This statistic shows the results of a survey of British adults which asked them to indicate how positive or negative their views on Muslims in the UK were in 2018, by region. Respondents in Scotland viewed Muslims the most positively, followed by London and the North of England.

In 2019, there were estimated to be approximately **** million Muslims living in London, making it the region of England and Wales with the highest Muslim population. Large Muslim populations also live in other English regions, such as the West Midlands, the North West, and Yorkshire.

This study explores the phenomenon of Muslim apostasy from the perspective of self-described Muslim apostates. Drawing on life-history interviews with a group of ex-Muslims in Britain, it will provide a detailed qualitative account of what it means and what it is like for apostates to disaffiliate from Islam. It will also conduct interpretive narrative analysis of ex-Muslim published and online personal testimony, as well as semi-structured interviews with politically active Muslim 'career apostates'. The main focus of the study will be on the leaving-process and its ramifications as they are experienced and understood by apostates themselves. The key aims of the study are: to provide a close understanding of the experiences and narratives of Muslim apostates living in Britain to illuminate the dynamics by which individuals become Muslim apostates to describe the ramifications of apostatizing from Islam for the apostate and to document the various responses which the apostate's leave-taking provokes to map the political activities of Muslim 'career apostates', and to offer an account of their role. This study will be of interest not only to a broad range of sociologists, but also to policy-makers interested in the question of religious freedom, and social cohesion more broadly, in contemporary multicultural societies.

This research project aimed to describe and explain how children of primary school age and under are brought up to be Muslims. The project began with secondary quantitative analysis of the Home Office Citizenship Survey. The main part of the research was a qualitative case study of Muslims in Cardiff. Semi-structured, face-to-face interviews were used in 60 families with at least one child and usually two parents. In 24 of these families, children kept oral diaries and took photographs of places and events with religious significance. Observations were also carried out by researchers of formal education. The proposed research aims to describe and explain how children of primary school age and under are brought up to be Muslims. The topic of religious nurture is of interest in relation to all faiths, but given the diversity of schools of thought and ethnic groups amongst British Muslims, there is a strong argument for a detailed study of Islam in particular. Since there has already been attention paid by researchers to Muslim adolescents and 'young people' in recent years, the intention for this proposed project is to focus on families with children of primary school age and younger. The research questions are as follows: - How do different family members negotiate religious nurture in the context of a non-Muslim society? - How do children understand their religion? - How does religious nurture differ according to children's age, perceived stage and gender? - How does religious nurture differ between families according to religious traditions, ethnic backgrounds and social class? - How does religious nurture fit with parents' attempts to transmit ethnic and national identities to children? - How important is ritual to religious nurture? Are there particular places that have religious significance? - Is there evidence of increasing secular influences on Islamic beliefs and practices in Muslim families? - Is there evidence that ideas of spirituality and personal well-being are meaningful to Muslim families? The first task will be secondary quantitative analysis of existing government survey data (including the Home Office's Citizenship Survey). This analysis will both be of substantive interest in its own right and will also inform the sampling strategy for the main element of the research project, which is a qualitative case study of Muslims in Cardiff. This particular location has been chosen because its diverse Muslim population is fairly representative of the range of Muslim traditions and different ethnic groups in the UK. The qualitative research will consist of the following elements: - In 60 families there will be semi-structured interviews with at least one child and usually with two parents (although other family members would also be invited to take part) - In 30 of these families, children will be asked to keep oral diaries (via digital recorders) and to take photographs of places and events with religious significance - In 15 of these families there will also be some observation by the researchers of everyday religious practices. As well as being presented to academic audiences via a book, journals and conferences, there will be a public event to launch the research for a non-academic audience and a 'family day' for people who participated in the research, which will include child-friendly activities and entertainment. There will also be presentations at practice/policy conferences that are geared towards Muslim organisations and people working with children and families. The principal applicant has relevant experience in research on gender, family welfare and children's national and ethnic identities. The co-applicant has conducted research on various aspects of British Islam and is the Director of the Centre for the Study of Islam in the UK. Secondary quantitative analysis of the Home Office Citizenship Survey was carried out first. In the main phase, semi-structured, face-to-face interviews were conducted with 60 Muslim families in Cardiff with usually two parents and at least one child. In 24 of these families children kept oral diaries and took photographs of places and events with religious significance. Observations were also carried out.

These data were generated as part of an ESRC-funded PhD studentship exploring the understandings and everyday lived experiences of 'faith vegans' in the UK, as well as the intersection between veganism and religion, specifically Islam, Judaism, and Christianity. In order to unravel the phenomenon of 'faith veganism' that was coined in this research project, the researcher recruited 36 UK-based faith vegans (12 Muslim vegans, 12 Jewish vegans, and 12 Christian vegans) and conducted multi-modal qualitative methods, comprising interviews, diary methods, and virtual participant observation. The interview transcripts folder includes the interviews with faith vegans (n=36), as well as a document listing answers to a follow up question that I sent to Muslim participants after the interviews (n=1), the diary transcripts folder includes both the diary entries that were submitted as part of the social media-based diary groups (n=8) and the diary entries that were submitted separately and privately (n=6), and the VPO field notes folder includes the field notes from the virtual participant observation calls (n=6).'Faith Veganism: How the Ethics, Values, and Principles of UK-Based Muslim, Jewish, and Christian Vegans Reshape Veganism and Religiosity' was a four-year PhD project (March 2020 - April 2024) funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ES/P000673/1). Veganism, a philosophy and practice constituting the eschewal of all animal-derived products and forms of animal exploitation, has grown exponentially in the UK over the past decade, including among individuals of faith. This phenomenon has been increasingly studied within social science, but there is one area that is noticeably absent in existing scholarship: how religion intersects with veganism. Given the perceived centrality of animal bodies to Abrahamic religious observance, coupled with potential ethical similarities between veganism and religion as possible guiding forces in an individual’s life, this intersection is pertinent to study. I asked, how are Muslim, Jewish, and Christian vegans reshaping and redefining veganism and religiosity in late modern Great Britain? I recruited 36 UK-based vegans identifying as either Muslim, Jewish, or Christian, and conducted a multi-modal qualitative methods study in 2021, comprising interviews, diary methods, and virtual participant observation. I then thematically analysed the data, drawing on theories relating to Bourdieusian sociology, reflexive religiosity, and embodied ethics and values. This research revealed that religion and veganism are often mutually constituted, with veganism being understood by faith vegans as an ethical lifestyle that may be incorporated into their religious lifestyles. Religious ethics, values, and principles are reflexively interrogated, enabling participants to bring together faith and veganism. However, for many, religion is non-negotiable, so specific knowledge and support is sought to aid the negotiations that take place around religious practice. Through reflexive religiosity, religious practice becomes veganised, whilst veganism becomes faith based. I developed a series of concepts that help explain the characteristics of faith veganism, such as faith vegan identity, faith vegan community, faith vegan ethics, and faith vegan stewardship, as well as contribute new ways of theorising veganism: as transformative, mobile, reflexive, and more-than-political. Thus, this empirical study offers a new understanding of veganism, one that intersects with and is underpinned by religion, and which I have termed faith veganism. I conducted a multi-modal qualitative methods study, comprising semi-structured interviews which were conducted over Zoom or Microsoft Teams, social media-based diary methods, using a closed Facebook group and private WhatsApp groups, and virtual participant observation using either Zoom, Microsoft Teams or WhatsApp video calls.

In 2016, it was estimated that Birmingham had the largest Muslim population of any local authority in England and Wales at approximately 280 thousand people. Newham and Tower Hamlets, both boroughs of London, had the second and third-largest Muslim populations at 135 and 128 thousand respectively.

BackgroundPerinatal and paediatric autopsy rates are at historically low levels with declining uptake due to dislike of the invasiveness of the procedure, and religious objections particularly amongst Muslim and Jewish parents. Less invasive methods of autopsy including imaging with and without tissue sampling have been shown to be feasible alternatives. We sought to investigate attitudes including religious permissibility and potential uptake amongst members of the Muslim and Jewish communities in the United Kingdom.MethodsSemi-structured interviews with religious and faith-based authorities (n = 16) and bereaved parents from the Jewish community (n = 3) as well as 10 focus groups with community members (60 Muslim participants and 16 Jewish participants) were conducted. Data were analysed using thematic analysis to identify key themes.FindingsMuslim and Jewish religious and faith-based authorities agreed that non-invasive autopsy with imaging was religiously permissible because it did not require incisions or interference with the body. A minimally invasive approach was less acceptable as it still required incisions to the body, although in those circumstances where it was required by law it was more acceptable than a full autopsy. During focus group discussions with community members, the majority of participants indicated they would potentially consent to a non-invasive autopsy if the body could be returned for burial within 24 hours, or if a family had experienced multiple fetal/pregnancy losses and the information gained might be useful in future pregnancies. Minimally invasive autopsy was less acceptable but around half of participants might consent if a non-invasive autopsy was not suitable, with the exception of the Jewish Haredi community who unanimously stated they would decline this alternative.ConclusionsOur research suggests less invasive autopsy offers a viable alternative to many Muslim and Jewish parents in the UK who currently decline a full autopsy. The findings may be of importance to other countries with significant Muslim and/or Jewish communities as well as to other religious communities where concerns around autopsy exist. Awareness-raising amongst religious leaders and community members will be important if these methods become routinely available.

This statistic displays the projected Muslim population proportions in selected European countries in 2050, by scenario. In 2010 the proportion of Muslims in the population of Germany was *** percent, compared with *** percent in the UK and *** percent in France. Depending on the different migration scenarios estimated here, Germany's share of Muslims in the population could rise up to **** percent of it's population by 2050, higher than both the UK and France, with projected Muslim populations of **** and ** percent respectively.

Islam is the major religion in many African countries, especially in the north of the continent. In Comoros, Libya, Western Sahara, at least 99 percent of the population was Muslim as of 202. These were the highest percentages on the continent. However, also in many other African nations, the majority of the population was Muslim. In Egypt, for instance, Islam was the religion of 79 percent of the people. Islam and other religions in Africa Africa accounts for an important share of the world’s Muslim population. As of 2019, 16 percent of the Muslims worldwide lived in Sub-Saharan Africa, while 20 percent of them lived in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Together with Christianity, Islam is the most common religious affiliation in Africa, followed by several traditional African religions. Although to a smaller extent, numerous other religions are practiced on the continent: these include Judaism, the Baha’i Faith, Hinduism, and Buddhism. Number of Muslims worldwide Islam is one of the most widespread religions in the world. There are approximately 1.9 billion Muslims globally, with the largest Muslim communities living in the Asia-Pacific region. Specifically, Indonesia hosts the highest number of Muslims worldwide, amounting to over 200 million, followed by India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. Islam is also present in Europe and America. The largest Islamic communities in Europe are in France (5.72 million), Germany (4.95 million), and the United Kingdom (4.13 million). In the United States, there is an estimated number of around 3.45 million Muslims.

In this 2 phase study, 100 individual birth histories will be collected in order to situate infertility within the full range of fertility experiences among British Pakistanis. Secondly, in-depth interviews and life histories with 30-40 individuals who are seeking or who have recently used fertility treatment will enable detailed exploration of how people negotiate their quest for a child. Within this group careful attention will be paid to discourses of religion and science, understandings of the body, and meanings of marriage, kinship and family life. Interviews will also be conducted with community/religious leaders and health workers. In this study, ethnographic and interview-based research will be carried out into the impacts of infertility on the lives of British Pakistanis Moslems. Infertility carries particular stigma among this group; it can alter identities and affect family/social relationships. One of the main aims of the project is to understand the changing meanings of infertility in the context of changing patterns of family and kinship more generally in the UK. A key element of the study is its focus on the new reproductive technologies and the consequences that their increasing availability has for this community. The objectives of the research were as follows: (1) to understand how infertility of various kinds and degrees is situated within the full range of experiences of family formation among British Pakistanis; (2) to identify the personal and social implications of involuntary childlessness for Pakistanis living in Britain at the present time; (3) to describe the various response that members of the community have to this condition; (4) to investigate the ways in which British Pakistanis are engaging with possibilities for treatment that are offered by NRTs; (5) to explore the ethical and religious discourses that currently surround NRTs which enable and facilitate the ethical accommodation of some practices and the rejection of others; (6) to canvass the views of medical professionals performing treatments for British Pakistani Muslim couples facing fertility problems; (7) to use the data and analysis produced to inform policy and practice, and particularly as these relate to the development of culturally appropriate interventions and treatment among ethnic minority groups. Data collection methods included: (1)in-depth semi-structured life face to face interviews; (2) in-depth semi-structured telephone interviews; (3)focus group; (4) participant –observation in an IVF clinic in an NHS hospital. The sample size include: (i) 86 British Pakistani Muslim men and women living on Teesside (from a range of ages, including married, divorced, and unmarried people, those with children and those voluntarily and involuntarily childless); (ii)1 group of British Asian women attending an English class on Teesside; (iii)17 British Pakistani Muslim women or couples recruited on the basis of current previous treatment for fertility problems; (iv) 8 health or social care professionals (1 social worker, 1, GP, 2 consultants in reproductive medicine, 1 nurse, 2 embryologists, 1 infertility counsellor).

The UK Islamic finance market, while smaller than some global counterparts, exhibits significant growth potential. Driven by a growing Muslim population and increasing awareness of Sharia-compliant financial products, the market is projected to experience a steady expansion throughout the forecast period (2025-2033). The sector's performance is influenced by several factors. Government initiatives promoting financial inclusion and diversification, coupled with a robust regulatory framework, create a supportive environment. Furthermore, increasing demand for ethical and socially responsible investments fuels the adoption of Islamic banking, insurance (Takaful), and Sukuk (Islamic bonds). The presence of both international and domestic players further contributes to market dynamism. While competition is expected to intensify, the overall market outlook remains positive. Growth will likely be driven by a combination of factors, including the expansion of existing product offerings, the development of innovative financial instruments that cater to specific market needs, and the increasing sophistication of Islamic financial products. The sector's performance, however, remains contingent upon broader economic conditions and the regulatory landscape. The current focus on sustainability and ethical investing presents further opportunities for growth. The UK Islamic finance market's segmentation reflects the diverse nature of Sharia-compliant financial services. Islamic banking holds a significant share, providing a range of deposit and financing options. Takaful, the Islamic equivalent of conventional insurance, is also gaining traction, driven by the growing awareness and acceptance of its risk-sharing model. Sukuk issuance, while currently limited, presents significant potential for future growth as investors increasingly seek diversified and ethically sound investment opportunities. The "Other Fi" segment encompasses a variety of related services, contributing to the market's overall complexity and potential. Understanding the dynamics within each segment is crucial for identifying strategic investment opportunities and achieving sustainable growth within the UK Islamic finance landscape. The market's growth trajectory is expected to be influenced by both domestic and international factors, ranging from government policies to global economic trends. Recent developments include: April 2023: London-based Nomo Bank has announced an innovative new partnership with Abu Dhabi-based banks ADCB and Al Hilal Bank to bring digital UK banking to UAE nationals and residents., January 2022: Non-core market sovereigns such as the UK, Maldives, and Nigeria also issued sukuk. Fitch-rated sukuk reached USD132.4 billion in 2021, 80.1% of which were investment-grade. Outlooks improved with the share of sukuk issuers, with Negative Outlooks falling to 8.8% in 4Q21 from 23.4% in 4Q20.. Key drivers for this market are: Increase in International Business and Trade, Increase in Muslim Population. Potential restraints include: Increase in International Business and Trade, Increase in Muslim Population. Notable trends are: Digital Disruption of the Financial Services.

This statistic shows the estimated number of Muslims living in different European countries as of 2016. Approximately **** million Muslims were estimated to live in France, the most of any country listed. Germany and the United Kingdom also have large muslim populations with **** million and **** million respectively.

There is much interest in the potential for an alternative funding system for higher education students in England to support the spiritual and worldly needs of British Muslim students. At present those who wish to study in English universities and HE providers are still tied to a financial system that is contentious for many because it is predicated upon paying-back interest, known as riba. In this, the relationship between academic study and finance reveals tensions between Islam as a deeply-spiritual, faith-based way of life and the reality that this way of life is lived, materially, in a worldly existence. These interviews engage with this tension in relation to issues of retention in higher education, in the context of an Academic Innovation Project in one English university in the 2023/24 academic session. Focusing on the outcomes of in-depth interviews with 12 British Muslim undergraduate and postgraduate taught students, the argument highlights how the struggle between the spiritual deen and the worldly dunya of these students shaped complex ways in which individuals engage with student finance and realise their spiritual intentions. The interviews situate intentionality against retention, shaped against very deep layers of faith, commitment, drive and hope for the future. These are also moulded with family and in community, and reiterate a desire for institutional and sector leaders to recognise their struggle for recognition, and for an alternative finance system that respects faith-based identities

The unemployment rate for Muslims in the United Kingdom fell from *** percent in 2012 to *** percent in 2018, indicating that fewer Muslims are unemployed now than in 2012.

There were 3,866 hate crimes committed against Muslims in England and Wales, in the 2023/24 reporting year compared with 3,432 in the previous reporting year.

As of 2018, the highest level educational attainment of approximately **** percent of Muslims in England and Wales was a degree of equivalent. In the same year, **** percent of Muslims in England and Wales were estimated to have no qualifications.

The median gross hourly pay for Muslims residing in the United Kingdom rose from **** pounds per hour in 2012 to **** pounds per hour in 2018, indicating that Muslims earn a higher hourly median gross pay now than in 2012.

Approximately ****** prisoners in England and Wales identified as being Christian in 2024, the most of any religious faith among prisoners. A further ****** identified as having no religion, while ****** identified as Muslims.