Unlike the U.S. experience with lynchings, race was not observed to play an important role in how respondents answered the survey.

BackgroundHomicide kills more people than war globally and is associated with income inequality. In Brazil, one of the most unequal countries of the world, the homicide rate is four times higher than the world average. Establishing if the Brazilian conditional cash transfer programme [Bolsa Familia Programme (BFP)], the largest in the world, is associated with a reduction in the rate of homicide is relevant for violence prevention programs. We aimed to assess the effect of BFP coverage on homicide and hospitalization rates from violence.MethodsBFP coverage and rates of homicide (overall and disaggregated by sex and age) and hospitalizations from violence from all 5,507 Brazilian municipalities between 2004 and 2012 were explored using multivariable negative binomial regression models with fixed effect for panel data. Robustness of results was explored using sensitivity analyses such as difference-in-difference models.FindingsHomicide rates and hospitalization from violence decreased as BFP coverage in the target population increased. For each percent increase in the uptake of the BFP, the homicide rate decreased by 0.3% (Rate Ratio:0.997; 95%CI:0.996–0.997) and hospitalizations from violence by 0.4% (RR: 0.996;95%CI:0.995–0.996). Rates of homicide and hospitalizations from violence were also negatively associated with the duration of BFP coverage. When, coverage of the target population was at least 70% for one-year, hospitalizations from violence decreased by 8%; two-years 14%, three-years 20%, and four years 25%.InterpretationOur results support the hypothesis that conditional cash transfer programs might have as an additional benefit the prevention of homicides and hospitalizations from violence. Social protection interventions could contribute to decrease levels of violence in low-and-middle-income-countries through reducing poverty and/or socioeconomic inequalities.

Context

Brazil has a very powerful Freedom of Information law which allows any citizen to request any data from the government which is not restricted, and where these restrictions are well defined exceptions. But still, having the right to request the information does not mean it is easy to get it. Bureaucracy and ignorance of the law gets in the way many times. In order to encourage the government to put their databases in order and to inspire people to have the courage to ask the government for information, we made a massive request of information, for the complete dataset of crime data available for the last 10 years, in the biggest city of South America.

Content

This dataset contains structured data about all crime occurrences that have been acted upon by the PM, the main police force in Sao Paulo. The dataset is not consistent in its completeness, as some of the towns comprising the Greater Sao Paulo were slow in collecting full data. It also does not contain the actual historic of each crime report, as that would violate privacy.

Acknowledgements

We would like to acknowledge the prompt assistance from the SSP (Secretaria de Seguranca Publica), for providing the data with minimal resistance.

Inspiration

Primarily we would like to see a visualisation of this data, so that the people can have an idea of how crime has evolved in their city, which crimes are more prevalent in which areas, etc. In addition, any model which can predict at what times and where the police is most needed would be helpful, as this can then be sent to the SSP to help them in planning.