As of September 2020, ** percent of U.S. Republican adults surveyed said that crime is a somewhat serious problem in the country. On the other hand, only *** percent of Republican respondents said that crime is not a problem at all.

These data examine the effects on total crime rates of changes in the demographic composition of the population and changes in criminality of specific age and race groups. The collection contains estimates from national data of annual age-by-race specific arrest rates and crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary over the 21-year period 1965-1985. The data address the following questions: (1) Are the crime rates reported by the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) data series valid indicators of national crime trends? (2) How much of the change between 1965 and 1985 in total crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary is attributable to changes in the age and race composition of the population, and how much is accounted for by changes in crime rates within age-by-race specific subgroups? (3) What are the effects of age and race on subgroup crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary? (4) What is the effect of time period on subgroup crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary? (5) What is the effect of birth cohort, particularly the effect of the very large (baby-boom) cohorts following World War II, on subgroup crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary? (6) What is the effect of interactions among age, race, time period, and cohort on subgroup crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary? (7) How do patterns of age-by-race specific crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary compare for different demographic subgroups? The variables in this study fall into four categories. The first category includes variables that define the race-age cohort of the unit of observation. The values of these variables are directly available from UCR and include year of observation (from 1965-1985), age group, and race. The second category of variables were computed using UCR data pertaining to the first category of variables. These are period, birth cohort of age group in each year, and average cohort size for each single age within each single group. The third category includes variables that describe the annual age-by-race specific arrest rates for the different crime types. These variables were estimated for race, age, group, crime type, and year using data directly available from UCR and population estimates from Census publications. The fourth category includes variables similar to the third group. Data for estimating these variables were derived from available UCR data on the total number of offenses known to the police and total arrests in combination with the age-by-race specific arrest rates for the different crime types.

This statistic shows the share of candidates with declared criminal cases in India in April 2019 according to political party affiliation. As seen from the graph, 52 percent of the candidates from YSR Congress Party had declared criminal cases against them, while the Telugu Desam party had 16 percent candidates with a criminal record during the measured time period.

Extensive research suggests that electoral competition and power alternations increase violence in weakly institutionalized democracies. Yet little is known about how political parties affect violence and security. We theorize that the type of party strengthened in elections shapes security outcomes and argue that the rise of programmatic parties, at the expense of clientelistic parties, can significantly reduce violence. In contexts of large-scale criminal violence, programmatic parties are less likely to establish alliances with coercive actors because they possess fewer incentives and greater coordination capacity. Focusing on Brazil, we use a regression discontinuity design that leverages the as-if random assignment of election winners across three rounds of mayoral races. We find that violent crime decreased in municipalities where programmatic parties won coin-flip elections, while it increased in those where clientelistic parties triumphed. Our findings suggest that whether electoral competition increases violence depends on the type of party that wins elections.

In 2023, the District of Columbia had the highest reported violent crime rate in the United States, with 1,150.9 violent crimes per 100,000 of the population. Maine had the lowest reported violent crime rate, with 102.5 offenses per 100,000 of the population. Life in the District The District of Columbia has seen a fluctuating population over the past few decades. Its population decreased throughout the 1990s, when its crime rate was at its peak, but has been steadily recovering since then. While unemployment in the District has also been falling, it still has had a high poverty rate in recent years. The gentrification of certain areas within Washington, D.C. over the past few years has made the contrast between rich and poor even greater and is also pushing crime out into the Maryland and Virginia suburbs around the District. Law enforcement in the U.S. Crime in the U.S. is trending downwards compared to years past, despite Americans feeling that crime is a problem in their country. In addition, the number of full-time law enforcement officers in the U.S. has increased recently, who, in keeping with the lower rate of crime, have also made fewer arrests than in years past.

Concern that immigration worsens crime problems is prevalent across Western publics. How does it shape electoral politics? Prior research asserted a growing left-right divide in immigration attitudes and voting behavior due to educational realignment. In contrast, I argue that leftist voters are more conservative on immigrant crime than leftist parties, which can drive highly-educated progressives (so-called `cosmopolitans') to right-wing parties. I demonstrate this voter-party mismatch using survey data from 14 Western European countries linked with expert ratings of party positions. A panel survey from Germany further shows that concern about immigrant crime increases vote intention for the center right among voters of the Greens – the party of leftist cosmopolitans. A conjoint experiment among German voters replicates this defection effect and shows that it persists even if the center right stigmatizes immigrants or adopts conservative socio-cultural issue positions. Repercussions of immigration can in fact drive leftist cosmopolitans to the right.

In 2023, the state with the highest crime rate in the United States per 100,000 inhabitants was New Mexico. That year, the crime rate was ******** crimes per 100,000 people. In comparison, New Hampshire had the lowest crime rate at ****** crimes per 100,000 people. Crime rate The crime rate in the United States has generally decreased over time. There are several factors attributed to the decrease in the crime rate across the United States. An increase in the number of police officers and an increase in income are some of the reasons for a decrease in the crime rate. Unfortunately, people of color have been disproportionately affected by crime rates, as they are more likely to be arrested for a crime versus a white person. Crime rates regionally The District of Columbia had the highest rate of reported violent crimes in the United States in 2023 per 100,000 inhabitants. The most common crime clearance type in metropolitan counties in the United States in 2020 was murder and non-negligent manslaughter. The second most dangerous city in the country in 2020 was Detroit. Detroit has faced severe levels of economic and demographic declines in the past years. Not only has the population decreased, the city has filed for bankruptcy. Despite the median household income increasing, the city still struggles financially.

Supplementary Empirical Teaching Units in Political Science (SETUPS) for American Politics are computer-related modules designed for use in teaching introductory courses in American government and politics. The modules are intended to demonstrate the process of examining evidence and reaching conclusions and to stimulate students to independent, critical thinking and a deeper understanding of substantive content. They enable students with no previous training to make use of the computer to analyze data on political behavior or to see the results of policy decisions by use of a simulation model. The SETUPS: AMERICAN POLITICS modules were developed by a group of political scientists with experience in teaching introductory American government courses who were brought together in a workshop supported by a grant from the National Science Foundation in the summer of 1974. The American Political Science Association administered the grant, and the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research was host to the workshop and provided data for most of the SETUPS. The modules were tested and evaluated during the 1974-1975 academic year by students and faculty in 155 classes at 69 universities and colleges. Appropriate revisions were made based upon this experience. This collection comprises 15 separate modules: (1) Political Socialization Across the Generations, (2) Political Participation, (3) Voting Behavior, The 1980 Election, (4) Elections and the Mass Media, (5) The Supreme Court in American Politics, Court Decisions, (6) The Supreme Court in American Politics, Police Interrogations, (7) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, State Expenditures, (8) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, SIMSTATE Simulation, (9) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, SIMSTATE II Simulation, (10) Fear of Crime, (11) Presidential Popularity in America, Presidential Popularity, (12) Presidential Popularity in America, Advanced Analyses, (13) Campaign '80, The Public and the Presidential Selection Process, (14) Voting Behavior, The 1976 Election, and (15) Policy Responsiveness and Fiscal Strain in 51 American Communities. Parts 8 and 9 are FORTRAN IV program SIMSTATE sourcedecks intended to simulate the interaction of state policies. Variables in the various modules provide information on respondents' level of political involvement and knowledge of political issues, general political attitudes and beliefs, news media exposure and usage, voting behavior (Parts 1, 2, and 3), and sectional biases (15). Other items provide information on respondents' views of government, politics, Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter as presidents, best form of government, government spending (Part 3), local police, the Supreme Court (Parts 4 and 15), the economy, and domestic and foreign affairs. Additional items probed respondents' opinions of prayer in school, abortion, the Equal Rights Amendment Law, nuclear energy, and the most important national problem and the political party most suitable to handle it (Part 3). Also included are items on votes of Supreme Court judges (Part 5), arrest of criminal suspects and their treatment by law enforcement agencies (Part 6), federal government expenditures and budgeting (Part 7), respondents' feelings of safety at home, neighborhood crime rate, frequency of various kinds of criminal victimization, the personal characteristics of the targets of those crimes (Part 10), respondents' opinions of and choice of party presidential candidates nominees (Part 13), voter turnout for city elections (15), urban unrest, and population growth rate. Demographic items specify age, sex, race, marital status, education, occupation, income, social class identification, religion, political party affiliation, and union membership.

Since 2015, far right parties drawing heavily on radical anti-refugee rhetoric gained electoral support in Germany while the number of political hate crimes targeting refugees rose. Both phenomena – far right electoral support and prevalence of right-wing hate crimes – have theoretically and empirically been linked with socio-structural and contextual variables. However, systematic empirical research on these links is scattered and scarce at best. We combine official statistics on political hate crimes targeting refugees in Germany and far right electoral support of the far right party “Alternative für Deutschland” (AfD) in the German national elections 2017 with socio-structural variables (proportion of foreigners and unemployment rate) and survey data collected in a representative survey (N = 1,506) in 2016. We aggregate and combine data for all German municipalities except Berlin which were the level of analysis for the current study. In path analyses, we find socio-structural variables to be unrelated with each other but significantly correlated with both criterion variables in a systematic fashion: proportion of foreigners was negatively while unemployment rate was positively linked with far right electoral support. Right-wing crime was linked positively with unemployment rate across Germany and positively with proportion of foreigners only in East Germany while proportion of foreigners was unrelated to right-wing crime in West Germany. When including survey measures into the model, they were linked with socio-structural variables in the predicted fashion – intergroup contact correlated positively with proportion of foreigners, collective deprivation correlated positively with unemployment rates, and both predicted extreme right-wing attitudes. However, their contribution to the explained variance in outcome variables above and beyond socio-structural variables was neglectable. We argue that both far right-wing electoral support and right-wing hate crime can be conceptualized as behavioral forms of political extremism shaped through socio-structural and contextual factors and discuss implications for preventing political extremism.

In 2023, around 3,640.56 violent crimes per 100,000 residents were reported in Oakland, California. This made Oakland the most dangerous city in the United States in that year. Four categories of violent crimes were used: murder and non-negligent manslaughter; forcible rape; robbery; and aggravated assault. Only cities with a population of at least 200,000 were considered.

Abstract (en): This study aimed to understand the extent to which punishment is influenced by the larger social context in which it occurs by examining both the main and conditioning influence of community context on individual sentences. The primary research questions for this study were (1) Does community context affect sentencing outcomes for criminal defendants net of the influence of defendant and case characteristics? and (2) Does community context condition the influences of defendant age, race, and sex on sentencing outcomes? Data from the 1998 State Court Processing Statistics (SCPS) were merged with a unique county-level dataset that provided information on the characteristics of the counties in which defendants were adjudicated. County-level data included unemployment, crime rates, sex ratio, age structure, religious group affiliation, and political orientation. This study aimed to understand the extent to which punishment is influenced by the larger social context in which it occurs by examining both the main and conditioning influence of community context on individual sentences. By examining community variation in criminal sentences, this study contributed to the knowledge of how formal social control (i.e., the criminal justice system) operates and is embedded within and shaped by local social context. The primary research questions for this study were (1) Does community context affect sentencing outcomes for criminal defendants net of the influence of defendant and case characteristics? (2) Does community context condition the influences of defendant age, race, and sex on sentencing outcomes? This study examined the influence of community context on several individual-level sentencing outcomes using data from the 1998 State Court Processing Statistics (SCPS) and a unique county-level dataset that provided information on the characteristics of counties in which the defendants were adjudicated. The SCPS provided detailed legal and extralegal data on felony defendants and their cases from 39 large urban counties across 17 states. These data were merged with a county-level dataset created specifically for this project. The county-level data provided detailed information on key community characteristics, such as the unemployment rate, crime rates, region, racial composition, sex ratio, age structure, political orientation, religious affiliation, and sentencing structures. County-level indicators of unemployment rates, racial composition, age structure, sex ratio, and geographic location were collected from the County and City Data Books (2000) and the Census Bureau Summary Tape Files (2000). County-level crime rates were gathered from the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) for the year preceding the felony case filings (1997). Information on religious group affiliation at the county-level was obtained from the United States Census of Churches (1997). County-level indicators of political orientation were collected from the American National Election Study (1996). Finally, indicators of type of sentencing structure and guidelines at the county-level were gathered from the United States Department of Justice National Survey of State Sentencing Structures (1998). The merged data were used to assess the main and conditioning effects of several community conditions on the nature and severity of sentences received by individual defendants. Sentencing outcomes were measured by (1) the incarceration decision, (2) the nature of the specific sentence, and (3) the length of confinement term received. Since the SCPS data used for this study were obtained from STATE COURT PROCESSING STATISTICS, 1990, 1992, 1994, 1996, AND 1998: FELONY DEFENDANTS IN LARGE URBAN COUNTIES (ICPSR 2038), this data collection only contains the county-level data that were collected to measure community characteristics. Variables include state and county FIPS codes, percent unemployed, number of males per females, percent 65 years and older, violent crimes per 100,000 residents, sentencing structure, whether the county was located in the South, percent that voted Republican in the 1992 presidential election, percent Protestant, and percent Black. ICPSR data undergo a confidentiality review and are altered when necessary to limit the risk of disclosure. ICPSR also routinely creates ready-to-go data files along with setups in the major statistical software formats as well as standard codebooks to accompany the data. In ...

• Opinion that I would give to a foreign friend about the degree of compliance with the laws by the Spaniards.
• Knowledge of the institution that makes the laws in Spain.
• Evaluation of the criminalization of crime in Spain.
• Responsibility of the different social agents in the punishment of offenders.
• Equality of laws.
• Social groups favored by the laws.
• Assessment of the appropriate punishments for each type of crime. Opinion on whether the penalties established for crimes by our Penal Code are rather soft or rather harsh.
• Degree of agreement with sentences on law enforcement and crime.
• Opinion on who the criminal laws apply to in Spain.
• Opinion on equal treatment in the application of criminal laws in Spain.
• Image you have of the current figure of the judge in Spain.
• Image that most people have of the figure of the judge, currently, in our country.
• Definition that you would most like to characterize the Spanish judge.
• Degree of trust in the judge.
• Agreement with the impartiality of Spanish judges in lawsuits. Opinion on whether a woman is in better or worse condition than a man to be a judge.
• Personal preference for being judged by a man or a woman.
• Degree according to different sentences on the functioning of justice.
• Degree according to phrases about attitudes to justice.
• Attitude you would adopt in the event of having a conflict with another person.
• Attitude that it would adopt if justice were faster. Attitude I would adopt if lawsuits were cheaper.
• Degree of independence of the Spanish courts of justice.
• Evolution of judicial independence since the socialists rule.
• Assessment of the current functioning of the courts of justice in Spain.
• Retrospective assessment of the functioning of the courts of justice (4-5 years).
• Prospective assessment of the functioning of the courts following the reform of the administration of justice.
• Assessment scale (1-10) of the functioning of different courts in Spain.
• Opinion on the sufficiency of means in the Administration of Justice.
• What are the insufficient resources in the administration of justice.
• Assessment of the functioning of the administration of justice in Spain.
• Assessment of the functioning of the administration of justice in Spain compared to 1982.
• Prospective assessment of the functioning of the administration of justice in Spain (2 or 3 years).
• Approval of central government policy on the administration of justice. Opinion on whether the people who are at the head of the Ministry of Justice are prepared and know what they are up to.
• Opinion on the administration by the Government of money dedicated to the Administration of Justice.
• Opinion on the sufficiency of financial means that the State dedicates to the Administration of Justice.
• Attitude before the introduction of the jury trial in Spain.
• Personal preference by judge or jury, to give sentence, in the case of being accused in a criminal trial.
• More democratic system for determining guilt or innocence, judges or jury. Opinion on whether the jury would be fairer than the judges, more or less equal or less fair than the judges. Opinion on the greater benevolence of a jury in front of judges.
• Phrase with which he agrees most about whether judges or juries are the fairest in their decisions.
• Personal attitude towards being part of a jury in a trial.
• Predisposition to be part of a jury.
• Participation or testimony in a trial or lawsuit of the person interviewed.
• Assessment of the current situation of Spanish prisons.
• Opinion on the benevolence in the treatment of prisoners.
• Degree according to different opinions about Spanish prisons.
• Positioning against the death penalty. Offences for which he believes the application of the death penalty is appropriate. Knowledge of conscientious objection.
• Degree according to different phrases on conscientious objection.
• Degree according to different phrases about conscientious objectors.
• Opinion on the duration of alternative civilian service to military service (conscientious objection).
• More important services where conscientious objectors can perform their substitute activities (2).
• Ideological self-location scale (1-10).
• Level of household income.
• Frequency of attendance at religious services.
• Intention to vote in alleged general elections.
• Political party for which you feel the most sympathy in the general election.
• Voting memory in the 1986 general election.

Assessing electoral change in the Netherlands.Political interest and communication / most important national problems / party adherence / party membership / government policy satisfaction / voting intention Second Chamber 1994 / general attitude towards (not) voting / perception of poll results / political issues: euthanasia, asylum seekers, European Union, ethnic minorities, perception of main parties standpoint, own stand / political knowledge / membership of the European Union / left-right self-rating / previous voting behaviour / sympathy scores for political parties and politicians / political knowledge: recognition of politician portraits, largest party, composition of coalition / coalition preference before election / social and political goals / conditions for Dutch nationality, the multicultural society / composition of household / household income / background characteristics: respondent: date of birth, marital status / background characteristics respondent and partner: education, occupational status, reasons for not working, occupation, number of employees, number of working hours / former occupation / willingness to work in regular job / religious denomination, attendance of religious services / denomination raised in / respondent: political discussions and party preference of parents when respondent was aged 10-16 / social class self image / head of household: education, occupation, number of working hours, number of employees, reason for not working / parents: education, occupation, number of working hours, number of employees, reason for not working / interest and activities in campaign / voting behaviour Second Chamber 1998, coalition preference after elections / (post-)materialist values / importance of political issues: income differences, integration of ethnic minorities, nuclear plants, heavy traffic on highways, environmental pollution, unemployment, euthanasia, European Union, financial deficit of the state, level social benefits, securing good provision for old age, misusing social benefits, asylum seekers, crime, health care / perception importance of various issues to political parties: unemployment, environment, fighting crime, refugees, health care / social participation / perception standpoint political parties: level of social benefits, nuclear plants / satisfaction with Dutch democracy: fairness of elections, role of political parties, members of parliament / satisfaction with Dutch economy / regional representativeness of the parliament / right to vote for immigrants / best candidate for prime minister / left-right rating of political parties / external and internal political efficacy / political cynicism / social isolation / acceptance of political decisions / vote probability: other party / civic competence and civic political participation / religion in politics: pillarization / social-class self image / nationalism, patriotism, importance of disobedience, self-control, national anthem and flag, attitude to foreigners / self administered questionnaire: description of three persons who are most close to respondent (partner excluded): political discussions with them, their political stand / contacts with other persons / trust in institutions: churches, army, judges, press, police, parliament, administration, big companies, European Union, NATO / media consumption: watching news and entertainment tv programs, listening to radio channels, reading newspapers, magazines / political TV commercials / Internet / approached by political party / political interest, reading (inter)national news / convincing others to vote for party.The data- and documentation files of this dataset can be downloaded via the option Data Files.

This special topic poll, fielded February 16-22, 2000, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and a range of other political and social issues. The focus of this data collection was on the upcoming presidential and New York State senatorial campaigns. Residents of New York State were asked to give their opinions of President Bill Clinton, New York governor George Pataki, Vice President Al Gore, Texas governor George W. Bush, former New Jersey senator Bill Bradley, Arizona senator John McCain, First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton, New York City mayor Rudolph Giuliani, and civil rights activist Al Sharpton. Respondents were then asked a series of questions on a hypothetical senatorial contest between Democrat Hillary Rodham Clinton and Republican Rudolph Giuliani. Respondents were queried as to whether they were paying attention to the upcoming race, whether they were likely to vote and, if so, which candidate they were leaning toward, or if they preferred another candidate to run. Respondents were asked to compare Clinton and Giuliani in terms of whether they cared about the needs and problems of people like them, would represent their interests, would be better at reforming the health care system, would improve education and reduce crime, would get along with other members of the Senate, would protect access to legal abortions, had the right kind of experience, honesty, and integrity, and would vote as respondents would like on potential Supreme Court nominations. Respondents were asked to assess Rudolph Giuliani's job as mayor, including his handling of crime, education, race relations, and economic development, and Hillary Rodham Clinton's role as First Lady, and whether she could represent New York State effectively without having lived in New York State for very long. Regarding the presidential election, respondents were asked if they were paying attention to the campaign, whether they were registered with a party, whether they intended to vote in the upcoming New York State primary and, if so, for whom. Respondents were also queried regarding whether they believed campaign contributions influenced candidates, and whether contributions affected the honesty and trust of candidates. On a separate matter, respondents with school-aged children were asked whether they felt comfortable in letting their children engage in various activities without an accompanying adult, such as riding the subway, going outside after dark, crossing the street or going to a nearby store, sleeping over at another child's house, or going to a movie with friends. Parents were also asked whether their children traveled to school by themselves, dated, and had a recognized curfew hour. Other questions asked of respondents covered preferred uses of a projected federal budget surplus, views on access to abortion services, and the posting of the Ten Commandments in public schools. Background information on respondents includes age, sex, race, education, religion, voter registration and participation history, political party, political orientation, Hispanic descent, marital status, age of children in household, and family income.

The German Victimization Survey is a dark field survey conducted on behalf of the Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) with the aim of collecting comprehensive information on the topics of fear of crime, victim experiences and reporting behaviour in the Federal Republic of Germany. Other focal points of the survey were fraud offences with EC and credit cards or on the Internet as well as crime-related attitudes. The study, designed as a cross-sectional survey, was first conducted in 2012 and repeated in 2017 with a slightly modified survey instrument. A representative sample of the German population aged 16 and over was interviewed in computer-assisted telephone interviews (CATI). In both surveys, the interviews were conducted in German, Turkish and Russian.

The cumulative dataset presented here contains the complete data of both surveys and thus enables the measurement of changes between 2012 and 2017.

Topics: 1. Number of household members aged 16 and over (fixed-network sample/total sample); household size; household type; age; age group; life satisfaction, trust; self-assessment of health status; general personal trust; institutional trust (federal government, courts, police, political parties, Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA), public prosecutor´s office).

1. Crime-related attitudes: Contact with police in the last 12 months; reason for police contact (reporting a crime, stopped on the street, questioned as a witness, accident, as a suspect, professional contact, given information or advice to get help or advice, other reason); satisfaction with treatment by police at last contact; reasons for dissatisfaction with last police contact (e.g. did not come quickly enough, not helpful enough or not at all, prejudice, etc.). ); reputation of the police among people in the personal environment (image); negative experiences with the police in the last 12 months in the personal environment; assessment of the work of the local police in fighting crime; equal treatment of rich and poor people by the local police when reporting a crime; frequency of disproportionate violence by the local police; assessment of one´s own economic situation; concerns about the deterioration of one´s own standard of living; agreement with the statement: enough people in the personal environment who take me as I am.

Additional questions on justice: frequency of fair and impartial decisions by the courts; equal treatment of rich and poor people in court; frequency of wrong decisions by courts (guilty people not convicted, innocent people convicted); contact with a court in the last five years about a criminal case; time of last contact with a court about a criminal case; own role in last participation in a criminal case; satisfaction with the outcome of the case.

1. Attitudes towards punishment: Importance of different purposes in imposing punishment (deterring offenders from committing further crimes, helping offenders to lead a crime-free life, making offenders pay for their crime, making offenders pay for the harm they have done, increasing the public´s awareness of the law, protecting society from offenders);

Vignette experiment: attitudes towards punishment based on different case studies for different offences (bodily harm, theft, damage to property, fraud, robbery) with regard to appropriate response options of the state, custodial sentence with or without probation, duration of custodial sentence in years/months and most appropriate conditions.

1. Attitudes towards immigration: immigration good or bad for the German economy, cultural life in Germany undermined or enriched by immigrants; Germany made a better or worse place to live by immigrants.

2. Media use: average weekly use of (internet) TV, (internet) radio, internet edition of a newspaper, printed newspaper, internet (excluding TV, radio, newspaper use); interest in different types of TV programmes (news, political magazines, other magazines, reports, documentaries, TV shows, quiz programmes, sports programmes, crime films, feature films, entertainment series, comedy programmes); reasons for TV consumption.

3. Social psychological perspectives and attitudes: Attitudes towards life and the future based on various statements (how my life turns out depends on myself, what one achieves in life is primarily a matter of fate or luck, success has to be worked hard for, when I encounter difficulties in life I often doubt my abilities, more important than all the efforts are the ...

This special topic poll, fielded October 21-25, 1998, queried residents of New York State on a range of political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President Bill Clinton, New York State Governor George Pataki, Democratic gubernatorial candidate Peter Vallone, Liberal Party gubernatorial candidate Betsy McCaughey Ross, Independent Party gubernatorial candidate Thomas Golisano, New York State Senator Alfonse D'Amato, Democratic senatorial candidate Charles Schumer, and the United States Congress. Predictions were sought on the outcomes of the upcoming November 1998 New York gubernatorial and senatorial elections. Respondents were asked who they supported in the state comptroller race between Democrat H. Carl McCall and Republican Bruce Blakeman, and in the state attorney general race between Democrat Eliot Spitzer and Republican Dennis Vacco. Respondents' opinions were sought on a variety of issues, including a ban on the sale of handguns, the New York State economy, and abortion. Given the choice between D'Amato and Schumer, respondents were asked which candidate best represented their views on honesty, abortion, crime, and political orientation. Respondents were also asked to rate the strength of their support for their senatorial candidate, to assess whether the candidates had spent more of their campaign resources outlining their platforms or attacking their challengers, and to comment on how Schumer's record for missing votes affected their voting decision, whether D'Amato had been in office too long, the accuracy of the televised campaign ads, and whom they would rather have in the Senate to vote on a possible Clinton impeachment trial. Given the choice between Vallone and Pataki, respondents were asked which candidate best represented their views, integrity, and political orientation. Respondents were also asked to describe the impact that Vallone's ads in defense of Clinton had had on their electoral decision-making. In addition, respondents were asked to compare the 1992 senatorial race between D'Amato and Democratic challenger Robert Abrams to the 1998 senatorial race in terms of negative campaigning. Those queried were asked for their opinions on Clinton's relationship with former White House intern Monica Lewinsky, and whether Clinton should be censured or impeached, whether he should resign, or whether the United States Congress should drop the matter entirely. Background information on respondents includes age, race, sex, education, religion, political party, political orientation, voter registration and participation history, marital status, family income, financial situation, and computer and Internet access.

The Justice of Land in a Land of Injustice study was conducted in South Africa. This study examined the lingering effects of Apartheid, with a focus on land distribution. Respondents were asked about their media usage, their interest in politics, whether they discussed politics with others, the general economic situation in South Africa, and their family's standard of living. They were then asked about their relationships with other people, including whether they got along with those with differing opinions, viewpoints, and values. Respondents were also asked about property rights. Questions included whether the land rights of the wealthy should be reduced, if community rights were more important than individual rights, if only property owners should be allowed to vote, if people had a right to land they had lived on for a long time despite not owning it, whether people should receive compensation if their land should be taken away for land reform, the possible consequences of taking away land rights, if land should be taken away from certain groups only, or whether all land right claims should be denied. Respondents were queried about civil rights and freedoms. Questions included how important rights such as free speech, the right to protest, and the right to land ownership were to them. They were also asked whether it was acceptable for the police to search houses without permission in order to fight crime and if sometimes it would be necessary to ignore the law to solve problems. Respondents were then asked to list the groups they do and do not identify with, and how they felt about being a member of a group. They were asked to self-categorize into groups and then queried about their interactions and relations with other groups. They were asked how much contact they had with other groups and how many of their "true" friends were members of different groups. Respondents were also asked how well they understood the customs of other groups, if they were uncomfortable being around or sharing the same political party with a group, and if South Africa would be better off if other groups were not present. Next, respondents were asked about Apartheid. Questions included how many Black people were harmed by Apartheid, if large companies both inside and outside of South Africa were to blame for the harm done, and whether these companies should be forced to pay for the harm they caused under Apartheid. Additionally, they were queried about their life under Apartheid compared to their current life, including past experiences such as having to use a pass to move around, and being assaulted by the police. Respondents were also asked about their knowledge of government organizations including the South African Constitutional Court and Parliament, and their satisfaction with these organizations. They were then asked how important certain issues were to them such as drugs, unemployment, and racial reconciliation. Additionally, they were asked about the election of leaders, and whether multi-party elections were effective ways to choose those leaders. Respondents were also asked about the goods they owned and their financial assets. The survey also included several vignettes with scenarios of land disputes, which were read to the respondents. They were then asked their opinions of the possible outcomes of these vignettes. Demographic information included age, year of birth, highest education level completed, language spoken mostly at home, attendance at places of religious worship, religion, employment status, household composition, how long they have lived in their current community, whether that community had a Traditional Leader, ownership of goods, membership in organizations, whether someone close has died of AIDS, has AIDS, or are HIV positive, and province, size, and metropolitan area of residence. Finally, interviewer attributes and observations are included.

A hand-labeled training (50,000 tweets labeled twice) and evaluation set (10,000 tweets labeled twice) for hate speech on Slovenian Twitter. The data files contain tweet IDs, hate speech type, hate speech target, and annotator ID. For obtaining the full text of the dataset, please contact the first author.

Hate speech type:

1. Appropriate - has no target

2. Inappropriate (contains terms that are obscene, vulgar; but the text is not directed at any person specifically) - has no target

3. Offensive (including offensive generalization, contempt, dehumanization, indirect offensive remarks)

4. Violent (author threatens, indulges, desires, or calls for physical violence against a target; it also includes calling for, denying, or glorifying war crimes and crimes against humanity)

Hate speech target:

1. Racism (intolerance based on nationality, ethnicity, language, towards foreigners; and based on race, skin color)

2. Migrants (intolerance of refugees or migrants, offensive generalization, call for their exclusion, restriction of rights, non-acceptance, denial of assistance…)

3. Islamophobia (intolerance towards Muslims)

4. Antisemitism (intolerance of Jews; also includes conspiracy theories, Holocaust denial or glorification, offensive stereotypes…)

5. Religion (other than above)

6. Homophobia (intolerance based on sexual orientation and / or identity, calls for restrictions on the rights of LGBTQ persons

7. Sexism (offensive gender-based generalization, misogynistic insults, unjustified gender discrimination)

8. Ideology (intolerance based on political affiliation, political belief, ideology… e.g. “communists”, “leftists”, “home defenders”, “socialists”, “activists for…”)

9. Media (journalists and media, also includes allegations of unprofessional reporting, false news, bias)

10. Politics (intolerance towards individual politicians, authorities, system, political parties)

11. Individual (intolerance toward any other individual due to individual characteristics; like commentator, neighbor, acquaintance )

12. Other (intolerance towards members of other groups due to belonging to this group; write in the blank column on the right which group it is)

Training dataset

The training set is sampled from data collected between December 2017 and February 2020. The sampling was intentionally biased to contain as much hate speech as possible. A simple model was used to flag potential hate speech content and additionally, filtering by users and by tweet length (number of characters) was applied. 50,000 tweets were selected for annotation.

Evaluation dataset

The evaluation set is sampled from data collected between February 2020 and August 2020. Contrary to the training set, the evaluation set is an unbiased random sample. Since the evaluation set is from a later period compared to the training set, the possibility of data linkage is minimized. Furthermore, the estimates of model performance made on the evaluation set are realistic, or even pessimistic, since the evaluation set is characterized by a new topic: Covid-19. 10,000 tweets were selected for the evaluation set.

Annotation results

Each tweet was annotated twice: In 90% of the cases by two different annotators and in 10% of the cases by the same annotator. Special attention was devoted to evening out the overlap between annotators to get agreement estimates on equally sized sets.

Ten annotators were engaged for our annotation campaign. They were given annotation guidelines, a training session, and a test on a small set to evaluate their understanding of the task and their commitment before starting the annotation procedure. Annotator agreement in terms of Krippendorff Alpha is around 0.6. Annotation agreement scores are detailed in the accompanying report files for each dataset separately.

The annotation process lasted four months, and it required about 1,200 person-hours for the ten annotators to complete the task.

From 1920 until 1933, there was a nationwide, constitutional ban on the production, distribution and sale of alcohol in the United States (consumption, however, was not illegal). After a significant Prohibition movement that had lasted for almost a century, the US government voted on the issue in 1917. The results show that the topic was not a partisan issue, as Republicans and Democrats voted very similarly in the Senate, and almost identically in the House of Representatives (additionally, the candidates in the 1916 Presidential election made no mention of prohibition, to avoid alienating any voters). The topic had split the country for decades, however the impact of the First World War swung the momentum in favor of the 'drys', and Prohibition took effect in 1922.

Alcohol and US politics

Although the sale and consumption of alcohol had been a contentious issue throughout US history, the prohibition movement did not gain notable momentum and political influence (including the formation of a political party) until the nineteenth century. The movement itself was spearheaded by the conservative WASP (White Anglo-Saxon Protestant) elite, who believed that alcohol was having an immoral and corrupting influence on American society and politics. They also believed that, at local levels, politicians were undermining the structure and status quo of US society, by frequenting bars and saloons that were popular with migrants, in order to buy their support. This practice had become a US tradition; for two centuries, politicians had been providing alcohol at polling stations on election days in order to maximize voter turnout. One famous example of this was when George Washington spent his entire 1758 election budget of fifty pounds on liquor, which he distributed for free to 391 voters (Washington won with 310 out of 794 votes).

WWI brings change

The Prohibition Party (the US' oldest existing third party) eventually achieved their goal of illegalizing the sale of alcohol during the First World War. The majority of German-Americans were against Prohibition, and the 'drys' used anti-German sentiment during wartime to turn the rest of America against the 'wets', along with the argument that crops would better serve the war effort. The 18th Amendment was ratified in January 1919, and came into effect one year later. Prohibition's legacy is one of crime, violence and death. It opened opportunities for criminals (such as Al Capone) to create international crime empires. In addition to this, those who could not afford bootlegged alcohol often resorted to drinking treated, industrial alcohol, which proved to be fatal for thousands of US citizens (the US government also poisoned industrial alcohol as a preventative measure, contributing to the death toll). Prohibition was originally intended to save lives, but eventually took the lives of thousands through gang warfare and poisoning.

Abstract (en): This special topic poll, fielded March 8-14, 1999, queried residents of New York State on a range of political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President Bill Clinton, New York State Governor George Pataki, New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani, First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton, and political activist Al Sharpton. Respondents were queried about a hypothetical contest between Hillary Rodham Clinton and Rudolph Giuliani for the open New York senatorial seat in the year 2000. Topics covered whether Clinton and Giuliani should each run for the seat, respondents' preference in such a contest, and respondents' political party affiliation and orientation. Specifically, respondents were asked whether each potential candidate cared about people like the respondent and about people in New York City, the city suburbs, and upper New York State, and whether each potential candidate had the right kind of experience for the job and was capable of getting things done for New York. Opinions were also elicited on whether Mrs. Clinton had the legislative skills necessary for the job and whether she was identifiable as a New Yorker, and whether Mr. Giuliani had the right personality for the job and was appropriately identifiable as a Republican. Questions on a wide range of quality of life issues in New York City were also posed. Specifically, respondents were asked for their current assessment of crime, public education, the proposed use of school vouchers, and the state of race relations in the city. Queries were made as to how to deal with intoxicated drivers and scofflaw dog owners, and the ramifications of various suggested punishments. Views were also sought on the media's portrayal of New York City, and special attention was given to respondents' assessments of the Giuliani administration and its policies. Opinions were sought on police residency requirements, the need for racial diversity in police ranks, alleged police brutality, and perceived differences in police treatment afforded to different races. A series of questions addressed the February 4, 1999, shooting of New York City resident Amadou Diallo by New York City police officers. Topics covered respondents' awareness of and reaction to that case, and opinions regarding the police department, Mayor Giuliani, and Al Sharpton in the context of that case. Background information on respondents includes age, race, sex, religion, marital status, political party, political orientation, whether the respondent had ever been a victim of a crime in New York City, whether the respondent had a friend or relative working in the New York City Police Department, motor vehicle ownership, history of driving while intoxicated, dog ownership, age of children in household, type of school attended by children, voter participation history, and family income. ICPSR data undergo a confidentiality review and are altered when necessary to limit the risk of disclosure. ICPSR also routinely creates ready-to-go data files along with setups in the major statistical software formats as well as standard codebooks to accompany the data. In addition to these procedures, ICPSR performed the following processing steps for this data collection: Created variable labels and/or value labels.. 2011-05-09 SAS, SPSS, and Stata setups have been added to this data collection. (1) This collection has not been processed by ICPSR staff. ICPSR is distributing the data and documentation for this collection in essentially the same form in which they were received. When appropriate, hardcopy documentation has been converted to machine-readable form and variables have been recoded to ensure respondents' anonymity. (2) The codebook is provided as a Portable Document Format (PDF) file. The PDF file format was developed by Adobe Systems Incorporated and can be accessed using PDF reader software, such as the Adobe Acrobat Reader. Information on how to obtain a copy of the Acrobat Reader is provided through the ICPSR Website on the Internet.