In 2024, around **** million babies were born in China. The number of births has increased slightly from **** million in the previous year, but is much lower than the ***** million births recorded in 2016. Demographic development in China In 2022, the Chinese population decreased for the first time in decades, and population decline is expected to accelerate in the upcoming years. To curb the negative effects of an aging population, the Chinese government decided in 2013 to gradually relax the so called one-child-policy, which had been in effect since 1979. From 2016 onwards, parents in China were allowed to have two children in general. However, as the recent figures of births per year reveal, this policy change had only short-term effects on the general birth rate: the number of births slightly increased from 2014 onwards, but then started to fell again in 2018. In 2024, China was the second most populous country in the world, overtaken by India that year. China’s aging population The Chinese society is aging rapidly and facing a serious demographic shift towards older age groups. The median age of China’s population has increased massively from about ** years in 1970 to **** years in 2020 and is projected to rise continuously until 2080. In 2020, approximately **** percent of the Chinese were 60 years and older, a figure that is forecast to rise as high as ** percent by 2060. This shift in demographic development will increase social and elderly support expenditure of the society as a whole. One measure for this social imbalance is the old-age dependency ratio, measuring the relationship between economic dependent older age groups and the working-age population. The old-age dependency ratio in China is expected to soar to ** percent in 2060, implying that by then three working-age persons will have to support two elderly persons.

In 2024, the average number of children born per 1,000 people in China ranged at ****. The birth rate has dropped considerably since 2016, and the number of births fell below the number of deaths in 2022 for the first time in decades, leading to a negative population growth rate. Recent development of the birth rate Similar to most East-Asian countries and territories, demographics in China today are characterized by a very low fertility rate. As low fertility in the long-term limits economic growth and leads to heavy strains on the pension and health systems, the Chinese government decided to support childbirth by gradually relaxing strict birth control measures, that had been in place for three decades. However, the effect of this policy change was considerably smaller than expected. The birth rate increased from **** births per 1,000 inhabitants in 2010 to ***** births in 2012 and remained on a higher level for a couple of years, but then dropped again to a new low in 2018. This illustrates that other factors constrain the number of births today. These factors are most probably similar to those experienced in other developed countries as well: women preferring career opportunities over maternity, high costs for bringing up children, and changed social norms, to name only the most important ones. Future demographic prospects Between 2020 and 2023, the birth rate in China dropped to formerly unknown lows, most probably influenced by the coronavirus pandemic. As all COVID-19 restrictions were lifted by the end of 2022, births figures showed a catch-up effect in 2024. However, the scope of the rebound might be limited. A population breakdown by five-year age groups indicates that the drop in the number of births is also related to a shrinking number of people with child-bearing age. The age groups between 15 and 29 years today are considerably smaller than those between 30 and 44, leaving less space for the birth rate to increase. This effect is exacerbated by a considerable gender gap within younger age groups in China, with the number of females being much lower than that of males.

In China, the crude birth rate in 1930 was just under 39 live births per thousand people, meaning that 3.9 percent of the population had been born in that year. The crude birth rate dropped gradually over the next fifteen years, however it then rose to it's highest recorded figure by 1955. Between 1945 and 1950, the Second World War ended and the Chinese Civil War was finally coming to an end, and during this time the crude birth rate rose to almost 47 births per thousand in individual years. The crude birth rate dropped again in the late 1950s, as Chairman Mao's 'Great Leap Forward' failed to industrialize the nation, and resulted in a famine which killed an estimated 45 million people. The 1960s saw some recovery, where the figures rose from 36.4 to 39.5 births per thousand in this decade, however two-child and one-child policies were introduced in the 1970s and 80s, in an attempt to slow China's rapidly growing population. These measures led to the decline of the birth rate, dropping below fifteen births per thousand at the turn of the millennium. From 2000 until now the decline of China's crude birth rate has slowed, falling by just 2.8 births per thousand over the past twenty years, and it is expected to be just below twelve in 2020.

BackgroundAccording to the Seventh National Census, China’s fertility rate is less than 1.5, marking a significant national issue with potential risks. To counter this low birth rate, the Chinese government has relaxed family planning policies and introduced supportive measures.PurposeChanges in birth policy have attracted considerable attention from the people of China. This article aims to study the public’s response to the three-child support policy using Weibo as a window. The goal is to provide a more balanced evaluation of current perspectives, enabling policymakers to formulate better fertility information, particularly when anticipating a poor public response to controversial policies.MethodologyThis research uses a crawler to gather data from Sina Weibo. Through opinion mining of Weibo posts on the three-child policy, Weibo users’ online opinions on the three-child policy are analyzed from two perspectives: their attention content and sentiment tendency. Using an interrupted time series, it examines changes in online views on the policy, matching policy documents to the time nodes of Weibo posts.FindingsThe public has shown great interest in and provided short-term positive feedback on policies related to improving maternity insurance, birth rewards, and housing subsidies. In contrast, there has been a continuous negative response to policies such as extending maternity leave, which has particularly sparked concerns among women regarding future employment and marital rights protection. On social media, the public’s attention to the three-child birth policy has focused mainly on the protection of women’s rights, especially legal rights after childbirth, and issues related to physical and mental health. Child-rearing support and economic pressure are also hot topics, involving the daily expenses of multichild families, childcare services, and housing pressure. However, this study also revealed that infertile or single women express a strong desire to have children, but due to limitations in the personal medical insurance system, this desire has not been fully satisfied.ContributionsOur study demonstrates the feasibility of a rapid and flexible method for evaluating the public response to various three-child supportive policies in China using near real-time social media data. This information can help policy makers anticipate public responses to future pandemic three-child policies and ensure that adequate resources are dedicated to addressing increases in negative sentiment and levels of disagreement in the face of scientifically informed but controversial, restrictions.

The fertility rate of a country is the average number of children that women from that country will have throughout their reproductive years. In 1930, China's fertility rate was 5.5 children per woman, and this number then dropped to just under five over the next fifteen years, as China experienced a civil war and the Second World War. The fertility rate rose rather quickly after this to over 6.1 in 1955, before dropping again in the late 1950s, as Chairman Mao's 'Great Leap Forward' failed to industrialize the nation, and resulted in widespread famine that killed an estimated 45 million people. In the decade following this, China's fertility rate reached it's highest level in 1970, before the implementation of the two-child policy in the 1970s, and the one-child policy** in the 1980s, which radically changed the population structure. The fertility rate fell to an all time low in the early 2000s, where it was just 1.6 children per woman. However this number has increased to 1.7 today, and the two-child policy was reintroduced in 2016, replacing the one-child policy that had been effective for over 36 years.

BackgroundAccording to the Seventh National Census, China’s fertility rate is less than 1.5, marking a significant national issue with potential risks. To counter this low birth rate, the Chinese government has relaxed family planning policies and introduced supportive measures.PurposeChanges in birth policy have attracted considerable attention from the people of China. This article aims to study the public’s response to the three-child support policy using Weibo as a window. The goal is to provide a more balanced evaluation of current perspectives, enabling policymakers to formulate better fertility information, particularly when anticipating a poor public response to controversial policies.MethodologyThis research uses a crawler to gather data from Sina Weibo. Through opinion mining of Weibo posts on the three-child policy, Weibo users’ online opinions on the three-child policy are analyzed from two perspectives: their attention content and sentiment tendency. Using an interrupted time series, it examines changes in online views on the policy, matching policy documents to the time nodes of Weibo posts.FindingsThe public has shown great interest in and provided short-term positive feedback on policies related to improving maternity insurance, birth rewards, and housing subsidies. In contrast, there has been a continuous negative response to policies such as extending maternity leave, which has particularly sparked concerns among women regarding future employment and marital rights protection. On social media, the public’s attention to the three-child birth policy has focused mainly on the protection of women’s rights, especially legal rights after childbirth, and issues related to physical and mental health. Child-rearing support and economic pressure are also hot topics, involving the daily expenses of multichild families, childcare services, and housing pressure. However, this study also revealed that infertile or single women express a strong desire to have children, but due to limitations in the personal medical insurance system, this desire has not been fully satisfied.ContributionsOur study demonstrates the feasibility of a rapid and flexible method for evaluating the public response to various three-child supportive policies in China using near real-time social media data. This information can help policy makers anticipate public responses to future pandemic three-child policies and ensure that adequate resources are dedicated to addressing increases in negative sentiment and levels of disagreement in the face of scientifically informed but controversial, restrictions.

BackgroundAccording to the Seventh National Census, China’s fertility rate is less than 1.5, marking a significant national issue with potential risks. To counter this low birth rate, the Chinese government has relaxed family planning policies and introduced supportive measures.PurposeChanges in birth policy have attracted considerable attention from the people of China. This article aims to study the public’s response to the three-child support policy using Weibo as a window. The goal is to provide a more balanced evaluation of current perspectives, enabling policymakers to formulate better fertility information, particularly when anticipating a poor public response to controversial policies.MethodologyThis research uses a crawler to gather data from Sina Weibo. Through opinion mining of Weibo posts on the three-child policy, Weibo users’ online opinions on the three-child policy are analyzed from two perspectives: their attention content and sentiment tendency. Using an interrupted time series, it examines changes in online views on the policy, matching policy documents to the time nodes of Weibo posts.FindingsThe public has shown great interest in and provided short-term positive feedback on policies related to improving maternity insurance, birth rewards, and housing subsidies. In contrast, there has been a continuous negative response to policies such as extending maternity leave, which has particularly sparked concerns among women regarding future employment and marital rights protection. On social media, the public’s attention to the three-child birth policy has focused mainly on the protection of women’s rights, especially legal rights after childbirth, and issues related to physical and mental health. Child-rearing support and economic pressure are also hot topics, involving the daily expenses of multichild families, childcare services, and housing pressure. However, this study also revealed that infertile or single women express a strong desire to have children, but due to limitations in the personal medical insurance system, this desire has not been fully satisfied.ContributionsOur study demonstrates the feasibility of a rapid and flexible method for evaluating the public response to various three-child supportive policies in China using near real-time social media data. This information can help policy makers anticipate public responses to future pandemic three-child policies and ensure that adequate resources are dedicated to addressing increases in negative sentiment and levels of disagreement in the face of scientifically informed but controversial, restrictions.

In 2024, the mortality rate in China ranged at approximately 7.76 deaths per 1,000 inhabitants. The mortality rate in China displayed an uneven development over the last two decades. This is mainly related to the very uneven sizes of Chinese age groups, improvements in health care, and the occurrence of epidemics. However, an overall growing trend is undisputable and related to China's aging population. As the share of the population aged 60 and above will be growing significantly over the upcoming two decades, the mortality rate will further increase in the years ahead. Population in China China was the second most populous country in the world in 2024. However, due to several mechanisms put into place by the Chinese government as well as changing circumstances in the working and social environment of the Chinese people, population growth has subsided over the past decades and finally turned negative in 2022. The major factor for this development was a set of policies introduced by the Chinese government in 1979, including the so-called one-child policy, which was intended to improve people’s living standards by limiting the population growth. However, with the decreasing birth rate and slower population growth, China nowadays is facing the problems of a rapidly aging population. Birth control in China According to the one-child policy, a married couple was only allowed to have one child. Only under certain circumstances were parents allowed to have a second child. As the performance of family control had long been related to the assessment of local government’s achievements, violations of the rule were severely punished. The birth control in China led to a decreasing birth rate and a more skewed gender ratio of new births due to a widely preference for male children in the Chinese society. Nowadays, since China’s population is aging rapidly, the one-child policy has been re-considered as an obstacle for the country’s further economic development. Since 2014, the one-child policy has been gradually relaxed and fully eliminated at the end of 2015. In May 2021, a new three-child policy has been introduced. However, many young Chinese people today are not willing to have more children due to high costs of raising a child, especially in urban areas.

In 2024, approximately ******* births and ******* deaths of the total resident population were registered in Shanghai municipality in China. Despite the gradual relaxation of the one-child policy and its final abolition in 2016, the number of births in China did not increase sustainably. The birth rate in Shanghai declined considerably in recent years, while the death rate is increasing gradually and will further grow in the future due to the aging of the society.

We consider age-structured models with an imposed refractory period between births. These models can be used to formulate alternative population control strategies to China's one-child policy. By allowing any number of births, but with an imposed delay between births, we show how the total population can be decreased and how a relatively older age distribution can be generated. This delay represents a more "continuous" form of population management for which the strict one-child policy is a limiting case. Such a policy approach could be more easily accepted by society. Our analyses provide an initial framework for studying demographics and how social constraints influence population structure. This dataset includes the raw population data for 1981 China and 2000 Japan, and some Matlab code files used to process such raw data and produce predictions.

The average for 2022 based on 195 countries was 18.38 births per 1000 people. The highest value was in Niger: 45.03 births per 1000 people and the lowest value was in Hong Kong: 4.4 births per 1000 people. The indicator is available from 1960 to 2022. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.

A questionnaire validation study was conducted. A forward-backward translation procedure involving the developer of the CEQ was conducted. The data were collected in postnatal wards at 50 birth facilities in 4 regions of Zhejiang Province, China. Women who gave birth vaginally at the investigated facilities during the study period completed an online questionnaire that included the Chinese version of the CEQ (CEQ-C), demographic information and clinical information.

This study examined the effects of three maternity service practices in the countryside of China. These practices were (1) covering some of the costs of maternity, (2) added training to midwives in terms of clinical competence, and (3) added healthcare training to midwives and village doctors. The study was funded by the European Commission (CHIMACA 015396). The questions covered the costs of pregnancy and maternity and the financial support/benefits received, previous pregnancies and the number of children, duration of the pregnancy and working during pregnancy. It was also asked if the respondents had visited a doctor or a midwife due to the pregnancy, and, if they had visited a city hospital, who had directed them to the hospital. Further questions examined what sort of matters were discussed during these visits and whether the respondent had used a maternity card. The mothers were asked where their child(ren) had been delivered and if someone helped with the delivery. Home birthers were asked why they had given birth at home. Further questions examined the delivery procedure (c-section/vaginal birth/assisted). The respondents were also asked how long they had spent in the hospital before and after birth. Finally, the respondents were asked how and where post-natal maternity care was handled and what sort of matters were discussed. Background variables included the age of the child's parents, education level, occupation and region.

BackgroundChina implemented a partial two-child policy (2013) followed by a universal two-child policy (2015), replacing the former one-child policy mandated by the government. The changes affect many aspects of China’s population as well as maternal and infant health, but their potential impact on birth defects (BDs) remains unknown. In this study, we investigated the associations of these policy changes with BDs in Zhejiang Province, China.Methods and findingsWe used data from the BD surveillance system in Zhejiang Province, China, which covers 90 hospitals in 30 urban districts and rural counties, capturing one-third of the total births in this province. To fully consider the time interval between conception and delivery, we defined the one-child policy period as data from 2013 (births from October 2012 to September 2013), the partial two-child policy period as data from 2015 (births from October 2014 to September 2015), and the universal two-child policy period as data from 2017 (births from October 2016 to September 2017). Data from 2009 and 2011 were also used to show the changes in the proportion of births to women with advanced maternal age (35 years and older) prior to the policy changes. Main outcome measures were changes in the proportion of mothers with advanced maternal age, prevalence of BDs, rankings of BD subtypes by prevalence, prenatal diagnosis rate, and live birth rate of BDs over time. A total of 1,260,684 births (including live births, early fetal losses, stillbirths, and early neonatal deaths) were included in the analyses. Of these, 644,973 (51.16%) births were to women from urban areas, and 615,711 (48.84%) births were to women from rural areas. In total, 135,543 (10.75%) births were to women with advanced maternal age. The proportion increased by 85.68%, from 8.52% in 2013 to 15.82% in 2017. However, it had remained stable prior to policy changes. Overall, 23,095 BDs were identified over the policy changes (2013–2017). The prevalence of BDs during 2013, 2015, and 2017 was 245.95, 264.86, and 304.36 per 10,000 births, respectively. Trisomy 21 and other chromosomal defects increased in both risk and ranking from 2013 to 2017 (crude odds ratio [95% confidence interval] 2.13 [1.75–2.60], from ranking 10th to 5th, and 3.63 [2.84–4.69], from ranking 16th to 6th, respectively). The prenatal diagnosis rate increased by 3.63 (2.2–5.1) percentage points (P < 0.001), from 31.10% to 34.72%, and identification of BDs occurred 1.88 (1.81–1.95) weeks earlier (P < 0.001). The live birth rate for infants with BDs born before 28 gestational weeks increased from 1.29% to 11.45%. The major limitations of this observational study include an inability to establish causality and the possible existence of unknown confounding factors, some of which could contribute to BDs.ConclusionsIn this study, we observed significant increases in maternal age and the prevalence of total and age-related anomalies following China’s new two-child policy. Increases in live birth rate for infants with BDs born before 28 gestational weeks suggest that healthcare for very preterm births with BDs may be warranted in the future, as well as updating the definition of perinatal period.

Macau MO: Fertility Rate: Total: Births per Woman data was reported at 1.311 Ratio in 2016. This records an increase from the previous number of 1.280 Ratio for 2015. Macau MO: Fertility Rate: Total: Births per Woman data is updated yearly, averaging 1.499 Ratio from Dec 1960 (Median) to 2016, with 57 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 4.772 Ratio in 1960 and a record low of 0.827 Ratio in 2004. Macau MO: Fertility Rate: Total: Births per Woman data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Macau SAR – Table MO.World Bank.WDI: Health Statistics. Total fertility rate represents the number of children that would be born to a woman if she were to live to the end of her childbearing years and bear children in accordance with age-specific fertility rates of the specified year.; ; (1) United Nations Population Division. World Population Prospects: 2017 Revision. (2) Census reports and other statistical publications from national statistical offices, (3) Eurostat: Demographic Statistics, (4) United Nations Statistical Division. Population and Vital Statistics Reprot (various years), (5) U.S. Census Bureau: International Database, and (6) Secretariat of the Pacific Community: Statistics and Demography Programme.; Weighted average; Relevance to gender indicator: it can indicate the status of women within households and a woman’s decision about the number and spacing of children.

The China County-Level Data on Population (Census) and Agriculture, Keyed To 1:1M GIS Map consists of census, agricultural economic, and boundary data for the administrative regions of China for 1990. The census data includes urban and rural residency, age and sex distribution, educational attainment, illiteracy, marital status, childbirth, mortality, immigration (since 1985), industrial/economic activity, occupation, and ethnicity. The agricultural economic data encompasses rural population, labor force, forestry, livestock and fishery, commodities, equipment, utilities, irrigation, and output value. The boundary data are at a scale of one to one million (1:1M) at the county level. This data set is produced in collaboration with the University of Washington as part of the China in Time and Space (CITAS) project, University of California-Davis China in Time and Space (CITAS) project, and the Center for International Earth Science Information Network (CIESIN).

This is supporting data for "Grandparenting and Child Wellbeing in the Context of Labor Migration in China: A Mixed-Methods Study" which consists of various datasets collected for the thesis project. To be specific:Interview Transcripts for Study Two: Study Two of the thesis is a qualitative Photovoice study that conducted interviews with the participants. The author invited 30 children and their grandparents to fill in the consent form and conducted semi-structured interviews with them separately. The interviews were recorded as audio MP3 files and transcribed to Word files. Then the transcripts were coded and analyzed in the software Atlas. Ti and thematic coding were adopted to identify the main themes to illustrate the varieties of the results. These files included transcripts for 30 children in this study.Semi-Structured Interview Guide: The interview guide provided a framework for conducting interviews while allowing for in-depth exploration of experiences, perspectives, and insights of left-behind children living with their grandparents. Using this guide, the author achieved a balance between structure and flexibility, ensuring that key topics were covered while also allowing the interviewer to delve into unanticipated areas of interest.Photovoice Group Protocol: Study Two of the thesis included a five-session Photovoice project followed by this group protocol. A diversity of activities and games were included in the protocol for participants to achieve the Photovoice goal. Ethics Approval and Consent Forms: This includes the ethics approval from the Human Research Ethics Committee of The University of Hong Kong (HREC’s reference number: EA220254) for Study Two. Consent forms were collected from both the guardians of the participants and the participants themselves.Dataset for Survey: The quantitative data for Study Three of this thesis were collected from children on their demographic information and their levels of grandparental involvement in their lives. The Excel file was processed and analyzed with R programming to pilot the scale validation of GII-C.

According to a survey conducted in China in 2021, about 42 percent of respondents did not have any changes in their professional development after having children. Meanwhile, around 20 percent of respondents said they experienced some changes that were for the better after the birth of their kids.

In 2023, the birth rate across different regions in China varied from around 13.7 births per 1,000 inhabitants (per mille) in Tibet to 2.9 per mille in Heilongjiang province. The average national birth rate ranged at 6.4 per mille that year. High disparity of birth rates across China Regional birth rates in China reach their highest values in western and southwestern provinces and autonomous regions. In this part of the country, the economy is less developed than in the coastal provinces and traditional values are more prevalent. At the same time, many people from minority communities live in these areas, who were less affected by strict birth control measures in the past and traditionally have more children. In contrast, the lowest birth rates in recent years were registered in the northwestern provinces Jilin, Liaoning, and Heilongjiang, which is the rust belt of China. This region offers few economic opportunities, and many young people leave for a better life in the eastern provinces. They often leave old people behind, which is one reason why these provinces also have some of the highest mortality rates in China. Future developments As most Chinese regions with a higher fertility rate have only few inhabitants, they cannot compensate for the increasing number of provinces with a declining populace. In the future, only economically successful cites will be able to escape this trend, while many provinces and rural areas will slowly lose a significant share of their population.

The Baby Product Manufacturing industry in China produces a range of products, such as baby food, clothing, toys and skincare products. The decreasing new births have affected revenue growth over the past five years. Industry revenue is expected to decrease at a CAGR of 0.5% over the five years through 2024, to $181.1 billion, increasing by 2.8% from 2023. China's one child policy, which was relaxed in November 2013. China's Two-child and Third-child policy was implemented comprehensively in 2015 and 2021. This has encouraged parents to spend as much as they can on baby rearing. Additionally, China's growing economy has stimulated demand for baby products. In particular, higher living standards have created a stable foundation for medium and high-end baby products. The post-85s and post-90s have entered the birth peak period. These young mothers are more dependent on online information and consumption, which has promoted the development of the industry. However, the slower birth rate has lowered down the growth rate of the industry. Affected by the rising production costs from raw materials and safe manufacturing, industry profitability is expected to decrease to 6.4% in 2024.Many foreign brands have entered the growing Chinese market and established branches and distribution networks. The majority of people, especially those in first- and second-tier cities, prefer foreign brands as they are regarded as safer and of higher quality. Regulated and encouraged by the state, the quality of domestic goods has got constant improvement, gradually replacing some of the imported products. Imports are expected to decrease at a CAGR of 6.6% in the five years to 2024. In 2024, imports are expected to account for 3.4% of domestic demand.Over the next five years through 2029, industry revenue is forecast to grow at a CAGR of 2.6% to $205.8 billion. The Chinese government has been placing more focus on the domestic market and industries such as baby product manufacturing. The government is encouraging companies to produce higher quality goods to receive more government assistance. As one of the largest product segments in the industry, baby food, especially milk powder, is likely to be increasingly regulated. Additionally, advanced technology will be applied in baby products to support the comprehensive development and the sound growth of infants.