In a survey carried out in May 2020, 18 percent of Brits surveyed think that schools in the UK should re-open once new cases of coronavirus infections starts to go down, while 52 percent believe they should re-open under the same circumstances but close down if infections begin to rise again. There was very little support for any of the places to open as normal again on June 1, regardless of the situation, while 25 percent of respondents thought that pubs should not open again until a vaccine for coronavirus is found.
The latest number of cases in the UK can be found here. For further information about the coronavirus pandemic, please visit our dedicated Facts and Figures page.
In a survey carried out in May 2020, 13 percent of Brits expected the coronavirus lockdown measures to stay in place until the end of July. Another 13 percent of respondents were more optimistic and thought the lockdown measures would be in place until the end of June, although 14 of respondents expected the lockdown to carry on until 2021.
The latest number of cases in the UK can be found here. For further information about the coronavirus pandemic, please visit our dedicated Facts and Figures page.
As of May 2020, 32 percent of Brits expected the social distancing instructions as a result of the coronavirus (COVID-19) to stay in place until 2021. Four percent thought the measures would stay until the end of December 2020, while eleven percent thought social distancing would be over at the end of July.
The latest number of cases in the UK can be found here. For further information about the coronavirus pandemic, please visit our dedicated Facts and Figures page.
Objectives A key challenge for behaviour change is by-passing the influence of habits. Habits are easily triggered by contextual cues; hence context changes have been suggested to facilitate behaviour change (i.e., habit discontinuity). We examined the impact of a COVID-19 lockdown in England on habitual consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs). The lockdown created a naturalistic context change because it removed typical SSB consumption situations (e.g., going out). We hypothesised that SSB consumption would be reduced during lockdown compared to before and after lockdown, especially in typical SSB drinking situations. Design In two surveys among the same participants (N = 211, N = 160; consuming SSBs at least once/week) we assessed the frequency of SSBs and water consumption occasions before (Time 1), during (Time 2) and after lockdown (Time 3), across typical SSB and water drinking situations. We also assessed daily amount consumed in each period, and perceived habitualness of drinking SSBs and water. Results As predicted, participants reported fewer occasions of drinking SSBs during lockdown compared to before and after, especially in typical SSB drinking situations. However, the daily amount of SSBs consumed increased during lockdown, compared to before and after. Exploratory analyses suggest that during lockdown, participants increased their SSB consump¬¬tion at home, especially if they had stronger perceived habitualness of SSB consumption. Conclusion These findings suggest that SSB consumption is easily transferred to other situations when the consumption context changes, especially for individuals with strong consumption habits. Habitual consumption may be hard to disrupt if the behaviour is rewarding.
What is the motivation for consuming sugary drinks? Why do some people choose Coke, and others water, to accompany their dinner or to quench their thirst? We know very little about the psychological processes underlying these behaviours. While the motivation for unhealthy food has been researched extensively, the motivation for sugary drinks remains understudied, despite their negative health implications. Up to 19% of daily calorie intake consists of sugar from drinks, and the consumption of sugary drinks contributes to weight gain. The consumption of sugary drinks is a main contributor to poor dental health and to overweight, which cost the NHS £ 3.4 billon and £ 4.7 billion a year in England alone (Public Health England, 2014). Especially given the recent media attention, many consumers are aware of the health implications of sugary drinks, but struggle to successfully reduce their intake. Therefore, it is important to understand what underlies the motivation for sugary drinks, and how we can effectively assist consumers in replacing sugary drinks with healthier alternatives such as water.
We propose that sugary drinks gain their attractiveness through consumption and reward simulations. In other words, when people see or think about a sugary drink, they spontaneously simulate (i.e., re-experience) the sensation and the reward of consuming it, such as its taste, the resulting energy boost, and the quenching of thirst, based on their previous, rewarding experiences. These simulations trigger a desire to consume sugary drinks, particularly when feeling thirsty. Although evidence exists for the role of such simulations in the motivation for food, no previous studies have applied this account to drinks. Our research will first systematically test this simulation account of the motivation for sugary drinks, and then use it to stimulate healthier choices in innovative ways.
In Subproject 1, we will investigate the specific simulations that are triggered by sugary drinks and by water. Building on recent pilot data that we have collected, we expect that sugary drinks will trigger more consumption and reward simulations ("cold", "fizzy", "tasty", "refreshing") than water, particularly among high consumers of sugary drinks, and particularly when thirsty. In Subproject 2, we will link these consumption and reward simulations to the motivation to consume sugary drinks and water. To this end, we will use a novel method to assess motivation unobtrusively: we will measure the degree to which participants slightly lean forward on a Wii balance board when viewing images of drinks. Such subtle approach movements have been shown to reflect motivation and desire. We predict that more consumption and reward simulations will be associated with leaning forward more toward sugary drinks images, especially among high consumers of sugary drinks and especially when thirsty.
Finally, in Subproject 3, we will use these findings to develop an intervention approach to help consumers replace sugary drinks with water. Typically, advertisements for sugary drinks focus heavily on consumption and reward, whereas advertisements for water focus on purity and...
A survey carried out in the United Kingdom in May 2020, found that 56 percent of respondents said not knowing when the current coronavirus pandemic and lockdown will end is their main reason for heightened feelings of anxiety, while a further 40 percent reported concerns for their family is the main reason for greater anxiety. The latest number of cases in the UK can be found here. For further information about the coronavirus pandemic, please visit our dedicated Facts and Figures page.
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Countries around the world are in a state of lockdown to help limit the spread of SARS-CoV-2. However, as the number of new daily confirmed cases begins to decrease, governments must decide how to release their populations from quarantine as efficiently as possible without overwhelming their health services. We applied an optimal control framework to an adapted Susceptible-Exposure-Infection-Recovery (SEIR) model framework to investigate the efficacy of two potential lockdown release strategies, focusing on the UK population as a test case. To limit recurrent spread, we find that ending quarantine for the entire population simultaneously is a high-risk strategy, and that a gradual re-integration approach would be more reliable. Furthermore, to increase the number of people that can be first released, lockdown should not be ended until the number of new daily confirmed cases reaches a sufficiently low threshold. We model a gradual release strategy by allowing different fractions of those in lockdown to re-enter the working non-quarantined population. Mathematical optimization methods, combined with our adapted SEIR model, determine how to maximize those working while preventing the health service from being overwhelmed. The optimal strategy is broadly found to be to release approximately half the population 2–4 weeks from the end of an initial infection peak, then wait another 3–4 months to allow for a second peak before releasing everyone else. We also modeled an “on-off” strategy, of releasing everyone, but re-establishing lockdown if infections become too high. We conclude that the worst-case scenario of a gradual release is more manageable than the worst-case scenario of an on-off strategy, and caution against lockdown-release strategies based on a threshold-dependent on-off mechanism. The two quantities most critical in determining the optimal solution are transmission rate and the recovery rate, where the latter is defined as the fraction of infected people in any given day that then become classed as recovered. We suggest that the accurate identification of these values is of particular importance to the ongoing monitoring of the pandemic.
These documents record the equality analysis undertaken for the Health Protection (Coronavirus, Restrictions) (England) Regulations 2020 (‘the Regulations’).
Ministers are required under the https://www.legislation.gov.uk/uksi/2011/2260/contents/made" class="govuk-link">Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED) as set out in section 149 of the Equality Act 2010 to have regard to the need to:
Ministers are required to consider the impact of policy decisions on people’s protected characteristics, with particular emphasis on meeting the duties set out above. These are:
The regulations covered by these PSED documents relate to the introduction of the first national lockdown and its subsequent amendments and statutory reviews. These regulations introduced the requirements that people in England should only leave their homes if they had a reasonable excuse and required a number of businesses to close. The regulations were revoked on 4 July 2020.
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AimIn the present studies, we examine the construct validity and criterion-related validity of a previously unpublished, eight-item measure of relational wellbeing.MethodsFirst, in two pre-COVID-Era pilot studies within the UK (n’s = 207 and 146, respectively), results of exploratory factor analyses revealed that—with the possible exception of one item regarding close relationships—the items assessed individual differences along a single dimension (i.e., relational wellbeing), rather than two distinct dimensions (i.e., social connections and close relationships). Second, in an initial pre-COVID-Era main study within the UK (n = 192), results of confirmatory factor analyses provided support for the hypothesized one-dimensional factor pattern, although the same problematic item from the pilot studies continued to under-perform relative to the other seven items.FindingsIn a subsequent COVID-Lockdown-Era main study across India (n = 205), Greece (n = 354), and the UK (n = 390), results of confirmatory factor analyses established that—after omitting the same problematic item that had surfaced in the preceding studies—a one-dimensional factor pattern provided equally satisfactory fit for the three samples.Original valueAlthough we had not set out to test a priori hypotheses regarding mean similarities or differences in relational wellbeing among our COVID-Lockdown-Era studies, results of an analysis of variance revealed that persons within the UK scored significantly lower in relational wellbeing than did persons in India or Greece.LimitationsAs noted above, one particular item repeatedly performed poorly in factor analyses; this item ideally should be dropped from the relational wellbeing scale in future research.
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Infectious diseases generate spatial dependence or contagion not only between individuals but also between geographical units. New infections in one local district do not just depend on properties of the district, but also on the strength of social ties of its population with populations in other districts and their own degree of infectiousness. We show that SARS-CoV-2 infections during the first wave of the pandemic spread across district borders in England as a function of pre-crisis commute to work streams between districts. Crucially, the strength of this spatial contagion depends on the phase of the epidemic. In the first pre-lockdown phase, the spread of the virus across district borders is high. During the lockdown period, the cross-border spread of new infections slows down significantly. Spatial contagion increases again after the lockdown is eased but not statistically significantly so.
Over 84 percent of food-led venues in Great Britain resumed trading as of end of August 2020, following coronavirus lockdown restrictions. In total, 76.3 percent of licensed food-, drink- and accommodation-led sites resumed trading activities.
The data collection consists of 40 qualitative interviews with Polish migrant essential workers living in the UK and 10 in-depth expert interviews with key stakeholders providing information and support to migrant workers in the UK. All migrant interviews are in Polish. Six of the expert interviews with key stakeholders are in English and four are in Polish. Fieldwork was conducted fully online during the Covid-19 pandemic between March and August 2021, following the third UK-wide Covid-19 lockdown. Restrictions were still in place in some localities. Interviews took place shortly after the end of the transition period concluding the UK’s European Union exit on 1 January 2021. All Polish migrant worker interviewees entered the UK before 1 January 2021 and had the option to apply to the EU Settlement Scheme.
The objectives of the qualitative fieldwork were to: 1. To synthesise empirical and theoretical knowledge on the short- and long-term impacts of COVID-19 on migrant essential workers. 2. To establish how the pandemic affected Polish migrant essential worker's lives; and expert interviews with stakeholders in the public and third/voluntary sector to investigate how to best support and retain migrant essential workers in COVID-19 recovery strategies. The project also involved: - co-producing policy outputs with partner organisations in England and Scotland; and - an online survey to measure how Polish migrant essential workers across different roles and sectors were impacted by COVID-19 in regard to health, social, economic and cultural aspects, and intentions to stay in the UK/return to Poland (deposited separately to University of Sheffield). Key findings included significant new knowledge about the health, social, economic and cultural impacts of Covid-19 on migrant essential workers. Polish essential workers were severely impacted by the pandemic with major mental health impacts. Mental health support was insufficient throughout the UK. Those seeking support typically turned to private (online) services from Poland as they felt they could not access them in the UK because of language or cultural barriers, lack of understanding of the healthcare system and pathways to mental health support, support being offered during working hours only, or fear of the negative impact of using mental health services on work opportunities. Some participants were in extreme financial hardship, especially those with pre-settled status or those who arrived in the UK during the pandemic. The reasons for financial strain varied but there were strong patterns linked to increased pressure at work, greater exposure to Covid-19 as well as redundancies, pay cuts and rejected benefit applications. There was a tendency to avoid applying for state financial support. These impacts were compounded by the sense of isolation, helplessness, or long-distance grief due to inability to visit loved ones in Poland. Covid-19 impacted most detrimentally on women with caring responsibilities, single parents and people in the health and teaching sectors. The most vulnerable Polish migrant essential workers - e.g. those on lower income, with pre-existing health conditions, restricted access to support and limited English proficiency - were at most risk. Discrimination was reported, including not feeling treated equally in the workplace. The sense of discrimination two-fold: as essential workers (low-paid, low-status, unsafe jobs) and as Eastern Europeans (frequent disciplining practices, treated as threat, assumed to be less qualified). In terms of future plans, some essential workers intended to leave the UK or were unsure about their future place of residence. Brexit was a major reason for uncertain settlement plans. Vaccine hesitancy was identified, based on doubts about vaccination, especially amongst younger respondents who perceived low risks of Covid-19 for their own health, including women of childbearing age, who may have worries over unknown vaccine side-effects for fertility. Interview participants largely turned to Polish language sources for vaccination information, especially social media, and family and friends in Poland. This promoted the spread of misinformation as Poland has a strong anti-vaccination movement.
COVID-19 has exposed the UK's socio-economic dependence on a chronically insecure migrant essential workforce. While risking their lives to offset the devastating effects of the pandemic, migrant workers reportedly find themselves in precarious professional and personal circumstances (temporary zero-hours contracts, work exploitation, overcrowded accommodation, limited access to adequate health/social services including Universal Credit). This project will investigate the health, social, economic and cultural impacts of COVID-19 on the migrant essential workforce and how these might impact on their continued stay in the UK. It will focus on the largest non-British nationality in the UK, the Polish...
The Social Distancing and Development Study (SDDS) aimed to examine how changes in sleep, parenting style, social interactions, screen use and activities affect young children’s language and cognitive development since the Spring 2020 UK lockdown.
This longitudinal study followed a cohort of nearly 900 children aged 8 to 36 months of age, enrolled in an online study at the onset or during the Spring 2020 UK lockdown, to capture changes in their environment and measure their impact on children’s vocabulary size and executive function. Since Spring 2020, we have collected data at three additional timepoints: T2 – End of the Spring 2020 lockdown, T3 – November 2020 lockdown, and T4 – One-year follow-up.
On 20th March 2020, the UK Government instigated a nationwide nursery and school closure in response to the COVID-19 outbreak, followed by instructions for people to stay at home. For millions of children, this brought stark changes to their routines, with a decrease in outdoor activities and interactions with others.
The environments children grow up in heavily influence key elements of cognitive development such as language and executive functions, which in turn associate with later educational and occupational attainment as well as health and wellbeing. The COVID-19 pandemic is a unique, once-in-a-lifetime situation that has dramatically changed the daily lives of millions of families. Several environmental factors likely to be affected by quarantine measures (such as sleep, parenting style and social interactions, screen use, and outdoor activities/exercise) are known predictors of language and executive function development.
The proposed study will follow up a UK-wide cohort of 600 children aged 8 to 36 months of age, enrolled in an online study at the onset of social distancing measures, to capture changes in key environmental variables and measure their impact on children's vocabulary size and executive function. Using sophisticated analyses on a large and diverse sample, we will examine the role of each factor on children's cognitive abilities. At this time of unforeseen and ongoing change, it is imperative to understand the impacts of the lockdown on cognition during a critical period for development (0 to 3 years of age), and then find strategies to minimise disruption to this cohort. Our findings will identify approaches that mitigate the temporary loss of formal early years' education, identify those groups most at risk of adverse consequences, and inform policy on how to remediate the negative impacts of lockdown post-COVID-19.
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The UK SME market generated approximately £8.3bn in gross written premiums (GWP) in 2019, growing marginally by 1.0%. With a hardening insurance market we would have expected to see more significant premium growth in 2020. However, due to the COVID-19 pandemic the SME insurance market is expected to contract by 4.7% in 2020, mainly driven by the government-imposed lockdown for the majority of Q2. As the year draws to a close, coronavirus cases are on the rise again, with countrywide lockdowns enforced across the UK threatening the partial recovery seen in Q3. Read More
Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.
The Active Lives Children and Young People Survey, which was established in September 2017, provides a world-leading approach to gathering data on how children engage with sport and physical activity. This school-based survey is the first and largest established physical activity survey with children and young people in England. It gives anyone working with children aged 5-16 key insight to help understand children's attitudes and behaviours around sport and physical activity. The results will shape and influence local decision-making as well as inform government policy on the PE and Sport Premium, Childhood Obesity Plan and other cross-departmental programmes. More general information about the study can be found on the Sport England Active Lives Survey webpage and the Active Lives Online website, including reports and data tables.The Active Lives Children and Young People Survey, 2019-2020 began as the usual school-based survey (i.e. completed at school as part of lessons). From 20 March 2020, schools, colleges and nurseries were closed in the UK due to the COVID-19 pandemic and remained closed until 1 June 2020, when there was a phased reopening for reception, and Years 1 and 6. The Active Lives survey fieldwork in Spring term finished two weeks early before the end of term, in line with the school closures.
Due to the closure of schools, the survey had to be adapted for at home completion. The adaptions involved minor questionnaire changes (e.g. to ensure the wording was appropriate for both the new lockdown situation and to account for the new survey completion method at home) and communication changes. For further details on the changes, please see the accompanying technical report. The circumstances and adaptations resulted in a delay to survey fieldwork re-starting. This means that the data does not cover the full lockdown period, and instead re-starts from mid-May 2020 (when the survey was relaunched). Sample targets were also reduced as a result of the pandemic, resulting in a smaller proportion of summer term responses for 2019-20 when compared to previous years. As part of Sport England’s official publication, an additional Coronavirus report was produced, which outlines changes during the ‘easing restrictions’ phase of lockdown from mid-May to the end of July, comparing the summer term in 2020 with summer 2019. Due to the reduced summer term sample, it is recommended to analyse within term and/or school phase for academic year 2019-20.
The survey identifies how participation varies across different activities and sports, by regions of England, between school types and terms, and between different demographic groups in the population. The survey measures levels of activity (active, fairly active and less active), attitudes towards sport and physical activity, swimming capability, the proportion of children and young people that volunteer in sport, sports spectating, and wellbeing measures such as happiness and life satisfaction. The questionnaire was designed to enable analysis of the findings by a broad range of variables, such as gender, family affluence and school year.
The following datasets have been provided:
For further information about the variables available for analysis, and the relevant school years...
As global communities responded to COVID-19, we heard from public health officials that the same type of aggregated, anonymized insights we use in products such as Google Maps would be helpful as they made critical decisions to combat COVID-19. These Community Mobility Reports aimed to provide insights into what changed in response to policies aimed at combating COVID-19. The reports charted movement trends over time by geography, across different categories of places such as retail and recreation, groceries and pharmacies, parks, transit stations, workplaces, and residential.
These are the final statistics on road collisions and casualties for Great Britain in 2021.
The number of reported road casualties in 2021 continued to be impacted by the national restrictions following the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, including a period of lockdown between January and March. Casualty numbers increased compared to 2020, which was also affected by the pandemic, but remained lower than the pre-pandemic levels. Overall, casualties have broadly followed trends in traffic in recent years.
These statistics show that in 2021 there were:
an estimated 1,558 reported road deaths, a decrease of 11% from pre-pandemic levels (2019)
an estimated 27,450 killed or seriously injured (KSI) casualties, 11% below the 2019 level
an estimated 128,209 casualties of all severities, 16% below the 2019 level
Alongside this publication we have separately published further analysis including:
a series of factsheets on vulnerable road users, including e-scooters, pedestrians, pedal cyclists and motorcyclists and on road user risk
initial analysis on the type of injury sustained, for police forces where this information is available
We have also published changes to road casualty statistics following user feedback. This includes changes to the accompanying data tables to meet accessibility requirements. A mapping from the previous tables can be found in the table index.
The next reported road casualty statistics, for the year to end June 2022, are scheduled for publication in November.
The first Coronavirus case in the United Kingdom (UK) was reported in February 28, 2020. Since then the government made repetitive calls on the public to practice social distancing in an effort to stop the spread of the Coronavirus (Covid-19), and finally announced national lockdown on March 23, 2020, forcing many people to work from home. Over this period of time, there was an increase in online home console market share, which went from 45 percent in Week 8 to 61 percent by the end of Week 12, ending March 22, 2020, just the day before national lockdown went into effect. The largest increase in the online home console market share occurred in week 11, or March 9 to March 15, 2020, at 62 percent.
For further information about the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, please visit our dedicated Fact and Figures page.
Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.
The Centre for Longitudinal Studies (CLS) and the MRC Unit for Lifelong Health and Ageing (LHA) have carried out two online surveys of the participants of five national longitudinal cohort studies which have collected insights into the lives of study participants including their physical and mental health and wellbeing, family and relationships, education, work, and finances during the coronavirus pandemic. The Wave 1 Survey was carried out at the height of lockdown restrictions in May 2020 and focussed mainly on how participants’ lives had changed from just before the outbreak of the pandemic in March 2020 until then. The Wave 2 survey was conducted in September/October 2020 and focussed on the period between the easing of restrictions in June through the summer into the autumn. A third wave of the survey was conducted in early 2021.
In addition, CLS study members who had participated in any of the three COVID-19 Surveys were invited to provide a finger-prick blood sample to be analysed for COVID-19 antibodies. Those who agreed were sent a blood sample collection kit and were asked to post back the sample to a laboratory for analysis. The antibody test results and initial short survey responses are included in a single dataset, the COVID-19 Antibody Testing in the National Child Development Study, 1970 British Cohort Study, Next Steps and Millennium Cohort Study, 2021 (SN 8823).
The CLS studies are:
The LHA study is:
The content of the MCS, NS, BCS70 and NCDS COVID-19 studies, including questions, topics and variables can be explored via the CLOSER Discovery website.
The COVID-19 Survey in Five National Longitudinal Cohort Studies: Millennium Cohort Study, Next Steps, 1970 British Cohort Study and 1958 National Child Development Study, 2020-2021 contains the data from waves 1, 2 and 3 for the 4 cohort studies. The data from all four CLS cohorts are included in the same dataset, one for each wave.
The COVID-19 Survey data for the 1946 birth cohort study (NSHD) run by the LHA is held under
SN 8732
and available under Special Licence access conditions.
Latest edition information
For the fourth edition (June 2022), the following minor corrections have been made to the wave 3 data:
The study covers physical and mental health topics, wellbeing, family and relationships, education, work, and finances.
The COVID-19 Psychological Research Consortium (C19PRC) Study aims to monitor and assess the long-term psychological, social, political and economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the UK general population. A longitudinal, internet panel survey was designed to assess: (1) COVID-19 related knowledge, attitudes and behaviours, (2) the occurrence of common mental health disorders, as well as the role of (3) psychological factors, and (4) social and political attitudes in influencing the public’s response to the pandemic. Quota sampling was used to recruit a nationally representative sample of adults in terms of age, sex and household income. The first C19PRC survey was launched on 23 March 2020 (Wave 1), the day that a strict lockdown was enforced across the UK, and recruited 2025 UK adults. As of February 2022, six follow-up surveys have been conducted: Wave 2, April/May 2020; Wave 3, July/August 2020; Wave 4, Nov/Dec 2020; Wave 5, March/April 2021; Wave 6, Aug/Sept 2021; and Wave 7, Nov/Dec 2021. The baseline sample was representative of the UK population in relation to economic activity, ethnicity, and household composition. Data collection for the C19PRC Study is ongoing, with subsequent follow-up surveys being conducted during 2022 (Waves 8 and 9). C19PRC Study data has strong generalisability to facilitate and stimulate interdisciplinary research on important pandemic-related public health questions. It will allow changes in mental health and psychosocial functioning to be investigated from the beginning of the pandemic, identifying vulnerable groups in need of support. Find out more about the study at https://www.sheffield.ac.uk/psychology-consortium-covid19
The COVID-19 pandemic has led to unprecedented global restrictions on freedom of movement, social and economic activity. Pandemics may cause fear in the population, affecting behaviour which in turn may propagate or restrict the further spread of the virus. Social and economic restrictions may also have a major impact on population mental health, especially affecting vulnerable groups, influencing the nation's ability to recover once the pandemic is over. To investigate these mental health effects, it is necessary to collect data using validated measures capturing mental health and decision-making early and throughout the pandemic. Prior to our work leading to this application, no research has addressed this. With initial seed funding from the Universities of Sheffield and Ulster, we assessed mental health and other relevant variables in 2025 UK adults who are highly representative of the UK population in the week of March 23rd, and followed them up in a second wave between April 20th and 30th, with a 69% follow-up rate. We measured not only mental health but many other social and Our work is already being used by the Cabinet Office, Public Health England and the Department of Health and Social Care. We request funding for five further waves of data collection (including one wave of increased sampling to ensure that the four nations/provinces of the UK are fully represented). We also seek funding for more detailed investigations of subgroups within our sample using qualitative interviews of vulnerable people (e.g. older people, people with pre-existing medical conditions) conducted over the telephone, cognitive testing of decision-making processes relevant to the perception of infection risk, and momentary experience sampling (in which people are contact at random intervals throughout the day to ask them about their experiences and feelings) extending until March 2021 after the hoped-for end of the crisis. We will achieve a complete picture of the psychology of a country during crisis and release our findings to the public and government in a timely manner, and make the data available to other scientists.
cross much of the UK, but particularly (following the Christie Commission) in Scotland, there is a growing recognition of the value of local partnership in responding to some of the most complex social issues and problems. The Covid-19 pandemic and associated lockdown measures (beginning in March 2020) have posed enormous challenges for public services and partnership working at the local level. Aside from rising demand for cash-strapped public services, and troubling implications for existing social inequalities, the lockdown has also forced organisations to work in different ways, particularly working remotely. Our project researched the impact of the pandemic and lockdown on local partnership working arrangements, aiming to answer the following research questions:
How has Covid-19 affected Scottish local partnership arrangements, in the short and medium term? How has Covid-19 affected efforts to implement the recommendations of the Christie Commission (particularly the prevention principle) in Scottish local government? How have Scottish local partnerships changed their practices to meet the challenge of the pandemic, and how can any progress be built upon? What are the implications of these for existing social inequalities? What are the potential lessons for other countries, particularly in terms of local partnership responses to crises? The first phase of data collection was an online survey which gathered quantitative and qualitative data and received 31 responses. As well as data collection the survey was also used to recruit for the second phrase - online interviews with 23 local partnership professionals. We gathered data from across Scotland but principally from rural areas outside the 'Central Belt'; for anonymity, it's probably not possible to provide more detail on this (but please see Readme.docx).
These data may be helpful for studies of interagency partnership working, community resilience or more generally the social impacts of Covid-19. It may be helpful to read them in conjunction with the study's final report.
This is a project about how the Covid-19 pandemic has affected arrangements for agencies that work in partnership within local communities to deal with difficult and complex social problems.
It is increasingly well-known that the Covid-19 pandemic has disproportionately affected the most disadvantaged and vulnerable people in society - these are also the people who are most likely to rely on services provided at the local level. Many of these services require partnership responses.
For the last few decades, partnerships between agencies have increasingly been recognised as key to tackling complex issues like homelessness, criminal offending, deprivation, ill-health, addictions and social care - all of which tend to reflect wider social and economic inequalities. These 'wicked problems' (Buchanan, 1995) might require input from social work, the NHS, charities and criminal justice agencies among others.
We intend to investigate the impact of Covid-19 and its associated 'lockdown' measures on the operation of these local partnerships. The pandemic has created significant extra demand for some local services while also putting new financial strains on local authorities. Partnership arrangements have tended to depend on regular meetings between relevant individuals from partner organisations, and it will not have been possible to conduct these in the lockdown. We are interested in considering this dynamic and its impact on both those working in the partnerships and on the service users.
Furthermore, over this period local government has also been subject to major long-term budget cuts, including under 'austerity' policies enacted by the UK government since the 2007-8 financial crisis. For most local authorities, the context is one of long-term financial strain, not just the short-term impact of the pandemic.
However, there is also evidence that the crisis has led local partnerships to work innovatively and quickly to deal with complex social problems at the local level. Notably, there was significant success in reducing street homelessness in the early months of the lockdown (Teixeira, 2020), while the shift to remote working is likely to have created some efficiencies as well as challenges.
We will be focusing on local partnership arrangements in Scotland because local government in Scotland has significantly greater autonomy relative to central government, and because partnership has been a particularly essential element of Scotland's political response to austerity.
We will carry out the research in two stages - an online survey of all 32 Scottish local authorities, followed by a series of interviews with people working in different types of local partnership within local authorities. We will then analyse the data and publicise our key findings - first to relevant stakeholders and then to the academic community. Any academic outputs from this project will be made...
In a survey carried out in May 2020, 18 percent of Brits surveyed think that schools in the UK should re-open once new cases of coronavirus infections starts to go down, while 52 percent believe they should re-open under the same circumstances but close down if infections begin to rise again. There was very little support for any of the places to open as normal again on June 1, regardless of the situation, while 25 percent of respondents thought that pubs should not open again until a vaccine for coronavirus is found.
The latest number of cases in the UK can be found here. For further information about the coronavirus pandemic, please visit our dedicated Facts and Figures page.