In 2024, the homicide rate in Trinidad and Tobago stood at around 45.7 homicide victims per 100,000 population. The murder levels increased 8.1 points compared to a year earlier, when 37.6 homicides were registered per 100,000 inhabitants. In Latin America and the Caribbean, Trinidad and Tobago had one of the highest homicide rates that year.

Robberies have been the most common property crime reported in Trinidad and Tobago since 2019. At least 2,399 robbery cases were registered in 2024, down from 2,613 the year earlier. Overall, property crimes in Trinidad and Tobago have registered a considerable decrease between 2019 and 2021, just to go up again in 2022. More figures about crime in Caribbean countries can be found in this report.

Historical dataset showing Trinidad and Tobago crime rate per 100K population by year from 2000 to 2021.

Except for 2020, homicide levels had been growing in this Caribbean country at least since 2014. The homicide rate in Trinidad and Tobago also improved in 2020. In 2024, the numbers of murders drop again and a total of 625 occurrences were registered in the country.

In 2024, the highest homicide rate among 22 Latin American and Caribbean countries surveyed was in Haiti, with around 62 murders committed per 100,000 inhabitants. Trinidad and Tobago came in second, with a homicide rate of 46, while Honduras ranked seventh, with 25. In the same year, the lowest rate was recorded in El Salvador, with a homicide rate of 1.9 per 100,000 inhabitants. A violence-ridden region Violence and crime are some of the most pressing problems affecting Latin American society nowadays. More than 40 of the 50 most dangerous cities in the world are located in this region, as well as one of the twenty countries with the least peace in the world according to the Global Peace Index. Despite governments’ large spending on security and high imprisonment rates, drug and weapon trafficking, organized crime, and gangs have turned violence into an epidemic that affects the whole region and a solution to this issue appears to be hardly attainable. The cost of violence in Mexico Mexico stands out as an example of the great cost that violence inflicts upon a country, since beyond claiming human lives, it also affects everyday life and has a negative impact on the economy. Mexicans have a high perceived level of insecurity, as they do not only fear becoming victims of homicide, but also of other common crimes, such as assault or rape. Such fear prevents people from performing everyday activities, for instance, going out at night, taking a taxi or going to the movies or the theater. Furthermore, the economic toll of violence in Mexico is more than considerable. For example, the cost of homicide and violent crime amounted to 2099.8 and 1778.1 billion Mexican pesos in 2023, respectively.

13.2 (cases per 100,000 population) in 2015. “Rape” means sexual intercourse without valid consent. (UN-CTS M3.4)

In 2024, 102 murders were committed in Trinidad and Tobago's capital, Port of Spain. The number of homicides registered in the city remained relatively constant between 2016 and 2018.

Turks and Caicos Islands saw a murder rate of ***** per 100,000 inhabitants, making it the most dangerous country for this kind of crime worldwide as of 2024. Interestingly, El Salvador, which long had the highest global homicide rates, has dropped out of the top 29 after a high number of gang members have been incarcerated. Meanwhile, Colima in Mexico was the most dangerous city for murders. Violent conflicts worldwide Notably, these figures do not include deaths that resulted from war or a violent conflict. While there is a persistent number of conflicts worldwide, resulting casualties are not considered murders. Partially due to this reason, homicide rates in Latin America are higher than those in Afghanistan or Syria. A different definition of murder in these circumstances could change the rate significantly in some countries. Causes of death Also, noteworthy is that murders are usually not random events. In the United States, the circumstances of murders are most commonly arguments, followed by narcotics incidents and robberies. Additionally, murders are not a leading cause of death. Heart diseases, strokes and cancer pose a greater threat to life than violent crime.

This study examines gangs and criminal organizations and the involvement of at-risk youth in the Eastern and Southern Caribbean (ESC) region. Data was collected in Trinidad and Tobago, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, and St. Kitts and Nevis. Two survey datasets are attached in this asset: School Youth in forms 4 and 5 (the equivalent of 10th and 11th grade in the United States) in all three countries, and Detained Youth in Trinidad and Tobago and St. Vincent and the Grenadines.

This file contains data at the individual level for people older than 16 years old for the LAPOP survey implemented during 2014 in Trinidad and Tobago. A new module on victimization and crime financed by the IDB is included in this survey's version. There are also attached technical information and questionnaires.

The data comprises of interview transcripts with young people, wider community members, and national experts on gangs, murder, gender based violence, security and drug trafficking in Port of Spain, Trinidad. The overarching research questions/objectives were: (1) To identify how transnational organized crime and drug-trafficking interfaces with vulnerable communities; how, through whom, when, and why? (2) To better understand the relationship between this upturn in violence and local masculine identities and men’s violence, including male-on-male murder, such as gang violence, and male-on-female/child SGBV. These aimed to explore the impact of transnational organised crime and drug-trafficking (TNOC) on poor urban communities in Port-of-Spain, Trinidad, which has seen crime and violence soar since the mid-1990s as the city became transhipment point in the illegal drugs trade. The research project studies the impact of transnational organised crime and drug-trafficking (TNOC) on poor urban communities in Port-of-Spain, Trinidad, which has seen crime and violence soar since the mid-1990s as the city became transhipment point in the illegal drugs trade. We address the impact of TNOC on vulnerable populations, culture and security by considering the 'transnational-to-community' impact of drug-trafficking. In particular we consider how TNOC contributes to a number of male residents becoming increasingly violent at a micro level as 92% of homicide victims are men: how do relatively benign 'corner kids' turn into violent gang members? In turn we ask, how can these communities work with young men to insulate themselves from the negative impact and violence generation of TNOC? This research uses masculinities as an interpretive lens and draws upon scholars across the disciplines of Peace Studies, Cultural Anthropology, and International Relations. The methodology is rooted in Trinidadian 'Spoken Word' traditions, and art and music, to grasp how male identity, culture, community violence and TNOC intersect. Before high levels of TNOC emerged, the region had relatively low levels of violent crime. However, this changed rapidly with the onset of cocaine trafficking in early 1990s across the Caribbean which dovetailed with the multiple clefts of colonial legacies, exclusion and poverty, worsened by the collapse of traditional agricultural exports, racial divisions and widespread institutional weaknesses. Violent death rates in cities in the region have grown to outstrip many warzones, whilst some of the highest rates of sexual and gender based violence (SGBV) in the world are found in the Caribbean. The answers to understanding violence must be sought at the interface between cocaine-driven TNOC and vulnerable communities, as poor residents have become disproportionately affected by violence. TNOC has weakened the rule of law, posing stiff challenges to already struggling institutions, whilst transforming local communities, hence the rather topical title of this research proposal 'Breaking Bad'. However, we still understand relatively little about the transformative processes between TNOC and community level violence. Furthermore, we understand little about how masculinities become violent in communities traversed by TNOC. It is at the intersection between TNOC, community, and masculinities, that the new violence of Port-of-Spain can be most productively understood. Certainly it is an area where we must strengthen policy and programming. Whilst there is no silver-bullet solution to violence in these cities, masculinities are clearly an important part of the solution and are almost completely overlooked. This research project strives to create pragmatic, evidence based recommendations to lead to concrete impact by promoting innovative, community-led and gender-based solutions for the populations that most suffer from violence, whilst serving to interrupt the negative impact that TNOC has on poor neighbourhoods. Qualitative methods were used based on semi-structured interviews; and the use of innovative Spoken Word workshops to discuss issues on gender, violence, gangs and drugs with young people. Spoken Word Workshops: These used culturally attuned spoken word (slam-poetry) techniques, as well as drawing and arts, and field trips, to encourage young people to engage creatively with the research questions on gender, violence, culture, and the roll of drugs, gangs, weapons and transnational organised crime, on poor neighbourhoods in the Port of Spain. Our researchers gleaned information from the informal discussions that took place during these sessions. During the workshops our researchers built rapport with the youth participants, five of whom were also interviewed one-on-one about these topics. A curriculum from the workshops was piloted and developed into an impact tool to be rolled out by out local partner. Interviews: One-on-one interviews deposited here include those with five young people (18-25) who come from poor, gang afflicted communities in the Port of Spain who took part in the Spoken Word workshops run during the project; twelve experts across multilateral organisations, NGOs, Community Organisations, Government Ministries, and national Military and Police Forces. These used a semi-structured approach (see Breaking Bad Topic and question guide for interviews). Focus Groups: These were held across different populations; two groups of five adult men and women within poor communities afflicted by gang violence; one with five youths from poor communities afflicted by gang violence; one with four security experts; and one with four members of the national security forces, both police and military.

Trinité-et-Tobago: Robberies per 100,000 people: Pour cet indicateur, The UN office on drugs and crime fournit des données pour la Trinité-et-Tobago de 2004 à 2015. La valeur moyenne pour Trinité-et-Tobago pendant cette période était de 327 robberies per 100,000 people avec un minimum de 182 robberies per 100,000 people en 2015 et un maximum de 462 robberies per 100,000 people en 2009.