The region of present-day China has historically been the most populous region in the world; however, its population development has fluctuated throughout history. In 2022, China was overtaken as the most populous country in the world, and current projections suggest its population is heading for a rapid decline in the coming decades. Transitions of power lead to mortality The source suggests that conflict, and the diseases brought with it, were the major obstacles to population growth throughout most of the Common Era, particularly during transitions of power between various dynasties and rulers. It estimates that the total population fell by approximately 30 million people during the 14th century due to the impact of Mongol invasions, which inflicted heavy losses on the northern population through conflict, enslavement, food instability, and the introduction of bubonic plague. Between 1850 and 1870, the total population fell once more, by more than 50 million people, through further conflict, famine and disease; the most notable of these was the Taiping Rebellion, although the Miao an Panthay Rebellions, and the Dungan Revolt, also had large death tolls. The third plague pandemic also originated in Yunnan in 1855, which killed approximately two million people in China. 20th and 21st centuries There were additional conflicts at the turn of the 20th century, which had significant geopolitical consequences for China, but did not result in the same high levels of mortality seen previously. It was not until the overlapping Chinese Civil War (1927-1949) and Second World War (1937-1945) where the death tolls reached approximately 10 and 20 million respectively. Additionally, as China attempted to industrialize during the Great Leap Forward (1958-1962), economic and agricultural mismanagement resulted in the deaths of tens of millions (possibly as many as 55 million) in less than four years, during the Great Chinese Famine. This mortality is not observable on the given dataset, due to the rapidity of China's demographic transition over the entire period; this saw improvements in healthcare, sanitation, and infrastructure result in sweeping changes across the population. The early 2020s marked some significant milestones in China's demographics, where it was overtaken by India as the world's most populous country, and its population also went into decline. Current projections suggest that China is heading for a "demographic disaster", as its rapidly aging population is placing significant burdens on China's economy, government, and society. In stark contrast to the restrictive "one-child policy" of the past, the government has introduced a series of pro-fertility incentives for couples to have larger families, although the impact of these policies are yet to materialize. If these current projections come true, then China's population may be around half its current size by the end of the century.
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<li>Total population for China in 2024 was <strong>1,425,178,782</strong>, a <strong>1.03% increase</strong> from 2023.</li>
<li>Total population for China in 2023 was <strong>1,410,710,000</strong>, a <strong>0.1% decline</strong> from 2022.</li>
<li>Total population for China in 2022 was <strong>1,412,175,000</strong>, a <strong>0.01% decline</strong> from 2021.</li>
</ul>Total population is based on the de facto definition of population, which counts all residents regardless of legal status or citizenship. The values shown are midyear estimates.
According to latest figures, the Chinese population decreased by 1.39 million to around 1.408 billion people in 2024. After decades of rapid growth, China arrived at the turning point of its demographic development in 2022, which was earlier than expected. The annual population decrease is estimated to remain at moderate levels until around 2030 but to accelerate thereafter. Population development in China China had for a long time been the country with the largest population worldwide, but according to UN estimates, it has been overtaken by India in 2023. As the population in India is still growing, the country is very likely to remain being home of the largest population on earth in the near future. Due to several mechanisms put into place by the Chinese government as well as changing circumstances in the working and social environment of the Chinese people, population growth has subsided over the past decades, displaying an annual population growth rate of -0.1 percent in 2024. Nevertheless, compared to the world population in total, China held a share of about 17 percent of the overall global population in 2024. China's aging population In terms of demographic developments, the birth control efforts of the Chinese government had considerable effects on the demographic pyramid in China. Upon closer examination of the age distribution, a clear trend of an aging population becomes visible. In order to curb the negative effects of an aging population, the Chinese government abolished the one-child policy in 2015, which had been in effect since 1979, and introduced a three-child policy in May 2021. However, many Chinese parents nowadays are reluctant to have a second or third child, as is the case in most of the developed countries in the world. The number of births in China varied in the years following the abolishment of the one-child policy, but did not increase considerably. Among the reasons most prominent for parents not having more children are the rising living costs and costs for child care, growing work pressure, a growing trend towards self-realization and individualism, and changing social behaviors.
In 1938, the year before the outbreak of the Second world War, the countries with the largest populations were China, the Soviet Union, and the United States, although the United Kingdom had the largest overall population when it's colonies, dominions, and metropole are combined. Alongside France, these were the five Allied "Great Powers" that emerged victorious from the Second World War. The Axis Powers in the war were led by Germany and Japan in their respective theaters, and their smaller populations were decisive factors in their defeat. Manpower as a resource In the context of the Second World War, a country or territory's population played a vital role in its ability to wage war on such a large scale. Not only were armies able to call upon their people to fight in the war and replenish their forces, but war economies were also dependent on their workforce being able to meet the agricultural, manufacturing, and logistical demands of the war. For the Axis powers, invasions and the annexation of territories were often motivated by the fact that it granted access to valuable resources that would further their own war effort - millions of people living in occupied territories were then forced to gather these resources, or forcibly transported to work in manufacturing in other Axis territories. Similarly, colonial powers were able to use resources taken from their territories to supply their armies, however this often had devastating consequences for the regions from which food was redirected, contributing to numerous food shortages and famines across Africa, Asia, and Europe. Men from annexed or colonized territories were also used in the armies of the war's Great Powers, and in the Axis armies especially. This meant that soldiers often fought alongside their former-enemies. Aftermath The Second World War was the costliest in human history, resulting in the deaths of between 70 and 85 million people. Due to the turmoil and destruction of the war, accurate records for death tolls generally do not exist, therefore pre-war populations (in combination with other statistics), are used to estimate death tolls. The Soviet Union is believed to have lost the largest amount of people during the war, suffering approximately 24 million fatalities by 1945, followed by China at around 20 million people. The Soviet death toll is equal to approximately 14 percent of its pre-war population - the countries with the highest relative death tolls in the war are found in Eastern Europe, due to the intensity of the conflict and the systematic genocide committed in the region during the war.
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Southern China is the birthplace of rice-cultivating agriculture and different language families and has also witnessed various human migrations that facilitated cultural diffusions. The fine-scale demographic history in situ that forms present-day local populations, however, remains unclear. To comprehensively cover the genetic diversity in East and Southeast Asia, we generated genome-wide SNP data from 211 present-day Southern Chinese and co-analyzed them with ∼1,200 ancient and modern genomes. In Southern China, language classification is significantly associated with genetic variation but with a different extent of predictability, and there is strong evidence for recent shared genetic history particularly in Hmong–Mien and Austronesian speakers. A geography-related genetic sub-structure that represents the major genetic variation in Southern East Asians is established pre-Holocene and its extremes are represented by Neolithic Fujianese and First Farmers in Mainland Southeast Asia. This sub-structure is largely reduced by admixture in ancient Southern Chinese since > ∼2,000 BP, which forms a “Southern Chinese Cluster” with a high level of genetic homogeneity. Further admixture characterizes the demographic history of the majority of Hmong–Mien speakers and some Kra-Dai speakers in Southwest China happened ∼1,500–1,000 BP, coeval to the reigns of local chiefdoms. In Yellow River Basin, we identify a connection of local populations to genetic sub-structure in Southern China with geographical correspondence appearing > ∼9,000 BP, while the gene flow likely closely related to “Southern Chinese Cluster” since the Longshan period (∼5,000–4,000 BP) forms ancestry profile of Han Chinese Cline.
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The origin and diversification of Muslim Hui people in China via demic or simple cultural diffusion is a long-going debate. We here generated genome-wide data at nearly 700,000 single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) from 45 Hui and 14 Han Chinese individuals collected from Guizhou province in southwest China. We applied principal component analysis (PCA), ADMIXTURE, f-statistics, qpWave, and qpAdm analysis to infer the population genetic structure and admixture history. Our results revealed the Guizhou Hui people have a limited amount of West Eurasian related ancestry at a proportion of 6%, but show massive genetic assimilation with indigenous southern Han Chinese and Tibetan or Tungusic/Mongolic related northern East Asians. We also detected a high frequency of North Asia or Central Asia related paternal Y-chromosome but not maternal mtDNA lineages in Guizhou Hui. Our observation supports the cultural diffusion has played a vital role in the formation of Hui people and the migration of Hui people to southwest China was probably a sex-biased male-driven process.
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Mitochondrial DNA was first successfully extracted from ancient remains approximately 4 decades ago. Research into ancient DNA has been revolutionized due to improvements in next-generation sequencing (NGS) technology in the early 21st century, as well as advances in the field of ancient DNA extraction and enhancement. In recent years, a large number of paleogenomic data has shed light on the origin and evolution of humans, and provided new insights into the migration and admixture events of populations, as well as the spread of languages and technologies. As China is located in the eastern part of Eurasia, it plays an integral role in exploration of the genetic history of Eurasians throughout the history of modern human habitation. Here we review recent progress deriving from paleogenomic analysis, which helps to reconstruct the prehistory of China.
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In this study, we used typical and advanced population genetic analysis methods [principal component analysis (PCA), ADMIXTURE, FST, f3-statistics, f4-statistics, qpAdm/qpWave, qpGraph, ALDER (Admixture-induced Linkage Disequilibrium for Evolutionary Relationships) and TreeMix] to explore the genetic structure of 80 Han individuals from four different cities in Liaoning Province and reconstruct their demographic history based on the newly generated genome-wide data. We found that Liaoning Han people have genetic similarities with other northern Han people (Shandong, Henan, and Shanxi) and Liaoning Manchu people. Millet farmers in the Yellow River Basin (YRB) and the West Liao River Basin (WLRB) (57–98%) and hunter-gatherers in the Mongolian Plateau (MP) and the Amur River Basin (ARB) (40–43%) are the main ancestral sources of the Liaoning Han people. Our study further supports the “northern origin hypothesis”; YRB-related ancestry accounts for 83–98% of the genetic makeup of the Liaoning Han population. There are clear genetic influences of northern East Asian populations in the Liaoning Han people, ancient Northeast Asian-related ancestry is another dominant ancestral component, and large-scale population admixture has happened between Tungusic Manchu people and Han people. There are genetic differences among the Liaoning Han people, and we found that these differences are associated with different migration routes of Hans during the “Chuang Guandong” period in historical records.
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Hmong–Mien (HM) -speaking populations, widely distributed in South China, the north of Thailand, Laos, and Vietnam, have experienced different settlement environments, dietary habits, and pathogenic exposure. However, their specific biological adaptation remained largely uncharacterized, which is important in the population evolutionary genetics and Trans-Omics for regional Precision Medicine. Besides, the origin and genetic diversity of HM people and their phylogenetic relationship with surrounding modern and ancient populations are also unknown. Here, we reported genome-wide SNPs in 52 representative Miao people and combined them with 144 HM people from 13 geographically representative populations to characterize the full genetic admixture and adaptive landscape of HM speakers. We found that obvious genetic substructures existed in geographically different HM populations; one localized in the HM clines, and others possessed affinity with Han Chinese. We also identified one new ancestral lineage specifically existed in HM people, which spatially distributed from Sichuan and Guizhou in the north to Thailand in the south. The sharing patterns of the newly identified homogenous ancestry component combined the estimated admixture times via the decay of linkage disequilibrium and haplotype sharing in GLOBETROTTER suggested that the modern HM-speaking populations originated from Southwest China and migrated southward in the historic period, which is consistent with the reconstructed phenomena of linguistic and archeological documents. Additionally, we identified specific adaptive signatures associated with several important human nervous system biological functions. Our pilot work emphasized the importance of anthropologically informed sampling and deeply genetic structure reconstruction via whole-genome sequencing in the next step in the deep Chinese Population Genomic Diversity Project (CPGDP), especially in the regions with rich ethnolinguistic diversity.
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BackgroundThe women’s cancer screening program has been operational for several years in China, primarily utilizing palpation and ultrasound. Given the proven impact of BRCA1/2 mutations on the incidence of breast and ovarian cancer, the cost-effectiveness of incorporating BRCA1/2 mutation testing into these programs, either for the entire population or through enrichment based on family history of breast and ovarian cancer, remains poorly researched.MethodsWe constructed a decision tree model to compare the cost-effectiveness of three strategies: symptom-based screening only (Symptom-only strategy), population-based BRCA1/2 testing (population-based strategy), and family-history-based BRCA1/2 testing (FH-based strategy). One-way and probability sensitivity analyses enabled model uncertainty evaluation. Outcomes included early and advanced stages of ovarian and breast cancer. Cost, quality-adjusted life years (QALYs), and incremental cost-effectiveness ratios (ICERs) were calculated. The target population was women at 40–60 years, the time horizon was until age 70, and the perspective was payer-based.ResultsThe FH-based strategy was found to be cost-effective compared to the Symptom-only strategy (ICER: ¥185,710/QALY, gaining 0.26 days’ life expectancy). Its cost-effectiveness was significantly influenced by the risks of ovarian and breast cancer among BRCA1/2 carriers, the prevalence of BRCA1/2 mutations in the general Chinese population, the prevalence of family history of breast and ovarian cancer among Chinese women, and the prevalence of BRCA1/2 mutations in the FH-positive population. Integrating these variable distributions, the FH-based strategy showed a 76.96% probability of cost-effectiveness. The Population-based strategy was not cost-effective, whether compared to the Symptom-only strategy (ICER: ¥504,476/QALY, gaining 2.66 days’ life expectancy) or to the FH-based strategy (ICER: ¥539,476/QALY, gaining 2.41 days’ life expectancy). The prevalence of BRCA1/2 mutations in the general Chinese population was identified as the primary variable affecting its cost-effectiveness. Integrating these variable distributions, the Population-based strategy had a probability of cost-effectiveness of only 0.8%.ConclusionIncorporating family-history-based BRCA1/2 testing into breast and ovarian cancer screening programs is cost-effective in China and warrants promotion.
In 2024, approximately 67 percent of the total population in China lived in cities. The urbanization rate has increased steadily in China over the last decades. Degree of urbanization in China Urbanization is generally defined as a process of people migrating from rural to urban areas, during which towns and cities are formed and increase in size. Even though urbanization is not exclusively a modern phenomenon, industrialization and modernization did accelerate its progress. As shown in the statistic at hand, the degree of urbanization of China, the world's second-largest economy, rose from 36 percent in 2000 to around 51 percent in 2011. That year, the urban population surpassed the number of rural residents for the first time in the country's history.The urbanization rate varies greatly in different parts of China. While urbanization is lesser advanced in western or central China, in most coastal regions in eastern China more than two-thirds of the population lives already in cities. Among the ten largest Chinese cities in 2021, six were located in coastal regions in East and South China. Urbanization in international comparison Brazil and Russia, two other BRIC countries, display a much higher degree of urbanization than China. On the other hand, in India, the country with the worlds’ largest population, a mere 36.3 percent of the population lived in urban regions as of 2023. Similar to other parts of the world, the progress of urbanization in China is closely linked to modernization. From 2000 to 2024, the contribution of agriculture to the gross domestic product in China shrank from 14.7 percent to 6.8 percent. Even more evident was the decrease of workforce in agriculture.
Shenzhen is one of the fastest growing cities in China. Based on estimates, the population of Shenzhen is expected to reach over ** million by 2035. This rapidly growing city is attracting an increasing number of young Chinese, who want to start and grow their careers.
Development history of Shenzhen
Shenzhen is located next to Hong Kong, one of the key financial and business centers of the world. The city has a short history - Shenzhen wasn’t technically a city until 1979. Now, it is home to the largest economy in China’s Greater Bay Area, surpassing its neighbor Hong Kong. Shenzhen is also called China’s Silicon Valley, since many China’s tech-giants are headquartered there. As a rising financial center, Shenzhen also hosts one of the two Stock Exchanges in Mainland China. The headquarter of China’s leading insurance company Ping An Insurance is in Shenzhen as well.
Immigration to Shenzhen
Enticed by its fast-developing economy, people from across the whole country have relocated to Shenzhen to take their chances at new job and life opportunities. In its 40-year development, countless migrant workers have contributed to this city’s construction projects and labor-intensive manufacturing production. Many young graduates have found it easier to find a job in Shenzhen compared to other first-tier cities. Promotion opportunities have attracted top talent in many sectors to come to this city. Accordingly, with the rise of population, the cost of housing in Shenzhen has also seen a drastic increase.
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Single Nucleotide Polymorphisms files and phylogonetic trees of S. miscanthi samples collected in China and S. avenae from the UK used to study the population genetics analyses of these species. These are:
China_samples_vcf.zip: dataset of SNPs from S. miscanthi sampled in 10 populations of China obtained using FreeBayes (in vcf format).
China_samples_vcf_filtered.zip: SNPs from S. miscanthi after filtering the file China_samples_vcf.zip using vcftools (max-missing 0.75, minDP 3, mac 3, minQ 30, remove-indels, thin 2000, max-missing 0.9, thin 5000). This file was used in all population genetic analyses of the Chinese populations in the paper, transforming to the appropriate formats.
China_samples_SNPs.fas: fasta file of phased SNPs used to estimate the phylogeny of S. miscanthi haplotypes using RAxML.
China_RAxML_phylogeny_newick.tre: RAxML phylogenetic tree in newick format obtained with China_samples_SNPs.fas.
England_samples_vcf.zip: dataset of SNPs from S. avenae sampled in 12 populations of England obtained using FreeBayes (in vcf format).
England_samples_vcf_filtered.zip: SNPs from S. avenae after filtering the file England_samples_vcf.zip using vcftools (max-missing 0.5, mac 3, minQ 30, minDP 3, max-missing 0.5, exclude individuals with 50% missing data, max-missing 0.75, remove-indels, thin 2000). This file was used in all population genetic analyses of the English populations in the paper, transforming the vcf to the corresponding formats.
England_samples_SNPs.fas: fasta file of phased SNPs.
England_samples_SNPs_polymorphic.fas: fasta file of phased SNPs used in the phylogenetic reconstruction of S. avenae haplotypes using RAxML. This file is the same as England_samples_SNPs.fas after removing sites which were not polymorphic (e.g. a site that contains N and T in different samples is not considered polymorphic for RAxML and has to be removed)
England_RAxML_phylogeny_newick.tre: RAxML phylogenetic tree in newick format obtained with England_samples_SNPs_polymorphic.fas.
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Manchu is the third-largest ethnic minority in China and has the largest population size among the Tungusic-speaking groups. However, the genetic origin and admixture history of the Manchu people are far from clear due to the sparse sampling and a limited number of markers genotyped. Here, we provided the first batch of genome-wide data of genotyping approximate 700,000 single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in 93 Manchu individuals collected from northeast China. We merged the newly generated data with data of publicly available modern and ancient East Asians to comprehensively characterize the genetic diversity and fine-scale population structure, as well as explore the genetic origin and admixture history of northern Chinese Manchus. We applied both descriptive methods of ADMIXTURE, fineSTRUCTURE, FST, TreeMix, identity by decedent (IBD), principal component analysis (PCA), and qualitative f-statistics (f3, f4, qpAdm, and qpWave). We found that Liaoning Manchus have a close genetic relationship and significant admixture signal with northern Han Chinese, which is in line with the cluster patterns in the haplotype-based results. Additionally, the qpAdm-based admixture models showed that modern Manchu people were formed as major ancestry related to Yellow River farmers and minor ancestry linked to ancient populations from Amur River Bain, or others. In summary, the northeastern Chinese Manchu people in Liaoning were an exception to the coherent genetic structure of Tungusic-speaking populations, probably due to the large-scale population migrations and genetic admixtures in the past few hundred years.
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Studying geographic variation in the rate of hybridization between closely related species could provide a useful window to understand the evolution of reproductive isolation. Reinforcement theory predicts greater prezygotic isolation in areas of prolonged contact between recently diverged species than in areas of recent contact, which implies that old contact zones would be dominated by parental phenotypes with few hybrids (bimodal hybrid zones) whereas recent contact zones would be characterized by hybrid swarms (unimodal hybrid zones). Here we investigate how the hybrid zones of two closely related Chinese oaks, Quercus mongolica and Q. liaotungensis, are structured geographically using both nuclear and chloroplast markers. We found that populations of Q. liaotungensis located around the Changbai Mountains in Northeast China, an inferred glacial refugium, are introgressed by genes from Q. mongolica, suggesting former contact between the two species in this region. Yet, these introgressed populations form sharp bimodal hybrid zones with Q. mongolica. In contrast, populations of Q. liaotungensis located in North China, which show no sign of ancient introgression with Q. mongolica, form unimodal hybrid zones with Q. mongolica. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that selection against hybrids has had sufficient time to reinforce the reproductive barriers between Q. liaotungensis and Q. mongolica in Northeast China but not in North China.
In 1800, the population of the territory that makes up present-day Thailand was approximately 4.7 million people. As part of the kingdom of Siam, the population of Thailand would grow gradually through the 19 th century, with much of the population growth being driven by Chinese emigration from southern Qing China into Siam, in search of work and refuge from instability in their home country. This migrant influx would continue throughout the century, with estimates suggesting that the Chinese population in Siam grew from 230,000 in 1825, to over 792,000 in 1910; by 1932, over 12 percent of the population in modern-day Thailand was ethnically Chinese. Migration from China would see another surge under the reign of Vajiravudh, as the "Warlord era" in China, after the fall of the Qing dynasty, would see entire families of Chinese immigrants arriving in Thailand. While immigration would slow in later years, Chinese-Thai would remain a significant demographic in Thailand’s population, both as one of the largest overseas Chinese populations, and accounting for an estimated 11-14 percent of the total Thailand population in 2012.
Population growth would slow somewhat in the 1930s, as several rebellions and coups, paired with a rise in anti-Chinese sentiment in the country, would result in a sharp decline in immigration to the country. In the years following the Second World War, the population of Thailand would begin to grow rapidly, following a wave of urbanization and a significant increase in standard of living throughout the country. As a result, the population of Thailand would rise from approximately 20 million in 1950, to just under 63 million by the turn of the century just 50 years later. This population growth would slow somewhat as the country would continue to modernize in the 2000s, and in 2020, it is estimated that just under 70 million people live in Thailand.
In 1800, the population of Japan was just over 30 million, a figure which would grow by just two million in the first half of the 19th century. However, with the fall of the Tokugawa shogunate and the restoration of the emperor in the Meiji Restoration of 1868, Japan would begin transforming from an isolated feudal island, to a modernized empire built on Western models. The Meiji period would see a rapid rise in the population of Japan, as industrialization and advancements in healthcare lead to a significant reduction in child mortality rates, while the creation overseas colonies would lead to a strong economic boom. However, this growth would slow beginning in 1937, as Japan entered a prolonged war with the Republic of China, which later grew into a major theater of the Second World War. The war was eventually brought to Japan's home front, with the escalation of Allied air raids on Japanese urban centers from 1944 onwards (Tokyo was the most-bombed city of the Second World War). By the war's end in 1945 and the subsequent occupation of the island by the Allied military, Japan had suffered over two and a half million military fatalities, and over one million civilian deaths.
The population figures of Japan were quick to recover, as the post-war “economic miracle” would see an unprecedented expansion of the Japanese economy, and would lead to the country becoming one of the first fully industrialized nations in East Asia. As living standards rose, the population of Japan would increase from 77 million in 1945, to over 127 million by the end of the century. However, growth would begin to slow in the late 1980s, as birth rates and migration rates fell, and Japan eventually grew to have one of the oldest populations in the world. The population would peak in 2008 at just over 128 million, but has consistently fallen each year since then, as the fertility rate of the country remains below replacement level (despite government initiatives to counter this) and the country's immigrant population remains relatively stable. The population of Japan is expected to continue its decline in the coming years, and in 2020, it is estimated that approximately 126 million people inhabit the island country.
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The Mongolian population exceeds six million and is the largest population among the Mongolic speakers in China. However, the genetic structure and admixture history of the Mongolians are still unclear due to the limited number of samples and lower coverage of single-nucleotide polymorphism (SNP). In this study, we genotyped genome-wide data of over 700,000 SNPs in 38 Mongolian individuals from Fuxin in Liaoning Province to explore the genetic structure and population history based on typical and advanced population genetic analysis methods [principal component analysis (PCA), admixture, FST, f3-statistics, f4-statistics, qpAdm/qpWave, qpGraph, ALDER, and TreeMix]. We found that Fuxin Mongolians had a close genetic relationship with Han people, northern Mongolians, other Mongolic speakers, and Tungusic speakers in East Asia. Also, we found that Neolithic millet farmers in the Yellow River Basin and West Liao River Basin and Neolithic hunter–gatherers in the Mongolian Plateau and Amur River Basin were the dominant ancestral sources, and there were additional gene flows related to Eurasian Steppe pastoralists and Neolithic Iranian farmers in the gene pool of Fuxin Mongolians. These results shed light on dynamic demographic history, complex population admixture, and multiple sources of genetic diversity in Fuxin Mongolians.
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Southern China was the original center of multiple ancestral populations related to modern Hmong-Mien, Tai-Kadai, Austroasiatic, and Austronesian people. More recent genetic surveys have focused on the fine-scale genetic structure and admixture history of southern Chinese populations, but the genetic formation and diversification of Hmong-Mien speakers are far from clear due to the sparse genetic sampling. Here, we reported nearly 700,000 single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) data from 130 Guizhou Miao and Yao individuals. We used principal component analysis, ADMIXTURE, f-statistics, qpAdm, phylogenetic tree, fineSTRUCTURE, and ALDER to explore the fine-scale population genetic structure and admixture pattern of Hmong-Mien people. The sharing allele patterns showed that our studied populations had a strong genetic affinity with ancient and modern groups from southern and southeastern East Asia. We identified one unique ancestry component maximized in Yao people, which widely existed in other Hmong-Mien-speaking populations in southern China and Southeast Asia and ancient samples of Guangxi. Guizhou Hmong-Mien speakers harbored the dominant proportions of ancestry related to southern indigenous East Asians and minor proportions of northern ancestry related to Yellow River farmers, suggesting the possibility of genetic admixture between Hmong-Mien people and recent southward Sino-Tibetan-related populations. Furthermore, we found a genetic substructure among geographically different Miao and Yao people in Leishan and Songtao. The Yao and Miao people in Leishan harbored more southern East Asian ancestry, but Miao in Songtao received more northern East Asian genetic influence. We observed high mtDNA but low Y-chromosome diversity in studied Hmong-Mien groups, supporting the role of sex-specific residence in influencing human genetic variation. Our data provide valuable clues for further exploring population dynamics in southern China.
The region of present-day China has historically been the most populous region in the world; however, its population development has fluctuated throughout history. In 2022, China was overtaken as the most populous country in the world, and current projections suggest its population is heading for a rapid decline in the coming decades. Transitions of power lead to mortality The source suggests that conflict, and the diseases brought with it, were the major obstacles to population growth throughout most of the Common Era, particularly during transitions of power between various dynasties and rulers. It estimates that the total population fell by approximately 30 million people during the 14th century due to the impact of Mongol invasions, which inflicted heavy losses on the northern population through conflict, enslavement, food instability, and the introduction of bubonic plague. Between 1850 and 1870, the total population fell once more, by more than 50 million people, through further conflict, famine and disease; the most notable of these was the Taiping Rebellion, although the Miao an Panthay Rebellions, and the Dungan Revolt, also had large death tolls. The third plague pandemic also originated in Yunnan in 1855, which killed approximately two million people in China. 20th and 21st centuries There were additional conflicts at the turn of the 20th century, which had significant geopolitical consequences for China, but did not result in the same high levels of mortality seen previously. It was not until the overlapping Chinese Civil War (1927-1949) and Second World War (1937-1945) where the death tolls reached approximately 10 and 20 million respectively. Additionally, as China attempted to industrialize during the Great Leap Forward (1958-1962), economic and agricultural mismanagement resulted in the deaths of tens of millions (possibly as many as 55 million) in less than four years, during the Great Chinese Famine. This mortality is not observable on the given dataset, due to the rapidity of China's demographic transition over the entire period; this saw improvements in healthcare, sanitation, and infrastructure result in sweeping changes across the population. The early 2020s marked some significant milestones in China's demographics, where it was overtaken by India as the world's most populous country, and its population also went into decline. Current projections suggest that China is heading for a "demographic disaster", as its rapidly aging population is placing significant burdens on China's economy, government, and society. In stark contrast to the restrictive "one-child policy" of the past, the government has introduced a series of pro-fertility incentives for couples to have larger families, although the impact of these policies are yet to materialize. If these current projections come true, then China's population may be around half its current size by the end of the century.