In the United States, Black people have higher rates of gun homicide than White people across all age groups. As of 2022, gun homicide rates were highest among Black people aged between 15 and 24 years, at ***** gun homicides per 100,000 of the population. In comparison, there were only **** gun homicides per 100,000 of the White population within this age range. However, the risk for gun homicide was greatest among all adolescents and adults between the ages of 15 to 44 in that year. The impact of guns on young Americans In the last few years, firearms have become the leading cause of death for American children and teenagers aged one to 19 years old, accounting for more deaths than car crashes and diseases. School shootings also remain on the rise recently, with the U.S. recording ** times as many school shootings than other high-income nations from 2009 to 2018. Black students in particular experience a disproportionately high number of school shootings relative to their population, and K-12 teachers at schools made up mostly of students of color are more likely to report feeling afraid that they or their students would be a victim of attack or harm. The right to bear arms Despite increasingly high rates of gun-related violence, gun ownership remains a significant part of American culture, largely due to the fact that the right to bear arms is written into the U.S. Constitution. Although firearms are the most common murder weapon used in the U.S., accounting for approximately ****** homicides in 2022, almost **** of American households have at least one firearm in their possession. Consequently, it is evident that firearms remain easily accessible nationwide, even though gun laws may vary from state to state. However, the topic of gun control still causes political controversy, as the majority of Republicans agree that it is more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns, while Democrats are more inclined to believe that it is more important to limit gun ownership.

These data are part of NACJD's Fast Track Release and are distributed as they were received from the data depositor. The files have been zipped by NACJD for release, but not checked or processed except for the removal of direct identifiers. Users should refer to the accompanying readme file for a brief description of the files available with this collection and consult the investigator(s) if further information is needed. This study examined maternal and youth self-reports of arrests and convictions with official records of crime among participants in three randomized controlled trials of the Nurse-Family Partnership (NFP) in Denver, Colorado, Elmira, New York, and Memphis, Tennessee. Official records were obtained from third-party sources as well as directly from New York State Division of Criminal Justice Services. The collection contains 10 SAS data files: dmom_all.sas7bdat (n=735; 3 variables) dmom_control.sas7bdat (n=247; 26 variables) echild_all.sas7bdat (n=374; 4 variables) echild_control.sas7bdat (n=173; 22 variables) emom_all.sas7bdat (n=399; 4 variables) emom_control.sas7bdat (n=184; 17 variables) mchild_all.sas7bdat (n=708; 5 variables) mchild_control.sas7bdat (n=482; 46 variables) mmom_all.sas7bdat (n=742; 5 variables) mmom_control.sas7bdat (n=514; 25 variables) Demographic variables include race, ethnicity, highest grade completed, household income, marital status, housing density, maternal age, maternal education, husband/boyfriend education, and head of household employment status.

This study sought to answer the question: If a woman is experiencing intimate partner violence, does the collective efficacy and community capacity of her neighborhood facilitate or erect barriers to her ability to escape violence, other things being equal? To address this question, longitudinal data on a sample of 210 abused women from the CHICAGO WOMEN'S HEALTH RISK STUDY, 1995-1998 (ICPSR 3002) were combined with community context data for each woman's residential neighborhood taken from the Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy (CAPS) evaluation, LONGITUDINAL EVALUATION OF CHICAGO'S COMMUNITY POLICING PROGRAM, 1993-2000 (ICPSR 3335). The unit of analysis for the study is the individual abused woman (not the neighborhood). The study takes the point of view of a woman standing at a street address and looking around her. The characteristics of the small geographical area immediately surrounding her residential address form the community context for that woman. Researchers chose the police beat as the best definition of a woman's neighborhood, because it is the smallest Chicago area for which reliable and complete data are available. The characteristics of the woman's police beat then became the community context for each woman. The beat, district, and community area of the woman's address are present. Neighborhood-level variables include voter turnout percentage, organizational involvement, percentage of households on public aid, percentage of housing that was vacant, percentage of housing units owned, percentage of feminine poverty households, assault rate, and drug crime rate. Individual-level demographic variables include the race, ethnicity, age, marital status, income, and level of education of the woman and the abuser. Other individual-level variables include the Social Support Network (SSN) scale, language the interview was conducted in, Harass score, Power and Control score, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) diagnosis, other data pertaining to the respondent's emotional and physical health, and changes over the past year. Also included are details about the woman's household, such as whether she was homeless, the number of people living in the household and details about each person, the number of her children or other children in the household, details of any of her children not living in her household, and any changes in the household structure over the past year. Help-seeking in the past year includes whether the woman had sought medical care, had contacted the police, or had sought help from an agency or counselor, and whether she had an order of protection. Several variables reflect whether the woman left or tried to leave the relationship in the past year. Finally, the dataset includes summary variables about violent incidents in the past year (severity, recency, and frequency), and in the follow-up period.

This poll is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Topics included President Bill Clinton's handling of issues such as foreign policy, the economy, crime, the Whitewater deal, unemployment, and gun control. Respondents were asked to rate the condition of the national economy and were queried as to whether they thought the unemployment rate was going up, down, or had stayed the same in the previous few months. Questions on the situation in the former Yugoslavia included whether the United States had a responsibility to do something about the fighting between the Serbs and the Bosnians. Focusing on health care reform, respondents were asked if they thought Congress would pass a health care plan before the end of the year, whether the health care reform plan Clinton proposed was fair to people like them, and, if the Clinton health care reform plan was adopted, whether they thought the quality of the health care they and their family received would improve. Background information on respondents includes voter registration status, household composition, vote choice in the 1992 presidential election, political party, political orientation, education, age, sex, race, religious preference, and family income.