According to latest figures, the Chinese population decreased by 1.39 million to around 1.408 billion people in 2024. After decades of rapid growth, China arrived at the turning point of its demographic development in 2022, which was earlier than expected. The annual population decrease is estimated to remain at moderate levels until around 2030 but to accelerate thereafter. Population development in China China had for a long time been the country with the largest population worldwide, but according to UN estimates, it has been overtaken by India in 2023. As the population in India is still growing, the country is very likely to remain being home of the largest population on earth in the near future. Due to several mechanisms put into place by the Chinese government as well as changing circumstances in the working and social environment of the Chinese people, population growth has subsided over the past decades, displaying an annual population growth rate of -0.1 percent in 2024. Nevertheless, compared to the world population in total, China held a share of about 17 percent of the overall global population in 2024. China's aging population In terms of demographic developments, the birth control efforts of the Chinese government had considerable effects on the demographic pyramid in China. Upon closer examination of the age distribution, a clear trend of an aging population becomes visible. In order to curb the negative effects of an aging population, the Chinese government abolished the one-child policy in 2015, which had been in effect since 1979, and introduced a three-child policy in May 2021. However, many Chinese parents nowadays are reluctant to have a second or third child, as is the case in most of the developed countries in the world. The number of births in China varied in the years following the abolishment of the one-child policy, but did not increase considerably. Among the reasons most prominent for parents not having more children are the rising living costs and costs for child care, growing work pressure, a growing trend towards self-realization and individualism, and changing social behaviors.

In 2023, the natural growth rate of the population across China varied between 7.96 people per 1,000 inhabitants (per mille) in Tibet and -6.92 per mille in Heilongjiang province. The national total population growth rate turned negative in 2022 and ranged at -1.48 per mille in 2023. Regional disparities in population growth The natural growth rate is the difference between the birth rate and the death rate of a certain region. In China, natural population growth reached the highest values in the western regions of the country. These areas have a younger population and higher fertility rates. Although the natural growth rate does not include the direct effects of migration, migrants are often young people in their reproductive years, and their movement may therefore indirectly affect the birth rates of their home and host region. This is one of the reasons why Guangdong province, which received a lot of immigrants over the last decades, has a comparatively high population growth rate. At the same time, Jilin, Liaoning, and Heilongjiang province, all located in northeast China, suffer not only from low fertility, but also from emigration of young people searching for better jobs elsewhere. The impact of uneven population growth The current distribution of natural population growth rates across China is most likely to remain in the near future, while overall population decline is expected to accelerate. Regions with less favorable economic opportunities will lose their inhabitants faster. The western regions with their high fertility rates, however, have only small total populations, which limits their effect on China’s overall population size.

The total population in China was estimated at 1409.7 million people in 2023, according to the latest census figures and projections from Trading Economics. This dataset provides - China Population - actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.

The region of present-day China has historically been the most populous region in the world; however, its population development has fluctuated throughout history. In 2022, China was overtaken as the most populous country in the world, and current projections suggest its population is heading for a rapid decline in the coming decades. Transitions of power lead to mortality The source suggests that conflict, and the diseases brought with it, were the major obstacles to population growth throughout most of the Common Era, particularly during transitions of power between various dynasties and rulers. It estimates that the total population fell by approximately 30 million people during the 14th century due to the impact of Mongol invasions, which inflicted heavy losses on the northern population through conflict, enslavement, food instability, and the introduction of bubonic plague. Between 1850 and 1870, the total population fell once more, by more than 50 million people, through further conflict, famine and disease; the most notable of these was the Taiping Rebellion, although the Miao an Panthay Rebellions, and the Dungan Revolt, also had large death tolls. The third plague pandemic also originated in Yunnan in 1855, which killed approximately two million people in China. 20th and 21st centuries There were additional conflicts at the turn of the 20th century, which had significant geopolitical consequences for China, but did not result in the same high levels of mortality seen previously. It was not until the overlapping Chinese Civil War (1927-1949) and Second World War (1937-1945) where the death tolls reached approximately 10 and 20 million respectively. Additionally, as China attempted to industrialize during the Great Leap Forward (1958-1962), economic and agricultural mismanagement resulted in the deaths of tens of millions (possibly as many as 55 million) in less than four years, during the Great Chinese Famine. This mortality is not observable on the given dataset, due to the rapidity of China's demographic transition over the entire period; this saw improvements in healthcare, sanitation, and infrastructure result in sweeping changes across the population. The early 2020s marked some significant milestones in China's demographics, where it was overtaken by India as the world's most populous country, and its population also went into decline. Current projections suggest that China is heading for a "demographic disaster", as its rapidly aging population is placing significant burdens on China's economy, government, and society. In stark contrast to the restrictive "one-child policy" of the past, the government has introduced a series of pro-fertility incentives for couples to have larger families, although the impact of these policies are yet to materialize. If these current projections come true, then China's population may be around half its current size by the end of the century.

The graph shows the population growth in China from 2000 to 2024. In 2024, the Chinese population decreased by about 0.1 percent or 1.39 million to around 1.408 billion people. Declining population growth in China Due to strict birth control measures by the Chinese government as well as changing family and work situations of the Chinese people, population growth has subsided over the past decades. Although the gradual abolition of the one-child policy from 2014 on led to temporarily higher birth figures, growth rates further decreased in recent years. As of 2024, leading countries in population growth could almost exclusively be found on the African continent and the Arabian Peninsula. Nevertheless, as of mid 2024, Asia ranked first by a wide margin among the continents in terms of absolute population. Future development of Chinese population The Chinese population reached a maximum of 1,412.6 million people in 2021 but decreased by 850,000 in 2022 and another 2.08 million in 2023. Until 2022, China had still ranked the world’s most populous country, but it was overtaken by India in 2023. Apart from the population decrease, a clear growth trend in Chinese cities is visible. By 2024, around 67 percent of Chinese people lived in urban areas, compared to merely 36 percent in 2000.

In 2024, there were around 719 million male inhabitants and 689 million female inhabitants living in China, amounting to around 1.41 billion people in total. China's total population decreased for the first time in decades in 2022, and population decline is expected to accelerate in the upcoming years. Birth control in China From the beginning of the 1970s on, having many children was no longer encouraged in mainland China. The one-child policy was then introduced in 1979 to control the total size of the Chinese population. According to the one-child policy, a married couple was only allowed to have one child. With the time, modifications were added to the policy, for example parents living in rural areas were allowed to have a second child if the first was a daughter, and most ethnic minorities were excepted from the policy. Population ageing The birth control led to a decreasing birth rate in China and a more skewed gender ratio of new births due to boy preference. Since the negative economic and social effects of an aging population were more and more felt in China, the one-child policy was considered an obstacle for the country’s further economic development. Since 2014, the one-child policy has been gradually relaxed and fully eliminated at the end of 2015. However, many young Chinese people are not willing to have more children due to high costs of raising a child, especially in urban areas.

Population aging and migration are two important phenomena in the process of social development in China, which have a significant impact on industrial structure upgrading. This study explores the moderating effect of the population migration on the population aging impacting the industrial structure upgrading based on Chinese provincial panel data from 2000 to 2021. The results demonstrate that the population aging has become a development trend of China’s population, and it has a significantly hinder industrial structure upgrading. Furthermore, the population migration resulting diffusion and convergence of economic factors has a meaningful moderating effects on the population aging impacting the industrial structure upgrading. Our study suggests that a reasonable and orderly population migration is critical in achieving stable and sustainable industrial structure upgrading, especially in the context of the China’s population aging.

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the China household income by age. The dataset can be utilized to understand the age-based income distribution of China income.

Content

The dataset will have the following datasets when applicable

Please note: The 2020 1-Year ACS estimates data was not reported by the Census Bureau due to the impact on survey collection and analysis caused by COVID-19. Consequently, median household income data for 2020 is unavailable for large cities (population 65,000 and above).

• China, TX annual median income by age groups dataset (in 2022 inflation-adjusted dollars)
• Age-wise distribution of China, TX household incomes: Comparative analysis across 16 income brackets

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Interested in deeper insights and visual analysis?

Explore our comprehensive data analysis and visual representations for a deeper understanding of China income distribution by age. You can refer the same here

In 2024, the average number of children born per 1,000 people in China ranged at 6.77. The birth rate has dropped considerably since 2016, and the number of births fell below the number of deaths in 2022 for the first time in decades, leading to a negative population growth rate. Recent development of the birth rate Similar to most East-Asian countries and territories, demographics in China today are characterized by a very low fertility rate. As low fertility in the long-term limits economic growth and leads to heavy strains on the pension and health systems, the Chinese government decided to support childbirth by gradually relaxing strict birth control measures, that had been in place for three decades. However, the effect of this policy change was considerably smaller than expected. The birth rate increased from 11.9 births per 1,000 inhabitants in 2010 to 14.57 births in 2012 and remained on a higher level for a couple of years, but then dropped again to a new low in 2018. This illustrates that other factors constrain the number of births today. These factors are most probably similar to those experienced in other developed countries as well: women preferring career opportunities over maternity, high costs for bringing up children, and changed social norms, to name only the most important ones. Future demographic prospects Between 2020 and 2023, the birth rate in China dropped to formerly unknown lows, most probably influenced by the coronavirus pandemic. As all COVID-19 restrictions were lifted by the end of 2022, births figures showed a catch-up effect in 2024. However, the scope of the rebound might be limited. A population breakdown by five-year age groups indicates that the drop in the number of births is also related to a shrinking number of people with child-bearing age. The age groups between 15 and 29 years today are considerably smaller than those between 30 and 44, leaving less space for the birth rate to increase. This effect is exacerbated by a considerable gender gap within younger age groups in China, with the number of females being much lower than that of males.

According to the age distribution of China's population in 2024, approximately 68.6 percent of the population were in their working age between 15 and 64 years of age. Retirees aged 65 years and above made up about 15.6 percent of the total population. Age distribution in China As can be seen from this statistic, the age pyramid in China has been gradually shifting towards older demographics during the past decade. Mainly due to low birth rates in China, the age group of 0 to 14 year-olds has remained at around 16 to 17 percent since 2010, whereas the age groups 65 years and over have seen growth of nearly seven percentage points. Thus, the median age of the Chinese population has been constantly rising since 1970 and is forecast to reach 52 years by 2050. Accompanied by a slightly growing mortality rate of more than 7 per thousand, China is showing strong signs of an aging population. China's aging society The impact of this severe change in demographics is the subject of an ongoing scientific discussion. Rising standards of living in China contain the demand for better health care and pension insurance for retirees, which will be hard to meet with the social insurance system in China still being in its infancy. Per capita expenditure on medical care and services of urban households has grown more than ninefold since 2000 with a clear and distinctive upward trend for the near future. As for social security spending, public pension expenditure is forecast to take up approximately nine percent of China's GDP by 2050.

The data comes from the Harvard Dataverse and covers information regarding political trust & regime support in China and self-monitoring, which determines the participants' desire for social desirability. Authors Nicholson and Huang obtained the data via a standard survey experiment that contains an embedded list experiment. The list experiment aspect is significant because list experiments are an "indirect way to gauge overreporting" (Nicholson and Haung). The data have possibilities for helping understand Chinese politics, such as how support varies at different government levels and how overreporting is affected by a person's social desirability. This data can be used in government classes and coding classes. The data should be used when learning about ordered logit and simple bar graphs. A regression should not be used. It could be used to compare the levels of trust in different regime types. It would be interesting to compare the results of other authoritarian countries, such as Turkey and Vietnam, to the results of these datasets from China. Additionally, data from these countries could be compared to democracies. People underreport in authoritarian governments and might not always tell the truth, so there is a chance that authoritarian countries could have similar levels of reported trust to the democratic countries. This experiment is also a list experiment, which reduces some of the underreporting. The data can be used to see whether certain demographic characteristics have more or less support for their government. Examples of demographic characteristics that could be looked at are gender, age, and education level.

China birth rate for 2025 is 10.31, a 1.6% decline from 2024.

<ul style='margin-top:20px;'>

<li>China birth rate for 2024 was <strong>10.48</strong>, a <strong>1.57% decline</strong> from 2023.</li>
<li>China birth rate for 2023 was <strong>10.65</strong>, a <strong>2.36% decline</strong> from 2022.</li>
<li>China birth rate for 2022 was <strong>10.90</strong>, a <strong>2.3% decline</strong> from 2021.</li>
</ul>Crude birth rate indicates the number of live births occurring during the year, per 1,000 population estimated at midyear. Subtracting the crude death rate from the crude birth rate provides the rate of natural increase, which is equal to the rate of population change in the absence of migration.

Livestock production in China is increasingly located near urban areas, exposing human populations to nitrogen pollution via air and water. Here we analyse livestock and human population data across 2,300 Chinese counties to project the impact of alter- native livestock distributions on nitrogen emissions. In 2012 almost half of China’s livestock production occurred in peri-urban regions, exposing 60% of the Chinese population to ammonia emissions exceeding UN guidelines. Relocating 5 billion animals by 2050 according to crop–livestock integration criteria could reduce nitrogen emissions by two-thirds and halve the number of people exposed to high ammonia emissions. Relocating 10 billion animals away from southern and eastern China could reduce ammonia exposure for 90% of China’s population. Spatial planning can therefore serve as a powerful policy instrument to tackle nitrogen pollution and exposure of humans to ammonia.

As of 2023, the bulk of the Chinese population was aged between 25 and 59 years, amounting to around half of the population. A breakdown of the population by broad age groups reveals that around 61.3 percent of the total population was in working age between 16 and 59 years in 2023. Age cohorts below 25 years were considerably smaller, although there was a slight growth trend in recent years. Population development in China Population development in China over the past decades has been strongly influenced by political and economic factors. After a time of high fertility rates during the Maoist regime, China introduced birth-control measures in the 1970s, including the so-called one-child policy. The fertility rate dropped accordingly from around six children per woman in the 1960s to below two at the end of the 20th century. At the same time, life expectancy increased consistently. In the face of a rapidly aging society, the government gradually lifted the one-child policy after 2012, finally arriving at a three-child policy in 2021. However, like in most other developed countries nowadays, people in China are reluctant to have more than one or two children due to high costs of living and education, as well as changed social norms and private values. China’s top-heavy age pyramid The above-mentioned developments are clearly reflected in the Chinese age pyramid. The age cohorts between 30 and 39 years are the last two larger age cohorts. The cohorts between 15 and 24, which now enter childbearing age, are decisively smaller, which will have a negative effect on the number of births in the coming decade. When looking at a gender distribution of the population pyramid, a considerable gender gap among the younger age cohorts becomes visible, leaving even less room for growth in birth figures.

Macau SAR MO: Internally Displaced Persons: New Displacement Associated with Disasters data was reported at 5,700.000 Case in 2018. Macau SAR MO: Internally Displaced Persons: New Displacement Associated with Disasters data is updated yearly, averaging 5,700.000 Case from Dec 2018 (Median) to 2018, with 1 observations. Macau SAR MO: Internally Displaced Persons: New Displacement Associated with Disasters data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Macau SAR – Table MO.World Bank.WDI: Population and Urbanization Statistics. Internally displaced persons are defined according to the 1998 Guiding Principles (http://www.internal-displacement.org/publications/1998/ocha-guiding-principles-on-internal-displacement) as people or groups of people who have been forced or obliged to flee or to leave their homes or places of habitual residence, in particular as a result of armed conflict, or to avoid the effects of armed conflict, situations of generalized violence, violations of human rights, or natural or human-made disasters and who have not crossed an international border. 'New Displacement' refers to the number of new cases or incidents of displacement recorded over the specified year, rather than the number of people displaced. This is done because people may have been displaced more than once.; ; The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (http://www.internal-displacement.org/); Sum;

According to the Seventh National Chinese Population Census, the age dependency ratio in China increased to 46.5 percent in 2023. This meant that for every 100 people of working age, more than 46 seniors and children had to be supported. Age dependency ratio The age dependency ratio denotes the relationship between economically dependent age groups (people who are either too old or too young to work) to those of working age. Those who are defined as being able to work, according to the source, are people between the ages of 15 and 64. The dependency ratio indicates how great a burden is placed on those of working age by those of non-working age. In international comparison, China has a relatively low age dependency ratio, when compared to age dependency in G20 countries or other countries in the Asia Pacific region. Development in China In the past two decades, China’s economy has profited from a relatively low dependency ratio. In combination with a growing working age population, these were the two main demographic causes for China’s large and cheap labor force. However, the dependency ratio has been falling since the 1970s, mainly because of lower birth rates and a resulting decrease of child dependency. This led the age dependency ratio to reach a historic low between 2005 and 2017, when it fell to levels below 40 percent. A turning point had been reached around the year 2010, when the effects of declining child dependency were neutralized by growing old-age dependency. This rapid aging of the population is the other side of the coin of decades of low birth rates, which will pose great challenges to Chinese society in the future.

This is a hybrid gridded dataset of demographic data for China from 1979 to 2100, given as 21 five-year age groups of population divided by gender every year at a 0.5-degree grid resolution.

The historical period (1979-2020) part of this dataset combines the NASA SEDAC Gridded Population of the World version 4 (GPWv4, UN WPP-Adjusted Population Count) with gridded population from the Inter-Sectoral Impact Model Intercomparison Project (ISIMIP, Histsoc gridded population data).

The projection (2010-2100) part of this dataset is resampled directly from Chen et al.’s data published in Scientific Data.

This dataset includes 31 provincial administrative districts of China, including 22 provinces, 5 autonomous regions, and 4 municipalities directly under the control of the central government (Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao were excluded due to missing data).

Method - demographic fractions by age and gender in 1979-2020

Age- and gender-specific demographic data by grid cell for each province in China are derived by combining historical demographic data in 1979-2020 with the national population census data provided by the National Statistics Bureau of China.

To combine the national population census data with the historical demographics, we constructed the provincial fractions of demographic in each age groups and each gender according to the fourth, fifth and sixth national population census, which cover the year of 1979-1990, 1991-2000 and 2001-2020, respectively. The provincial fractions can be computed as:

\(\begin{align*} \begin{split} f_{year,province,age,gender}= \left \{ \begin{array}{lr} POP_{1990,province,age,gender}^{4^{th}census}/POP_{1990,province}^{4^{th}census} & 1979\le\mathrm{year}\le1990\\ POP_{2000,province,age,gender}^{5^{th}census}/POP_{2000,province}^{5^{th}census} & 1991\le\mathrm{year}\le2000\\ POP_{2010,province,age,gender}^{6^{th}census}/POP_{2010,province}^{6^{th}census}, & 2001\le\mathrm{year}\le2020 \end{array} \right. \end{split} \end{align*}\)

Where:

- \( f_{\mathrm{year,province,age,gender}}\)is the fraction of population for a given age, a given gender in each province from the national census from 1979-2020.

- \(\mathrm{PO}\mathrm{P}_{\mathrm{year,province,age,gender}}^{X^{\mathrm{th}}\mathrm{census} }\) is the total population for a given age, a given gender in each province from the X^th national census.

- \(\mathrm{PO}\mathrm{P}_{\mathrm{year,province}}^{X^{\mathrm{th}}\mathrm{census} }\) is the total population for all ages and both genders in each province from the X^th national census.

Method - demographic totals by age and gender in 1979-2020

The yearly grid population for 1979-1999 are from ISIMIP Histsoc gridded population data, and for 2000-2020 are from the GPWv4 demographic data adjusted by the UN WPP (UN WPP-Adjusted Population Count, v4.11, https://beta.sedac.ciesin.columbia.edu/data/set/gpw-v4-population-count-adjusted-to-2015-unwpp-country-totals-rev11), which combines the spatial distribution of demographics from GPWv4 with the temporal trends from the UN WPP to improve accuracy. These two gridded time series are simply joined at the cut-over date to give a single dataset - historical demographic data covering 1979-2020.

Next, historical demographic data are mapped onto the grid scale to obtain provincial data by using gridded provincial code lookup data and name lookup table. The age- and gender-specific fraction were multiplied by the historical demographic data at the provincial level to obtain the total population by age and gender for per grid cell for china in 1979-2020.

Method - demographic totals and fractions by age and gender in 2010-2100

The grid population count data in 2010-2100 under different shared socioeconomic pathway (SSP) scenarios are drawn from Chen et al. published in Scientific Data with a resolution of 1km (~ 0.008333 degree). We resampled the data to 0.5 degree by aggregating the population count together to obtain the future population data per cell.

This previously published dataset also provided age- and gender-specific population of each provinces, so we calculated the fraction of each age and gender group at provincial level. Then, we multiply the fractions with grid population count to get the total population per age group per cell for each gender.

Note that the projected population data from Chen’s dataset covers 2010-2020, while the historical population in our dataset also covers 2010-2020. The two datasets of that same period may vary because the original population data come from different sources and are calculated based on different methods.

Disclaimer

This dataset is a hybrid of different datasets with independent methodologies. Spatial or temporal consistency across dataset boundaries cannot be guaranteed.

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the median household income in China. It can be utilized to understand the trend in median household income and to analyze the income distribution in China by household type, size, and across various income brackets.

Content

The dataset will have the following datasets when applicable

Please note: The 2020 1-Year ACS estimates data was not reported by the Census Bureau due to the impact on survey collection and analysis caused by COVID-19. Consequently, median household income data for 2020 is unavailable for large cities (population 65,000 and above).

• China, TX Median Household Income Trends (2010-2021, in 2022 inflation-adjusted dollars)
• Median Household Income Variation by Family Size in China, TX: Comparative analysis across 7 household sizes
• Income Distribution by Quintile: Mean Household Income in China, TX
• China, TX households by income brackets: family, non-family, and total, in 2022 inflation-adjusted dollars

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Interested in deeper insights and visual analysis?

Explore our comprehensive data analysis and visual representations for a deeper understanding of China median household income. You can refer the same here

The China Health and Nutrition Survey (CHNS) was designed to examine the effects of the health, nutrition, and family planning policies and programs implemented by national and local governments and to see how the social and economic transformation of Chinese society is affecting the health and nutritional status of its population. The impact on nutrition and health behaviors and outcomes is gauged by changes in community organizations and programs as well as by changes in sets of household and individual economic, demographic, and social factors. CHNS covers nine provinces that vary substantially in geography, economic development, public resources, and health indicators. A complete household roster has been used as a reference for subsequent blocks of questions on time allocation at home (e.g., child care, elderly care, other key home activities) and economic activities. Questions on income and time allocation probe for any possible activity each person might have engaged in during the previous year, both in and out of the formal market. Information on water sources, construction, condition of the home, and ownership of consumer durables is gathered from the respondent. Additional questions probe for all possible items the household might own. Full income from market and nonmarket activities is imputed. The detailed estimation of income that is possible using these data represents a significant advance in the measurement of income in China. Inclusion of nonmonetary government subsidies such as state-subsidized housing is an especially important advance.

China Mortality Rate Attributed to Unsafe Water, Unsafe Sanitation and Lack of Hygiene: per 100,000 Population data was reported at 0.600 Ratio in 2016. China Mortality Rate Attributed to Unsafe Water, Unsafe Sanitation and Lack of Hygiene: per 100,000 Population data is updated yearly, averaging 0.600 Ratio from Dec 2016 (Median) to 2016, with 1 observations. China Mortality Rate Attributed to Unsafe Water, Unsafe Sanitation and Lack of Hygiene: per 100,000 Population data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s China – Table CN.World Bank: Health Statistics. Mortality rate attributed to unsafe water, unsafe sanitation and lack of hygiene is deaths attributable to unsafe water, sanitation and hygiene focusing on inadequate WASH services per 100,000 population. Death rates are calculated by dividing the number of deaths by the total population. In this estimate, only the impact of diarrhoeal diseases, intestinal nematode infections, and protein-energy malnutrition are taken into account.; ; World Health Organization, Global Health Observatory Data Repository (http://apps.who.int/ghodata/).; Weighted average;