Immigration and demographic change have become highly salient in American politics, partly because of the 2016 campaign of Donald Trump. Previous research indicates that local influxes of immigrants or unfamiliar ethnic groups can generate threatened responses, but has either focused on non-electoral outcomes or has analyzed elections in large geographic units such as counties. Here, we examine whether demographic changes at low levels of aggregation were associated with vote shifts toward an anti-immigration presidential candidate between 2012 and 2016. To do so, we compile a novel, precinct-level data set of election results and demographic measures for almost 32,000 precincts in the states of Florida, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Washington. We employ regression analyses varying model specifications and measures of demographic change. Our estimates uncover little evidence that influxes of Hispanics or non-citizen immigrants benefited Trump relative to past Republicans, instead consistently showing that such changes were associated with shifts to Trump's opponent.
Attribution 4.0 (CC BY 4.0)https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
License information was derived automatically
Online survey administered via Qualtrics in July, 2017, yielding 1,112 completed responses from respondents who passed two attention checks. Quotas were established matching the U.S. Census, following previous research (Bode et al. 2014). The questions used are briefly described below and all the items asked in each scale can be provided upon request.
https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
This folder contains data behind the story Higher Rates Of Hate Crimes Are Tied To Income Inequality.
Header | Definition |
---|---|
state | State name |
median_household_income | Median household income, 2016 |
share_unemployed_seasonal | Share of the population that is unemployed (seasonally adjusted), Sept. 2016 |
share_population_in_metro_areas | Share of the population that lives in metropolitan areas, 2015 |
share_population_with_high_school_degree | Share of adults 25 and older with a high-school degree, 2009 |
share_non_citizen | Share of the population that are not U.S. citizens, 2015 |
share_white_poverty | Share of white residents who are living in poverty, 2015 |
gini_index | Gini Index, 2015 |
share_non_white | Share of the population that is not white, 2015 |
share_voters_voted_trump | Share of 2016 U.S. presidential voters who voted for Donald Trump |
hate_crimes_per_100k_splc | Hate crimes per 100,000 population, Southern Poverty Law Center, Nov. 9-18, 2016 |
avg_hatecrimes_per_100k_fbi | Average annual hate crimes per 100,000 population, FBI, 2010-2015 |
Sources: Kaiser Family Foundation Kaiser Family Foundation Kaiser Family Foundation Census Bureau Kaiser Family Foundation Kaiser Family Foundation Census Bureau Kaiser Family Foundation United States Elections Project Southern Poverty Law Center FBI
Please see the following commit: https://github.com/fivethirtyeight/data/commit/fbc884a5c8d45a0636e1d6b000021632a0861986
This is a dataset from FiveThirtyEight hosted on their GitHub. Explore FiveThirtyEight data using Kaggle and all of the data sources available through the FiveThirtyEight organization page!
This dataset is maintained using GitHub's API and Kaggle's API.
This dataset is distributed under the Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) license.
Attribution 4.0 (CC BY 4.0)https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
License information was derived automatically
Analysis of ‘US non-voters poll data’ provided by Analyst-2 (analyst-2.ai), based on source dataset retrieved from https://www.kaggle.com/yamqwe/us-non-voters-poll-datae on 28 January 2022.
--- Dataset description provided by original source is as follows ---
This dataset contains the data behind Why Many Americans Don't Vote.
Data presented here comes from polling done by Ipsos for FiveThirtyEight, using Ipsos’s KnowledgePanel, a probability-based online panel that is recruited to be representative of the U.S. population. The poll was conducted from Sept. 15 to Sept. 25 among a sample of U.S. citizens that oversampled young, Black and Hispanic respondents, with 8,327 respondents, and was weighted according to general population benchmarks for U.S. citizens from the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey March 2019 Supplement. The voter file company Aristotle then matched respondents to a voter file to more accurately understand their voting history using the panelist’s first name, last name, zip code, and eight characters of their address, using the National Change of Address program if applicable. Sixty-four percent of the sample (5,355 respondents) matched, although we also included respondents who did not match the voter file but described themselves as voting “rarely” or “never” in our survey, so as to avoid underrepresenting nonvoters, who are less likely to be included in the voter file to begin with. We dropped respondents who were only eligible to vote in three elections or fewer. We defined those who almost always vote as those who voted in all (or all but one) of the national elections (presidential and midterm) they were eligible to vote in since 2000; those who vote sometimes as those who voted in at least two elections, but fewer than all the elections they were eligible to vote in (or all but one); and those who rarely or never vote as those who voted in no elections, or just one.
The data included here is the final sample we used: 5,239 respondents who matched to the voter file and whose verified vote history we have, and 597 respondents who did not match to the voter file and described themselves as voting "rarely" or "never," all of whom have been eligible for at least 4 elections.
If you find this information useful, please let us know.
License: Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License
Source: https://github.com/fivethirtyeight/data/tree/master/non-voters
This dataset was created by data.world's Admin and contains around 6000 samples along with Race, Q27 6, technical information and other features such as: - Q4 6 - Q8 3 - and more.
- Analyze Q10 3 in relation to Q8 6
- Study the influence of Q6 on Q10 4
- More datasets
If you use this dataset in your research, please credit data.world's Admin
--- Original source retains full ownership of the source dataset ---
https://academictorrents.com/nolicensespecifiedhttps://academictorrents.com/nolicensespecified
From: and: More info: Copied Jan 5th, 2020: More than a year after his death, a cache of computer files saved on the hard drives of Thomas Hofeller, a prominent Republican redistricting strategist, is becoming public. Republican state lawmakers in North Carolina fought in court to keep copies of these maps, spreadsheets and other documents from entering the public record. But some files have already come to light in recent months through court filings and news reports. They have been cited as evidence of gerrymandering that got political maps thrown out in North Carolina, and they have raised questions about Hofeller s role in the Trump administration s failed push for a census citizenship question. Now more of the files are available online through a website c
Since 1964, voter turnout rates in U.S. presidential elections have generally fluctuated across all age groups, falling to a national low in 1996, before rising again in the past two decades. Since 1988, there has been a direct correlation with voter participation and age, as people become more likely to vote as they get older. Participation among eligible voters under the age of 25 is the lowest of all age groups, and in the 1996 and 2000 elections, fewer than one third of eligible voters under the age of 25 participated, compared with more than two thirds of voters over 65 years.
Laut Erhebungen des US Census Bureau lag der Anteil der Briefwählerinnen und -Wähler bei der US-Präsidentschaftswahl im Jahr 2020 bei etwa 43 Prozent, dem höchsten Wert im Verlauf der vergangenen Jahre. Aufgrund der Corona-Pandemie entschieden sich viele US-Amerikanerinnen und Amerikaner ihre Stimme per Post abzugeben.
Die Wahlen zum 59. US-Präsidenten
Am 3. November 2020 fand in den USA die 59. Präsidentschaftswahl statt. Nach den Vorwahlen, die bereits im Februar 2020 unter COVID-19-bedingten Einschränkungen begonnen hatten, traten der damals amtierende Präsident Donald Trump gegen den Herausforderer der demokratischen Partei und ehemaligen Vize-Präsidenten Joe Biden an. Nach einer langen Wahlnacht mit einem zunächst engen Verlauf und anschließenden juristischen und gesellschaftlichen Protesten über den korrekten Wahlausgang konnte Joe Biden schließlich als 59. US-Präsident vereidigt werden. Trump sah im hohen Anteil der Briefwahlstimmen einen möglichen Betrug am Wahlergebnis, welcher jedoch nicht bestätigt werden konnte. Weitere Informationen rund um die US-Wahl finden Sie auf der gleichnamigen Themenseite.
Das amerikanische Wahlsystem Am Tag der Wahl werden durch die wählende Bevölkerung die Wahlmänner (Electoral College) bestimmt, die im Dezember in einer formalen Wahl den neuen US-Präsidenten wählen. Im Januar werden die Stimmen ausgezählt und der US-Präsident oder die US-Präsidentin ernannt. Durch das föderale Wahlsystem der einzelnen Staaten und die Bestimmung von Wahlmännern und Wahlfrauen kann es nicht als gegeben betrachtet werden, dass der Kandidat bzw. die Kandidatin mit den meisten Wählerstimmen auch die Präsidentschaftswahl gewonnen hat. Bei der Wahl 2020 siegte Joe Biden in beiden Fällen, er erlangte rund 81 Millionen Wählerstimmen im gesamten Land und konnte durch die gewonnen Bundesstaaten insgesamt 306 Stimmen der Wahlmänner und -frauen für sich gewinnen.
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Immigration and demographic change have become highly salient in American politics, partly because of the 2016 campaign of Donald Trump. Previous research indicates that local influxes of immigrants or unfamiliar ethnic groups can generate threatened responses, but has either focused on non-electoral outcomes or has analyzed elections in large geographic units such as counties. Here, we examine whether demographic changes at low levels of aggregation were associated with vote shifts toward an anti-immigration presidential candidate between 2012 and 2016. To do so, we compile a novel, precinct-level data set of election results and demographic measures for almost 32,000 precincts in the states of Florida, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Washington. We employ regression analyses varying model specifications and measures of demographic change. Our estimates uncover little evidence that influxes of Hispanics or non-citizen immigrants benefited Trump relative to past Republicans, instead consistently showing that such changes were associated with shifts to Trump's opponent.