Completion of a survey of dermatoglyphic variables for all ethnic groups in an ethnically diverse country like China is a huge research project, and an achievement that anthropological and dermatoglyphic scholars in the country could once only dream of. However, through the endeavors of scientists in China over the last 30 years, the dream has become reality. This paper reports the results of a comprehensive analysis of dermatoglyphics from all ethnic groups in China. Using cluster analysis and principal component analysis of dermatoglyphics, it has been found that Chinese populations can be generally divided into a southern group and a northern group. Furthermore, there has been considerable debate about the origins of many Chinese populations and about proper assignment of these peoples to larger ethnic groups. In this paper, we suggest that dermatoglyphic data can inform these debates by helping to classify a Chinese population as a northern or southern group, using selected reference populations and quantitative methods. This study is the first to assemble and investigate dermatoglyphics from all 56 Chinese ethnic groups. It is fortunate that data on population dermatoglyphics, a field of physical anthropology, have now been collected for all 56 Chinese ethnic groups, because intermarriage between individuals from different Chinese ethnic groups occurs more frequently in recent times, making population dermatoglyphic research an ever more challenging field of inquiry.

This statistic shows the number of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) members from 2013 to 2023, by ethnic group. In December 2023, approximately **** million CCP members had belonged to an ethnic minority in China.

It has been shown that the human genome contains extensive copy number variations (CNVs). Investigating the medical and evolutionary impacts of CNVs requires the knowledge of locations, sizes and frequency distribution of them within and between populations. However, CNV study of Chinese minorities, which harbor the majority of genetic diversity of Chinese populations, has been underrepresented considering the same efforts in other populations. Here we constructed, to our knowledge, a first CNV map in seven Chinese populations representing the major linguistic groups in China with 1,440 CNV regions identified using Affymetrix SNP 6.0 Array. Considerable differences in distributions of CNV regions between populations and substantial population structures were observed. We showed that ∼35% of CNV regions identified in minority ethnic groups are not shared by Han Chinese population, indicating that the contribution of the minorities to genetic architecture of Chinese population could not be ignored. We further identified highly differentiated CNV regions between populations. For example, a common deletion in Dong and Zhuang (44.4% and 50%), which overlaps two keratin-associated protein genes contributing to the structure of hair fibers, was not observed in Han Chinese. Interestingly, the most differentiated CNV deletion between HapMap CEU and YRI containing CCL3L1 gene reported in previous studies was also the highest differentiated regions between Tibetan and other populations. Besides, by jointly analyzing CNVs and SNPs, we found a CNV region containing gene CTDSPL were in almost perfect linkage disequilibrium between flanking SNPs in Tibetan while not in other populations except HapMap CHD. Furthermore, we found the SNP taggability of CNVs in Chinese populations was much lower than that in European populations. Our results suggest the necessity of a full characterization of CNVs in Chinese populations, and the CNV map we constructed serves as a useful resource in further evolutionary and medical studies.

In 2020, about six percent of Ping An Insurance's workforce were from ethnic minorities. China has 56 ethnic groups and depending on the region, ethnic minorities can make up up to 90 percent of the local population.

Pairwise genetic distance among Chinese ethnic groups.

This web map shows the Population distribution by Ethnicity in 2016 within the 18 districts of Hong Kong. It is a subset of the census data 2016 made available by the Census and Statistics Department under the Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (the “Government”) at https://DATA.GOV.HK/ (“DATA.GOV.HK”). The source data is in XLSX format and has been processed and converted into Esri File Geodatabase format and then uploaded to Esri’s ArcGIS Online platform for sharing and reference purpose. The objectives are to facilitate our Hong Kong ArcGIS Online users to use the data in a spatial ready format and save their data conversion effort.For details about the data, source format and terms of conditions of usage, please refer to the website of DATA.GOV.HK at https://data.gov.hk.

In 2024, about 60.9 percent of the Chinese population was between 16 and 59 years old. Apart from the information given on broad age groups in this statistic, some more information is provided by a timeline for the age distribution and a population breakdown by smaller age groups. Demographic development in China China ranked as the second most populous country in the world with a population of nearly 1.41 billion as of mid 2024, surpassed only by India. As the world population reached more than eight billion in mid 2024, China represented almost one fifth of the global population. China's population increased exponentially between the 1950s and the early 1980s due to Mao Zedong's population policy. To tackle the problem of overpopulation, a one-child policy was implemented in 1979. Since then, China's population growth has slowed from more than two percent per annum in the 1970s to around 0.5 percent per annum in the 2000s, and finally turned negative in 2022. China's aging population One outcome of the strict population policy is the acceleration of demographic aging trends. According to the United Nations, China's population median age has more than doubled over the last five decades, from 18 years in 1970 to 37.5 years in 2020. Few countries have aged faster than China. The dramatic aging of the population is matched by slower growth. The total fertility rate, measuring the number of children a woman can expect to have in her life, stood at just around 1.2 children. This incremental decline in labor force could lead to future challenges for the Chinese government, causing instability in current health care and social insurance mechanisms. To learn more about demographic development of the rural and urban population in China, please take a look at our reports on population in China and aging population in China.

China: Demographic pressures, 0 (low) - 10 (high): The latest value from 2024 is 6.2 index points, a decline from 6.5 index points in 2023. In comparison, the world average is 5.80 index points, based on data from 176 countries. Historically, the average for China from 2007 to 2024 is 7.26 index points. The minimum value, 5.6 index points, was reached in 2020 while the maximum of 9 index points was recorded in 2009.

According to a survey on racial and religious harmony in Singapore, 37.5 percent of Chinese respondents claimed that they somewhat agree with the statement that they liked meeting and getting to know people from other ethnic groups than their own. Singapore is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society, with citizens categorized into four main ethnic groups, known as CMIO: Chinese, Malay, Indian, and Others. Those categorized under the "Others" include Eurasians, Caucasians, Arabs, and Filipinos, among others. Those from an ethnic Chinese background make up the majority of the population in Singapore.

Additional file 1: Table S1. Components of DBI-16.

Indigenous food systems can affect multiple aspects of Indigenous people's health. In China, the government declared that there are no Indigenous people in China and used the term “ethnic minority groups” instead. However, to date, no attempt has been made to investigate the nutrition status and dietary practices of all 55 ethnic minority groups. To understand this pertinent issue, a systematic review is required. The main selection criteria were publications should be about nutrition status or dietary practices among ethnic minority groups in China, specify the name of the ethnic minority group, and be published within the past 10 years. For this literature review, 111 publications were selected through Wanfang Med Online for Chinese publications and Google Scholar for English publications. Linear regressions were applied to explore what factors can affect the total number of publications for an ethnic minority group. The main findings include that only 15 ethnic minority groups have dietary intake data representing the general people of the ethnic group; only seven ethnic minority groups have data for both nutrition status (anthropometric and nutrients intake/deficiency) and dietary practices (dietary intake and dietary habits); there are still 10 ethnic minority groups with a total number of population 845,420 that lack studies on both nutrition status and dietary practices; ethnic minority groups are suffering from double-burden malnutrition and consuming unbalanced diets; primary and middle school students are the most prevalent study population than any other age group due to easy access; and an ethnic minority group is likely to have more publications about nutrition status and dietary practices if they have a larger population or are unique to a region. The results indicate that more national-level programs and timely nutrition and dietary reports should be implemented to address double-burden malnutrition and unbalanced diets among ethnic minority groups in China. More studies involving maternal nutrition, targeting underrepresented ethnic minority groups and age groups, and exploring traditional food systems in China are also essential to better understand and address this issue.

In 2019, the Indian and White ethnic groups had the lowest percentage of recent internet users (90.4% and 90.5%). The Chinese group had the highest (98.6%).

This web map shows the location of Support Service Centres for Ethnic Minorities in Hong Kong. It is a set of data made available by the Home Affairs Department under the Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (the "Government") at https://GEODATA.GOV.HK/ ("Hong Kong Geodata Store"). The source data is in XLS format and has been processed and converted into Esri File Geodatabase format and uploaded to Esri's ArcGIS Online platform for sharing and reference purpose. The objectives are to facilitate our Hong Kong ArcGIS Online users to use the data in a spatial ready format and save their data conversion effort.For details about the data, source format and terms of conditions of usage, please refer to the website of Hong Kong Geodata Store at https://geodata.gov.hk.

In 2018/19, pupils from the Chinese ethnic group were the most likely out of all ethnic groups to meet both the expected and higher standards in writing.

This data collection contains various data about current-economic and social practices in the border region shared between Russia, China and Mongolia, combining historical and anthropological methods of research. It contains informal interviews and pictures of representatives (informants) of the main focus groups, such as ethnic communities who straddle the border, such as the Nanai, Russians, and Mongols, border traders, and cultural activists among them. Interviews reflect their cross-border connections, including re-establishing of kinship ties, religious practices and social memory of separation and political upheavals between China and Russia, which greatly affected their everyday life at the border. Data reflects research findings to answer the question, how border society operates and how both countries manage their border economies, trade and migration. Along with detailed genealogies of some Buryat lineages, collection contains GIS maps of the Russian border region with China in Transbaikal region and fieldwork reports from various locations. Collection also includes data on research structure, workshops, publications, lectures and public talks of the Project members to share Project findings with a wider audience. The ‘Where Rising Powers Meet’ project aims to investigate what the Russian-Chinese border can reveal about the differing political economies of the two countries and their trajectories in the post-1991 era. Since each state exercises full sovereignty right up to their mutual border, there is no better place to compare the two remarkably dissimilar ways that economic development, the rule of law, citizen rights, migration, and inequality are managed. Yet state policies encounter volatile, more or less independent activities across this border. An important question the project will address is: how stable is this situation and what do the trends visible today indicate about the future of the two ‘rising powers’? This project, based at Cambridge but working in collaboration with colleagues in China, Russia, Mongolia, France and Denmark, is both multidisciplinary and multi-sited. The research team, composed of anthropologists, sociologists and economists, will be carrying out research at various sites along the border, from Mongolia in the west to Vladivostok in the east. The project has obtained the ethical approval of the University of Cambridge. Formal and informal interviews, photographs, digital audio recordings, surveys, GIS mapping, archival research. Data was collected during fieldwork in the border region, namely in border cities, such as Manzhouli, Blagoveshchensk, Vladivostok, Zabaikal'sk, Kyakhta and Suifenghe, including some archival research on history of the Sino-Russian trade relations (caravan trade) and cross-border migration. Focus groups include: - cross-border and transborder ethnic groups living in border area shared by China, Russia and Mongolia; Russian and Chinese border traders; Chinese seasonal labour migrants to Russia; Russian female border traders to China; border guards; mixed marriage couples. Interviews and surveys among Chinese and Russian border traders aimed to find new social stratification of the Sino-Russia border society in post-Socialist period.

As of June 2024, there were around 3.09 million ethnic Chinese residents in Singapore. Singapore is a multi-ethnic society, with residents categorized into four main racial groups: Chinese, Malay, Indian, and Others. Each resident is assigned a racial category that follows the paternal side. This categorization would have an impact on both official as well as private matters. Modelling a peaceful, multi-ethnic society The racial categorization used in Singapore stemmed from its colonial past and continues to shape its social policies, from public housing quotas along the ethnic composition in the country to education policies pertaining second language, or ‘mother tongue’, instruction. Despite the emphasis on ethnicity and race, Singapore has managed to maintain a peaceful co-existence among its diverse population. Most Singaporeans across ethnic levels view the level of racial and religious harmony there to be moderately high. The level of acceptance and comfort with having people of other ethnicities in their social lives was also relatively high across the different ethnic groups. Are Singaporeans ready to move away from the CMIO model of ethnic classification? In recent times, however, there has been more open discussion on racism and the relevance of the CMIO (Chinese, Malay, Indian, Others) ethnic model for Singaporean society. The global discourse on racism has brought to attention the latent discrimination felt by the minority ethnic groups in Singapore, such as in the workplace. In 2010, Singapore introduced the option of having a ‘double-barreled’ race classification, reflecting the increasingly diverse and complicated ethnic background of its population. More than a decade later, there have been calls to do away from such racial classifications altogether. However, with social identity and policy deeply entrenched along these lines, it would be a challenge to move beyond race in Singapore.

Students from the Chinese ethnic group had the highest entry rate into higher education in every year from 2006 to 2024.

The 2006 Census estimated 5.1 million individuals who belonged to a visible minority. The Employment Equity Act defines visible minorities as 'persons, other than Aboriginal peoples, who are non-Caucasian in race or non-white in colour’. The visible minority population has grown steadily over the last 25 years. In 1981, when data for the four Employment Equity designated groups were first derived, the estimated 1.1 million visible minorities represented 4.7% of Canada's total population. In 1991, 2.5 million people were members of the visible minority population, 9.4% of the total population. The visible minority population further increased to 3.2 million in 1996, or 11.2% of the total population. By 2001, their numbers had reached an estimated 3.9 million or 13.4% of the total population. In 2006, the visible minorities accounted for 16.2% of Canada’s total population. This map shows the percentage of visible minorities (chinese population) by census subdivisions.

As of 2023, the bulk of the Chinese population was aged between 25 and 59 years, amounting to around half of the population. A breakdown of the population by broad age groups reveals that around 61.3 percent of the total population was in working age between 16 and 59 years in 2023. Age cohorts below 25 years were considerably smaller, although there was a slight growth trend in recent years. Population development in China Population development in China over the past decades has been strongly influenced by political and economic factors. After a time of high fertility rates during the Maoist regime, China introduced birth-control measures in the 1970s, including the so-called one-child policy. The fertility rate dropped accordingly from around six children per woman in the 1960s to below two at the end of the 20th century. At the same time, life expectancy increased consistently. In the face of a rapidly aging society, the government gradually lifted the one-child policy after 2012, finally arriving at a three-child policy in 2021. However, like in most other developed countries nowadays, people in China are reluctant to have more than one or two children due to high costs of living and education, as well as changed social norms and private values. China’s top-heavy age pyramid The above-mentioned developments are clearly reflected in the Chinese age pyramid. The age cohorts between 30 and 39 years are the last two larger age cohorts. The cohorts between 15 and 24, which now enter childbearing age, are decisively smaller, which will have a negative effect on the number of births in the coming decade. When looking at a gender distribution of the population pyramid, a considerable gender gap among the younger age cohorts becomes visible, leaving even less room for growth in birth figures.

Comparison of educational level and residents’ happiness data between Han and minority nationalities.