In 2024, six of the eight Brazilian cities with the highest homicide rates were in the Northeast. Feira da Santana led the ranking of the most violent city in Brazil, with a murder rate of ***** per 100,000 inhabitants. It was followed followed by Recife, with a homicide rate of more than ** per 100,000 inhabitants. In Latin America and the Caribbean, Feira da Santana was the **** most deadly city.

In 2024, Brazil's homicide rate reached **** incidents per 100,000 people. This is the lowest figure recorded in the country since 2012.

The homicide rate registered in Brazil impacts ethnicities very differently. Whereas the number of homicides per 100,000 black or brown people increased to ** percent from 2006 to 2017, the homicide rate of non-black or brown individuals declined to nearly ***percent in the same period. In 2023, the homicide rate for the black ethnic group decreased compared to the previous year.

Historical dataset showing Brazil crime rate per 100K population by year from 1990 to 2020.

The Brazilian Crimes Dataset (BCD) contains crime records and pre-processing procedures used in our experiments on crime analysis and prediction [1]. In particular, we proposed an approach to predict crimes and evaluated it by using crime records crawled from the brazilian web site Onde Fui Roubado.

Please consider citing the following references if you found this dataset useful:

[1] Úrsula Rosa Monteiro de Castro, Marcos Wander Rodrigues, Wladmir Cardoso Brandão. Predicting crime by exploiting supervised learning on heterogeneous data. In: Proceedings of the 22nd International Conference on Enterprise Information Systems (ICEIS'20), 2020.

[2] Úrsula Rosa Monteiro de Castro, Wladmir Cardoso Brandão. (2020). BCD: Brazilian Crimes Dataset (Version 1.0) [Data set]. Zenodo.

The number of violent crimes against property registered in Brazil showed a downward trend from 2017 to 2020. After an increase in 2021 and 2022, this number decreased again in 2024, with ****** such cases in the South American country.Furthermore, most of the violent crimes against property in Brazil consist of vehicle thefts and break-ins.

In 2024, Pernambuco reported the highest homicide rate in the country, at nearly **** occurrences per 100,000 inhabitants. Ceará, in the country's northeastern region, ranked second, with **** homicides per 100,000 inhabitants. Meanwhile, in 2022, Bahia also ranked first in numbers of homicides, with around ***** occurrences reported.

The Rio de Janeiro (RJ) municipality presents one of the highest crime rates in Brazil. However, since the 2000s, a significant reduction of lethal crimes has been observed. Given this scenario, the aim of this study is to analyze the factors that determined this phenomenon. Among them, it seeks to assess the effects of the Pacifying Police Unit (Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora - UPP). To this end, the statistical error correction vector (ECV) method was used. This study allowed for the analysis of short- and long-term relationships between crime rates and variables associated with economic activity and police action. The applied dataset comprises the period between April 2002 and August 2019. The main results indicate that UPP implementation contributed to lethal crime reduction in the municipality of Rio de Janeiro. Furthermore, the results show that coercive police action tends to increase crime rates.

In Brazil, crime rates have been very high at least since the 1980s. There is a social perception that adolescents are the main responsibles to increase these rates, although there is no scientifical evidence to support it. Thus, as a way to try to reduce crime rates, congressmen proposed to amend the constitution to lower the age of criminal majority, which nowadays is 18 years old. According to Neil Hazel (2008), "criminal majority is the age at which the criminal justice system processes offenders as adults" (p. 7).

This dataset contains all Proposals to Amend the Constitution on lowering the ACM in Brazil, since 1989 to 2015. We collected them directly from Chamber of Deputies and Federal Senate's websites and put them together to make easier to researchers and stakeholders find them. Every proposals are divided in four parts. In the first part, there are the main information about the proposals, for example, the document's number and year of publication, its authors, subject, and which Constitution's article should be modified. In the second one, there is the new article redaction proposed by its author. In the third one (justification), there is a text the document's authors argue why the proposal should be approved by the National Congress. Finally, the fourth part contains the congressmen signatures who support the proposal.

Our main purpose is to provide dataset to researchers and stakeholders to content analyze these proposals and the congressmen justifications to do so.

Comprehensive dataset containing 1 verified Crime victim service businesses in State of Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil with complete contact information, ratings, reviews, and location data.

Brazil: Homicides per 100,000 people: The latest value from 2017 is 30.5 homicides per 100,000 people, an increase from 29.7 homicides per 100,000 people in 2016. In comparison, the world average is 7.4 homicides per 100,000 people, based on data from 97 countries. Historically, the average for Brazil from 1990 to 2017 is 23.5 homicides per 100,000 people. The minimum value, 16.8 homicides per 100,000 people, was reached in 1992 while the maximum of 30.5 homicides per 100,000 people was recorded in 2017.

Raw data and R coding used on the paper. Visit https://dataone.org/datasets/sha256%3A4a561aa9ff3020cb4b64bdf1be43a4d239de080bec0160dd0a59bf6e4233de4a for complete metadata about this dataset.

Comprehensive dataset containing 2 verified Crime victim service businesses in State of Amazonas, Brazil with complete contact information, ratings, reviews, and location data.

The scientific research had the scope of critically understanding the application of the Agent Competition Differentiating Theory in the attribution of economic criminal offenses to business leaders. Based on the analysis of jurisprudence from Brazilian Superior Courts, sought to find the standard used in the distinction between authorship and participation, relevant to the accountability of those involved. For the research in the Courts, keywords were defined - for example: director, author, participant, domain of the fact - related to the specific objectives of the research in order to delimit the results. After jurisprudential analysis and research, it is concluded that the discussion sought is absent. The attempt to determine the extent of the crime in business crimes is not mentioned in most of the decisions analyzed. Furthermore, the distorted use of the Dominion over the Act Theory in holding corporate leaders accountable is observed, revealing a criminal prosecution system that is inappropriate for this context.

The number of violent crimes against property registered in Brazil has been oscillating in recent years, experiencing a steep decline in 2020. In 2024, the figures were lower than the previous year, with around 344,600 car thefts or break-ins being reported in the South American country.Meanwhile, the number of violent deaths in Brazil has decreased lately.

Abstract Violence against LGBT people has always been present in our society. Brazil is the country with the highest number of lethal crimes against LGBT people in the world. The aim of this study was to describe the characteristics of homicides of LGBT people in Brazil using spatial analysis. The LGBT homicide rate was used to facilitate the visualization of the geographical distribution of homicides. Public thoroughfares and the victim’s home were the most common places of occurrence. The most commonly used methods for killing male homosexuals and transgender people were cold weapons and firearms, respectively; however, homicides frequently involved beatings, suffocation, and other cruelties. The large majority of victims were aged between 20 and 49 years and typically white or brown. The North, Northeast and Central-West regions, precisely the regions with the lowest HDI, presented LGBT homicide rates above the national rate. LGBT homicides are typically hate crimes and constitute a serious public health problem because they affect young people, particularly transgender people. This problem needs to be addressed by the government, starting with the criminalization of homophobia and the subsequent formulation of public policies to reduce hate crimes and promote respect for diversity.

Abstract In this paper we analyzed data from police investigations and trials of intentional homicides shelved in Belo Horizonte between 2003 and 2013 in order to understand the clearance’s determinants. As independent variables, we used the characteristics of victim, crimes’ attributes and police procedures. The results inform that the homicides features and police truth-finding methods (centered on the flagrante delicto and the presence of eyewitnesses) were the variables that explained the clearance likelihood. However, the length of time may affect this result, since police inquiries that are not completed within five year are not likely to be trialed.

taken from IPEA Brazil

http://www.ipea.gov.br/atlasviolencia/dados-series/20

The number of black and Pardo Brazilian people murdered in Brazil had been increasing throughout the years up until 2017. In 2022, around 35,500 black and Pardo citizens were killed in the South American country, down from almost 37,000 recorded one year before.

Extensive research suggests that electoral competition and power alternations increase violence in weakly institutionalized democracies. Yet little is known about how political parties affect violence and security. We theorize that the type of party strengthened in elections shapes security outcomes and argue that the rise of programmatic parties, at the expense of clientelistic parties, can significantly reduce violence. In contexts of large-scale criminal violence, programmatic parties are less likely to establish alliances with coercive actors because they possess fewer incentives and greater coordination capacity. Focusing on Brazil, we use a regression discontinuity design that leverages the as-if random assignment of election winners across three rounds of mayoral races. We find that violent crime decreased in municipalities where programmatic parties won coin-flip elections, while it increased in those where clientelistic parties triumphed. Our findings suggest that whether electoral competition increases violence depends on the type of party that wins elections.