In May 2022, 49 percent of people in the United Kingdom advised that they were highly dissatisfied with the government's response to the cost of living crisis. High inflation has caused an economic crisis in the UK, with 87 percent of people reporting an increase in their cost of living as of March 2022.

High inflation driven by rising energy and food costs are causing a severe cost of living crisis in Europe. As of September 2022, the majority of people surveyed in seven European countries advised they had curbed their spending as a consquence, ranging from 69 percent in Italy to 54 percent in Sweden.

Real household disposable income per person in the United Kingdom is expected to have grown by ***** percent in 2024/25, with disposable income growth slowing from that point onwards. In 2022/23, disposable income fell by *** percent, after falling by *** percent in 2021/22, and *** percent in 2020/21.

As of June 2022, 84 percent of people in the United Kingdom advised that they had spent less on clothes for themselves in an attempt to save money long term due to the cost of living crisis. Other actions taken include travelling less to meet friends, putting off a big purchase, and cutting back on trips in the car all at 72 percent of respondents.

In response to the cost of living crisis, the government of the United Kingdom announced a series of measures to help households in the country. The most widespread of these packages was a 400 British pound energy bill grant announced in 2022, which was allocated to all households in the country. The measure with the highest overall value was the cost of living payment, which will saw approximately eight million UK households on low income receive 650 pounds in two separate payments in 2022, and a further 900 pounds paid in three installments throughout the 2023/24 financial year.

People in Great Britain's experiences of and actions following increases in their costs of living, and how these differed by a range of personal characteristics.

According to a survey conducted by Voxburner in 2022, approximately ** percent of students in the UK, that were planning on cutting costs due to the Cost of Living crisis, would cut back on eating out.

The Consumer Sentiment Index in the United States stood at 51 in November 2025. This reflected a drop of 2.6 point from the previous survey. Furthermore, this was its lowest level measured since June 2022. The index is normalized to a value of 100 in December 1964 and based on a monthly survey of consumers, conducted in the continental United States. It consists of about 50 core questions which cover consumers' assessments of their personal financial situation, their buying attitudes and overall economic conditions.

According to a consumer demand survey conducted by Capgemini Research Institute in late 2022, approximately seven in 10 consumers around the world expected companies to provide more discounts to help them purchase essential items to help them during the cost-of-living crisis. About two-thirds of shoppers also expected enterprises to forfeit any excess profits for the benefit of society. For more Capgemini insights, click here.

The COVID-19 pandemic triggered social and economic stagnation worldwide, significantly impacting people’s lives. In addition, the Russia-Ukraine war that began in 2022 resulted in rising food prices globally, severely affecting low- and middle-income countries. This study aimed to examine the impact of these unprecedented crises on individual values, focusing on Senegal’s urban population. This study is the first to quantitatively assess changes in the values of urban Senegalese during this global crisis. Surveys were conducted in Saint-Louis, Senegal, in August-September 2018 and June-July 2022. The timing of these studies coincides with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020 and the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine war in February 2022. The findings revealed a 19.9% decrease in the average monthly cost of living per capita between 2018 and 2022, attributed to the combined effects of rising food prices and unemployment. Furthermore, the proportion of households spending less than $3.50 per person per day—below the lower-middle-income class poverty line—increased by 11.05%. Our analysis indicates a decline in values such as benevolence, universalism, hedonism, and self-direction. In contrast, values related to power and achievement significantly increased following the pandemic. These results suggest that individual values are flexible and may change in response to external factors such as global crises.

Contains data from DEL Sandbox (2022) from Germany, Great Britain, France, and the United States. The survey is on attitudes towards foreign aid, global poverty, and development.

The Poverty in Scotland study was commissioned by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation (JRF) to fill knowledge gaps in our understanding of poverty, economic security and the cost of living crisis (2022) in Scotland. Phase 1 of the survey was undertaken online with participants by Savanta ComRes between 11 July - 2 August 2022 with adults aged 18+. Phase 2 was also conducted online, between 19-29 March 2023.

The study explores a range of financial factors and economic security indicators as well as people’s reactions to the cost of living crisis. It captures a range of personal and economic characteristics and includes derived variables related to the Scottish Government’s Priority Families. Data are weighted to be representative of Scotland by age, gender, region, ethnicity and social grade.

Further information can be found in the latest JRF Poverty in Scotland report.

Latest edition information
For the second edition (July 2023), data and documentation from the Phase 2 survey were added to the study.

As of June 2022, 82 percent of people in the United Kingdom advised that they had turned their lights off in an attempt to save money due to the cost of living crisis. Other actions taken include turning electrical goods on standby (70 percent), and eaten out less than usual (64 percent).

Descriptive statistics of respondents in the 2018 and 2022 surveys.

Unlike many other health services, the majority of the UK population has to pay for dental treatment. Dental insurance policies cover treatment provided by both NHS and private dentists. The propensity to purchase dental insurance is greater when people wish to receive treatment from private dentists, as the costs associated with private treatment are much higher. Dental Insurance revenue is anticipated to grow at a compound annual rate of 1.4% over the five years through 2024-25 to £1.1 billion, including estimated growth of 5% in the current year. Regulatory reforms have ramped up the use of reinsurance as a capital risk reduction tool in the industry. The average profit margin has narrowed as a result of intensifying competition and cost pressures associated with the FCA's fair pricing reforms introduced in January 2022. The cost-of-living crisis and spiralling inflation in the two years through 2023-24 hurt demand for dental insurance, as people reined in spending to afford essential goods. However, hefty waiting times for the NHS following the COVID-19 outbreak resulted in many shifting to private dental care, lifting demand for dental coverage and contributing to revenue growth in recent years. In 2024-25, subsiding cost of living pressures and improving economic growth prospects will support demand from individual customers and make businesses more willing to splash out on employee benefits. Dental Insurance revenue is forecast to grow at a compound annual rate of 5.3% over the five years through 2029-30 to reach £1.4 billion. In the coming years, the higher interest rate environment will support investment income, with insurers that typically have high exposure to bonds receiving greater coupon payments, lifting reserves and allowing for more policies to be written. A growing UK workforce and the ageing population will boost demand as dental insurance consumers are more likely to be policyholders through workplace schemes. The average industry profit margin is set to remain constrained due to further competitive pressures and cost increases related to dental service price inflation and increased claims.

This dataset will be published as Open DataThis dataset was created by joining Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation Datazone geographies and The Priority Places for Food Index which was developed by the CDRC at the University of Leeds in collaboration with Which?.A composite index formed of data compiled across seven different dimensions relating to food insecurity risk for the four nations in the UK. This version (Version 2.1, July 2024) reflects changes to the data and policy landscape which are detailed in the user guide below.The Priority Places for Food Index (https://priorityplaces.cdrc.ac.uk/) is constructed using open data to capture complex and multidimensional aspects of food insecurity risk. The index was initially developed in response to the 2022 cost of living crisis which has put many of our communities under severe financial pressure and at an increased risk of food insecurity. Building on the CDRC e-food desert index (EFDI), but with additional domains relating to fuel poverty and family food support, the goal of the Priority Places for Food Index is to identify neighbourhoods that are most vulnerable to increases in the cost of living and which have a lack of accessibility to cheap, healthy, and sustainable sources of food.From version 1 to version 2, data have been updated across several of the seven PPFI domains. This includes new area socio-demographics, foodbank, and food retailer location data. Data relating to Free School Meal eligibility has also been updated to reflect the changing policy landscape and to address regional inconsistencies in policies. Areas may look different to version one as a result of the new data incorporated or changes to neighbourhood boundaries. Because of these data changes we recommend that you don’t make comparisons between the versions.The index can be used to inform supermarket location analytics, improve the availability of budget food lines, and to ensure scare resources are targeted effectively.Note: Subject to the Department of Health and Social Care making a statement highlighting inaccuracies in the Healthy Start Uptake data between July 2023-February 2024, we have updated Version 2 of the Priority Places for Food Index (PPFI). Version 2.1 of the PPFI replaces the October 2023 uptake of Healthy Start Vouchers values with the average voucher uptake between January and June 2023 to minimise the impact on the Priority Places for Food Index insights.

BackgroundSmoking and excessive drinking place a strain on household budgets. We aimed to examine the impact of the cost-of-living crisis in Great Britain on the nature of smoking cessation and alcohol reduction attempts, and explore changes in health professionals offering support.MethodsData were from 14,567 past-year smokers and high-risk drinkers (AUDIT-C ≥5) participating in monthly representative surveys, January-2021 through December-2022. We estimated time trends in cost as a motive driving the most recent (smoking cessation/alcohol reduction) attempt, use of paid or evidence-based support, and receipt of GP offer of support for smoking cessation or alcohol reduction, and tested for moderation by occupational social grade.ResultsThe proportion of attempts motivated by cost did not change significantly over time among smokers (25.4% [95%CI = 23.8–26.9%]), but increased between December-2021 and December-2022 among high-risk drinkers from less advantaged social grades (from 15.3% [95%CI 12.1–19.3] to 29.7% [20.1–44.1]). The only change in support use was an increase in smokers using paid support, specifically e-cigarettes (from 28.1% [23.7–33.3] to 38.2% [33.0–44.4]). Among those visiting their GP, the proportion who received an offer of support was similar over time among smokers (27.0% [25.7–28.2]) and high-risk drinkers (1.4% [1.1–1.6%]).ConclusionsThere is limited evidence that the 2021/22 cost-of-living crisis affected the nature of attempts to stop smoking and reduce alcohol consumption, or receipt of GP offer of support. It is encouraging that use of evidence-based support has not declined and that use of e-cigarettes in quit attempts has increased. However, cost is increasingly motivating alcohol reduction attempts among less advantaged drinkers, and rates of GPs offering support, especially for alcohol reduction, remain very low.

Our data takes the form of in-depth interview transcripts discussing the relationship between local independent businesses and Cambridge as a place. The first round of data collection took place in 2017 to discover, explore and evaluate the relationship between small and medium-sized businesses and community development within Cambridge. At the time of rapid change and a turbulent economic environment it was important to understand how local independent businesses interact with, and rely on, the locale and community in which they are based.

Leading on from the first phase, this project and a second round of data collection was employed to return to Cambridge in 2022 to further investigate how the implementation of Brexit and the arrival of the pandemic has impacted upon local independent businesses and the original issues uncovered. The aim is to drive debate and discussion towards a more diverse local business environment. This is of key significance given micro, small, and medium sized firms (SMEs) are most at risk of failure post-pandemic and in the escalating energy crisis. Such SMEs are not just important local employers but are also the main way to increase regional resilience and make Cambridge feel like a ‘home town’ with distinctive independent retailers as opposed to how the New Economics Foundation refers to the city as a ‘clone town’ full of national chain stores and devoid of local character. Topics covered included local networking, local enterprise support, belonging, power, community development and inequality.

Our recent research found that such businesses agreed that without the University of Cambridge, its unique communication channel and supply of labour, the city would be much less successful as it finds itself today. However, many businesses also felt the increased growth has led to increased pressures within the city due to constrained land supply and a tightly-drawn green belt. This, coupled with the current cost of living crisis, has seen business costs rise excessively increasing demands on already stretched independent businesses.

A recurring theme throughout our study, therefore, was ‘them versus us’ regarding the power dynamic between local independent businesses (who form an integral part of the local economy) and the key stakeholders and policy makers within Cambridge. While some firms may find they succeed, it appears to be the smaller independent businesses who struggle the most within the city as they may not have sufficient footfall, nor the capital reserves required to loudly market themselves and/or overcome the high costs associated with being located within Cambridge. As such, many of these independent businesses felt unappreciated, overlooked, and under-supported.

Is entrepreneurship a matter of place? This was the question that my PhD research undertaken across four case studies in East Anglia, UK (Cambridge, Great Yarmouth, Ipswich, Norwich) answered, showing how, when and where everyday entrepreneurship occurs and the different mechanisms of entrepreneurial attachment to place in terms of individual entrepreneurs' temporal orientations: place as it was, place as it is, and place as it could be. It is the notion of 'evolving places' that goes hand-in-hand with the societal struggles for power and the distribution of resources and opportunities in shaping the policy need to think about maintenance of entrepreneurial attachment if we want places to be cared for by their people and to influence change, bridging the gaps between 'unequal' stakeholders. This has become increasingly pertinent within a post-Brexit, Covid-19, reduced migratory context - the emphasis is now firmly placed on local contexts and how they perform, driving the proposed PDF.

Drawing on my PhD's work and returning to one of my case studies with the PDF objectives in mind, I plan to publish about entrepreneurial (im)mobility in both prosperous and depleted places, whilst arguing towards a 'place-based' understanding of policy and more contextually relevant use of public spending. This counters mounting criticism of scholarly work paying insufficient attention to spatial and contextual factors when examining entrepreneurial phenomena (Welter et al 2019) and is particularly fitting in Covid-19 times with the pandemic unfolding unevenly across different socioeconomic groups, geographical areas and localities in the UK (Dorling 2020). Indeed, with reports in a surge of would-be homebuyers moving out of cities to smaller places as people conclude that home working is here to stay (Jones 2020), spatially discriminatory inequalities come to the forefront especially when the pandemic itself can be considered racist (Channel 4 Documentary 2020). Empirically examining evolving places for everyday entrepreneurship in this manner is crucial from a policy perspective to mitigate the uneven spatial impact of the crisis on the economy and create (or sustain) local jobs. Given that the UK is already one of the most inter-regionally unequal countries in the developed world (McCann 2020) and the 'levelling-up' mantra is now even harder to achieve due to Covid-19 (Brown and Cowling 2021), there is increased need for targeted, contextualised regional policy (less spatially blind) to alleviate the territorial dimensions of inequality and social exclusion and overcome the pandemic's scarring socioeconomic effects.

Complementing the academic impact of publishing, presenting and disseminating the above research with non-academic audiences is a key feature of the PDF. High impact value initiatives such as a stakeholder workshop generating debate about the spatial dimension of social exclusion, patterns of spatial segregation, and how urban disadvantage can impact localised (self)employability extends the reach of the proposed body of work, ensuring an accessible way for important local stakeholder groups to connect anew and benefit from the PDF's impact as the starting point for a wider, less power-driven, conversation. Redressing the, now increasingly severe, spatially expressed inequalities heeds recommendations to map social exclusion at a lower level to tailor the need for political counter action (Talbot et al 2015). Invited stakeholders will include business associations, tourism boards, chambers of commerce, HAs, guilds, business forums, business support organisations, Cambridge [University] Hub and local councils amongst others. In doing so, this can turn potentially negative personal relationships with place into a positive; countering the frequently made claim 'there's nothing here for us' instead giving hope through bridging societal struggles for power and embracing the positive available aspects of 'evolving places'.

In 2018-19 the GLA first undertook a Survey of Londoners. At the time it provided vital evidence on Londoners that had never been collected before in such detail. In 2021-22, the GLA conducted another Survey of Londoners, following the same methodology as the Survey of Londoners 2018-19, an online and paper self-completion survey of adults aged 16 and over in London. The survey, which received responses from 8,630 Londoners, aimed to assess the impact of COVID-19 and associated restrictions on key social outcomes for Londoners, not available from other data sources. It is important to understand the context in which the Survey of Londoners 2021-22 took place. Survey fieldwork began in November 2021; so, up to that point, it had been four months since most legal limits on social contact had been removed. However, after fieldwork had started, some restrictions due to the emergence of the Omicron variant were introduced. This may or may not have had some effect on the data. Given these changing circumstances, caution should be applied when interpreting the results. The Survey of Londoners 2021-22 also took place just before the full effects of the cost-of-living crisis began to set in. It is highly likely that the situations of Londoners have changed while analysis was taking place. On this page there is a headline findings report, published on 30 September 2022, which provides descriptive results for the key headline measures and supporting demographic data collected by the survey. Accompanying this report are more detailed tables documenting the key results of the survey by a range of demographic and other characteristics, a short summary document presenting key findings from the survey, and a technical report for those interested in the survey’s methodology. Further to these, a series of pen portraits, providing snapshots of particular groups of Londoners, as captured at the time of the Survey of Londoners 2021-22, were first added on 31 October 2022. Also on this page, there is an initial findings report, that was published on 2 September 2022. This was published to provide timely evidence from the survey to support the case for further targeted support to help low-income Londoners with the cost-of-living crisis. We have launched an online explorer where users can interrogate the data collected from the two surveys, conducted in 2018-19 and 2021-22. This is the first iteration, so we welcome any feedback on it - GO TO THE EXPLORER The record-level Survey of Londoners dataset can be accessed via the UK Data Service, University of Essex. The dataset is available for not-for-profit educational and research purposes only. Finally, as the North East London (NEL) NHS funded a 'boost' in their sub-region to enable a more detailed analysis to be conducted within, they produced an analytical report in September 2022. This is also available for download from this page.

In October 2025, 63 percent of households in Great Britain reported that their cost of living had increased in the previous month, compared with 72 percent in April. Although the share of people reporting a cost of living increase has generally been falling since August 2022, when 91 percent of households reported an increase, the most recent figures indicate that the Cost of Living Crisis is still ongoing for many households in the UK. Crisis ligers even as inflation falls Although various factors have been driving the Cost of Living Crisis in Britain, high inflation has undoubtedly been one of the main factors. After several years of relatively low inflation, the CPI inflation rate shot up from 2021 onwards, hitting a high of 11.1 percent in October 2022. In the months since that peak, inflation has fallen to more usual levels, and was 2.5 percent in December 2024, slightly up from 1.7 percent in September. Since June 2023, wages have also started to grow at a faster rate than inflation, albeit after a long period where average wages were falling relative to overall price increases. Economy continues to be the main issue for voters Ahead of the last UK general election, the economy was consistently selected as the main issue for voters for several months. Although the Conservative Party was seen by voters as the best party for handling the economy before October 2022, this perception collapsed following the market's reaction to Liz Truss' mini-budget. Even after changing their leader from Truss to Rishi Sunak, the Conservatives continued to fall in the polls, and would go onto lose the election decisively. Since the election, the economy remains the most important issue in the UK, although it was only slightly ahead of immigration and health as of January 2025.