As of February 2025, El Salvador had the highest prisoner rate worldwide, with over 1,600 prisoners per 100,000 of the national population. Cuba, Rwanda, Turkmenistan, and the United States, rounded out the top five countries with the highest rate of incarceration. Homicides in El Salvador Interestingly, El Salvador, which long had the highest global homicide rates, has dropped out of the top 20 after a high number of gang members have been incarcerated. A high number of the countries with the highest homicide rate are located in Latin America. Prisoners in the United StatesThe United States is home to the largest number of prisoners worldwide. More than 1.8 million people were incarcerated in the U.S. at the beginning of 2025. In China, the estimated prison population totaled 1.69 million people that year. Other nations had far fewer prisoners. The largest share of the U.S. prisoners in federal correctional facilities were of African-American origin. As of 2020, there were 345,500 black, non-Hispanic prisoners, compared to 327,300 white, non-Hispanic inmates. The U.S. states with the largest number of prisoners in 2022 were Texas, California, and Florida. Over 160,000 prisoners in state facilities were sentenced for rape or sexual assault, which was the most common cause of imprisonment. The second most common was murder, followed by aggravated or simple assault.

The average for 2017 based on 138 countries was 174 prisoners per 100,000 people. The highest value was in El Salvador: 601 prisoners per 100,000 people and the lowest value was in San Marino: 9 prisoners per 100,000 people. The indicator is available from 2002 to 2017. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.

At the beginning of 2025, the United States had the highest number of incarcerated individuals worldwide, with around 1.8 million people in prison. China followed with around 100,000 fewer prisoners. Brazil followed in third. The incarceration problem in the U.S. The United States has an incredibly high number of incarcerated individuals. Therefore, the incarceration problem has become a widely contested issue, because it impacts disadvantaged people and minorities the most. Additionally, the prison system has become capitalized by outside corporations that fund prisons, but there is still a high cost to taxpayers. Furthermore, there has been an increase in the amount of private prisons that have been created. For-profit prison companies have come under scrutiny because of their lack of satisfactory staff and widespread lobbying. Violent offenses are the most common type of offense among prisoners in the U.S. Incarceration rates worldwide El Salvador had the highest rate of incarceration worldwide, at 1,659 prisoners per 100,000 residents as of February 2025. Cuba followed in second with 794 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants. The incarceration rate is a better measure to use when comparing countries than the total prison populations, which will naturally have the most populous countries topping the list.

In 2024 Turkey had the highest incarceration rate among European countries, at 356 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants, followed by Azerbaijan, which had an incarceration of 264. The country with the lowest incarceration rate in this year was Liechtenstein, which had 20 people in prison for every 100,000 inhabitants. Germany had one of the lowest rates of 72 when compared with other major European countries such as France and England & Wales, which had rates of 111 and 145 respectively. The Russian Federation has in previous years been the country with the highest incarceration rate in the Council of Europe's data, however, as the country was removed as a member of the council in 2022 due to their invasion of Ukraine, data for Russia is no longer available.

In 2025, there were around *** prisoners per one hundred thousand of the population in Turkmenistan. In contrast, there were about ** prisoners per one hundred thousand of the population in Japan that year.

The Latin American and Caribbean nation with the highest prison population rate in 2025 was El Salvador, with ***** prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants, the only country to achieve four digits, followed by Cuba with *** prisoners. Guatemala and Haiti had the lowest prison population rates, *** and ** per 100,000 inhabitants, respectively.

Cuba is one of the Caribbean nations with the highest prison population rate as of August 2024. According to the latest data available at that time, there were *** prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants on this island, followed by the Bahamas, with *** prisoners per 100,000 population. In some Caribbean countries, over ** percent of the prison population were foreign nationals.

The average for 2017 based on 7 countries was 213 prisoners per 100,000 people. The highest value was in Thailand: 540 prisoners per 100,000 people and the lowest value was in Indonesia: 93 prisoners per 100,000 people. The indicator is available from 2002 to 2017. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.

The South American nation with the highest prison population rate in 2024 was Uruguay, with 449 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants, followed by Brazil, with 389 prisoners. The country in South America with the lowest prison population rate was Ecuador, with 179 per 100,000 persons.

The average for 2017 based on 19 countries was 250 prisoners per 100,000 people. The highest value was in El Salvador: 601 prisoners per 100,000 people and the lowest value was in Haiti: 81 prisoners per 100,000 people. The indicator is available from 2002 to 2017. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.

The map is based on Bureau of Justice Statistic (BJS) annual statistic on prison population. It was combined with the annual population estimates from Census to compute female prisoners per 100k population. The top 10 states with largest male prison population per 100k in 2004 are Delaware, Oklahoma, Texas, Mississippi, Louisiana, Montana, Arizona, Idaho, Missouri, Connecticut. Compared to top ten states for Male prisoners, which are all in south, the top 10 female prisoner states do not show geographic concentration. Data for Wash. DC is not reported, according to BJS, the "responsibility for felons was transferred to the Federal Bureau of Prisons". Only those female prisoners with one or more years of sentence are included. Source for parole data: Data source: BJS, National Prisoner Statistics data series (NPS-1) URL: http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/data

The Central American nation with the highest prison population rate was El Salvador, with over 1,000 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants, followed by Panama with 522 prisoners. The lowest prison population rate of the region was found in Guatemala, with 123 prisoners per 100,000 people.

Chad: Number of prisoners per 100,000 people: The latest value from 2012 is 38 prisoners per 100,000 people, a decline from 39 prisoners per 100,000 people in 2011. In comparison, the world average is 179 prisoners per 100,000 people, based on data from 147 countries. Historically, the average for Chad from 2005 to 2012 is 38 prisoners per 100,000 people. The minimum value, 34 prisoners per 100,000 people, was reached in 2005 while the maximum of 40 prisoners per 100,000 people was recorded in 2010.

Due to a hardening of penal sensibilities and more stringent sentencing practices (mainly as a result of the 2003 Criminal Justice Act), a growing number of prisoners are serving extremely long life sentences from an early age. The UK has more life-sentenced prisoners per 100,000 of population than any other country in Europe (including Russia), and a higher proportion of life sentenced prisoners within its total sentenced prison population (10%) than any other European country or the US. The average minimum sentence length for mandatory life sentences has risen significantly in recent years. By the end of December 2018, there were 3,624 prisoners serving life sentences with tariffs of 10-20 years, and 1,862 with tariffs of more than twenty years (Ministry of Justice, 2019).

These prisoners have to endure and adapt to periods inside prison that are often longer than their lives as free citizens, while maturing into adulthood in an environment that does not allow, or is hardly conducive to, normal adult experiences. Following on from an earlier study of long-term imprisonment (grant: ES/J007935/1), undertaken from 2011-2014, this research constituted an unprecedented opportunity to enhance our understanding of the dynamics and effects of long-term confinement. Its primary aims were, first, to meet Kazemian and Travis's (2015) call for longitudinal insight into the experience, dynamics and effects of long-term confinement, including the ways in which the lives, priorities and relationships of people serving life sentences change over time; second, to focus more closely on some of the key themes and findings from our original study, in particular, the ways in which individuals engage reflexively with their sentence, their index offence and their sense of self; and, third, to explore the concept of the 'depth of imprisonment' - put simply, the relationship and polarity between the prison and the outside world - that is of particular relevance for this group of prisoners.

Interviews were undertaken, and surveys re-administered, with as many of our original sample as possible. Overall, this amounted to 120 of 146 initial participants, 100 in prison (out of 110 still in custody when fieldwork began) and 20 (out of 29) who had been released into the community on life licence.

The research offers insight into the nature and impact of long-term imprisonment, at a time when practitioners, pressure groups and policymakers are particularly interested in the custodial and post-custodial experiences of this expanding group. It contributes significantly to a sparse and outdated research literature on the experiences of life-sentenced prisoners, serving extremely long sentences. In doing so, it addresses fundamental questions about identity, coping and humanity under intense duress, and about the lived outcomes of the most extreme form of state punishment.

Due to a hardening of penal sensibilities and more stringent sentencing practices (mainly as a result of the 2003 Criminal Justice Act), a growing number of prisoners are serving extremely long sentences from an early age. The UK has more life-sentenced prisoners per 100,000 of population than any other country in Europe (including Russia), and a higher proportion of life sentenced prisoners within its total sentenced prison population (10%) than any other European country or the US. The average minimum sentence length for mandatory life sentences has risen significantly in recent years. By the end of December 2018, there were 3,624 prisoners serving life sentences with tariffs of 10-20 years, and 1,862 with tariffs of more than twenty years (Ministry of Justice, 2019).

These prisoners have to endure and adapt to periods inside prison that are often longer than their lives as free citizens, while maturing into adulthood in an environment that does not allow, or is hardly conducive to, normal adult experiences. Following on from an earlier study of long-term imprisonment (grant: ES/J007935/1), undertaken from 2011-2014, this research constituted an unprecedented opportunity to very significantly enhance our understanding of the dynamics and effects of long-term confinement. Its primary aims were, first, to meet Kazemian and Travis's (2015) call for longitudinal insight into the experience, dynamics and effects of long-term confinement, including the ways in which the lives, priorities and relationships of people serving life sentences change over time; second, to focus more closely on some of the key themes and findings from our original study, in particular, the ways in which individuals engage reflexively with their sentence, their index offence and their sense of self; and, third, to explore the concept of the 'depth of imprisonment' - put simply, the relationship and polarity between the prison and the outside world - that is of particular relevance for this group of prisoners.

Interviews were undertaken, and surveys re-administered, with as many of our original sample as possible. Overall, this amounted to 120 of 146 initial participants, 100 in prison (out of 110 still in custody when fieldwork began) and 20 (out of 29) who had been released into the community on life licence.

The research offers insight into the nature and impact of long-term imprisonment, at a time when practitioners, pressure groups and policymakers are particularly interested in the custodial and post-custodial experiences of this expanding group. It contributes significantly to a sparse and outdated research literature on the experiences of life-sentenced prisoners, serving extremely long sentences. In doing so, it addresses fundamental questions about identity, coping and humanity under intense duress, and about the lived outcomes of the most extreme form of state punishment.

England and Wales had an incarceration rate of 136.2 per 100,000 people in 2023, compared with 133.2 for Scotland and 90.5 for Northern Ireland. In 2008, Scotland had a higher incarceration rate than England and Wales, but this declined at a faster rate than those two countries after 2012, although the recent uptick in 2019 has seen Scotland once again have the highest incarceration rate in the UK. Northern Ireland has consistently had the lowest incarceration rate in the UK.

The average for 2017 based on 26 countries was 125 prisoners per 100,000 people. The highest value was in Rwanda: 500 prisoners per 100,000 people and the lowest value was in the Comoros: 23 prisoners per 100,000 people. The indicator is available from 2002 to 2017. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.

Most violence in El Salvador has been attributed to gangs. After being one of the most violent societies worldwide, in 2023, the country’s homicide rate reached a low 2.4 per 100,000 population. The decline is the outcome of a security plan by government that has attacked gangs directly under a state of exception. Nearly 80,000 gang members have been incarcerated. For the past 30 years or so, Salvadoran authorities and politicians alike, have participated in negotiations with gangs to reduce violence and gain electoral support in exchange for benefits for their members. This research studies violence as the outcome from the activities by gangs, politicians and governments, their interactions, and communities intervening in the realization of these interactions. As most data required for explaining these processes is either inexistent or difficult to access, a hierarchical Bayesian model was implemented for the spatio-temporal evolution of homicide with random effects that account for omitted variables at the level of local areas and time periods. The results support the view that unobserved covariates related to the district patterns of homicide have evolved over time. Two cycles appear in the evolution of homicide over the period under study, one from 2003 through to 2012, and another starting in 2013 and still going on at the time of writing. This finding reinforces the view that timing of government-gang negotiations drove the behavior of homicide rates in El Salvador during 2002–2021 together with the growth and expansion of gangs as seen from clustering of high-risk districts over time. The incarceration of scores of members and collaborators has both incapacitated gangs as key producers of violence, and deterred other forms of crimes. As a next step, the government should build collective efficacy, in particular among disadvantaged communities, to restrain the formation of gang-like groups in the time to come.

Most violence in El Salvador has been attributed to gangs. After being one of the most violent societies worldwide, in 2023, the country’s homicide rate reached a low 2.4 per 100,000 population. The decline is the outcome of a security plan by government that has attacked gangs directly under a state of exception. Nearly 80,000 gang members have been incarcerated. For the past 30 years or so, Salvadoran authorities and politicians alike, have participated in negotiations with gangs to reduce violence and gain electoral support in exchange for benefits for their members. This research studies violence as the outcome from the activities by gangs, politicians and governments, their interactions, and communities intervening in the realization of these interactions. As most data required for explaining these processes is either inexistent or difficult to access, a hierarchical Bayesian model was implemented for the spatio-temporal evolution of homicide with random effects that account for omitted variables at the level of local areas and time periods. The results support the view that unobserved covariates related to the district patterns of homicide have evolved over time. Two cycles appear in the evolution of homicide over the period under study, one from 2003 through to 2012, and another starting in 2013 and still going on at the time of writing. This finding reinforces the view that timing of government-gang negotiations drove the behavior of homicide rates in El Salvador during 2002–2021 together with the growth and expansion of gangs as seen from clustering of high-risk districts over time. The incarceration of scores of members and collaborators has both incapacitated gangs as key producers of violence, and deterred other forms of crimes. As a next step, the government should build collective efficacy, in particular among disadvantaged communities, to restrain the formation of gang-like groups in the time to come.

Most violence in El Salvador has been attributed to gangs. After being one of the most violent societies worldwide, in 2023, the country’s homicide rate reached a low 2.4 per 100,000 population. The decline is the outcome of a security plan by government that has attacked gangs directly under a state of exception. Nearly 80,000 gang members have been incarcerated. For the past 30 years or so, Salvadoran authorities and politicians alike, have participated in negotiations with gangs to reduce violence and gain electoral support in exchange for benefits for their members. This research studies violence as the outcome from the activities by gangs, politicians and governments, their interactions, and communities intervening in the realization of these interactions. As most data required for explaining these processes is either inexistent or difficult to access, a hierarchical Bayesian model was implemented for the spatio-temporal evolution of homicide with random effects that account for omitted variables at the level of local areas and time periods. The results support the view that unobserved covariates related to the district patterns of homicide have evolved over time. Two cycles appear in the evolution of homicide over the period under study, one from 2003 through to 2012, and another starting in 2013 and still going on at the time of writing. This finding reinforces the view that timing of government-gang negotiations drove the behavior of homicide rates in El Salvador during 2002–2021 together with the growth and expansion of gangs as seen from clustering of high-risk districts over time. The incarceration of scores of members and collaborators has both incapacitated gangs as key producers of violence, and deterred other forms of crimes. As a next step, the government should build collective efficacy, in particular among disadvantaged communities, to restrain the formation of gang-like groups in the time to come.

Most violence in El Salvador has been attributed to gangs. After being one of the most violent societies worldwide, in 2023, the country’s homicide rate reached a low 2.4 per 100,000 population. The decline is the outcome of a security plan by government that has attacked gangs directly under a state of exception. Nearly 80,000 gang members have been incarcerated. For the past 30 years or so, Salvadoran authorities and politicians alike, have participated in negotiations with gangs to reduce violence and gain electoral support in exchange for benefits for their members. This research studies violence as the outcome from the activities by gangs, politicians and governments, their interactions, and communities intervening in the realization of these interactions. As most data required for explaining these processes is either inexistent or difficult to access, a hierarchical Bayesian model was implemented for the spatio-temporal evolution of homicide with random effects that account for omitted variables at the level of local areas and time periods. The results support the view that unobserved covariates related to the district patterns of homicide have evolved over time. Two cycles appear in the evolution of homicide over the period under study, one from 2003 through to 2012, and another starting in 2013 and still going on at the time of writing. This finding reinforces the view that timing of government-gang negotiations drove the behavior of homicide rates in El Salvador during 2002–2021 together with the growth and expansion of gangs as seen from clustering of high-risk districts over time. The incarceration of scores of members and collaborators has both incapacitated gangs as key producers of violence, and deterred other forms of crimes. As a next step, the government should build collective efficacy, in particular among disadvantaged communities, to restrain the formation of gang-like groups in the time to come.