In 2020, roughly 7.4 million inhabitants aged three or older spoke an indigenous language in Mexico. In the case of Afro-descendants or Afro-Mexicans, a total of 2.6 million people defined themselves as such.

Indigenous families in Mexico Mexico is one of the countries with the largest share of indigenous language speakers in Latin America. The number of indigenous households stood at 2.9 million in 2020. This figure includes all family units where at least one member or their ancestors declared speaking an indigenous language. Native ethnicities in Mexico generally endure higher and more severe poverty levels. Indigenous people are also in a more vulnerable socio-economic situation. For instance, more than 30 percent of the indigenous population in Mexico lagged in education, almost double the share of non-indigenous population.

Mexico's Afro-descendants Thanks to its millennia-long indigenous ancestry, Mexico is a multiethnic country that amasses one of the richest cultural heritages in the world. During colonial times, millions of slaves from the African continent were brought to Mexican territory. Their contribution to today's Mexican identity is sometimes overlooked. In 2020, around one million households in the country had at least one member who self-perceived as an Afro-descendant, or had ancestors with this ethnicity. Guerrero and Oaxaca are nowadays the states with the largest share of Afro-Mexicans.

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the Mexico town population by race and ethnicity. The dataset can be utilized to understand the racial distribution of Mexico town.

Content

The dataset will have the following datasets when applicable

Please note that in case when either of Hispanic or Non-Hispanic population doesnt exist, the respective dataset will not be available (as there will not be a population subset applicable for the same)

• Mexico Town, New York Population Breakdown by Race
• Mexico Town, New York Non-Hispanic Population Breakdown by Race
• Mexico Town, New York Hispanic or Latino Population Distribution by Their Ancestries

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

We examined the relationship between continental-level genetic ancestry and racial and ethnic identity in an admixed population in New Mexico with the goal of increasing our understanding of how racial and ethnic identity influence genetic substructure in admixed populations. Our sample consists of 98 New Mexicans who self-identified as Hispanic or Latino (NM-HL) and who further categorized themselves by race and ethnic subgroup membership. The genetic data consist of 270 newly-published autosomal microsatellites from the NM-HL sample and previously published data from 57 globally distributed populations, including 13 admixed samples from Central and South America. For these data, we 1) summarized the major axes of genetic variation using principal component analyses, 2) performed tests of Hardy Weinberg equilibrium, 3) compared empirical genetic ancestry distributions to those predicted under a model of admixture that lacked substructure, 4) tested the hypotheses that individuals in each sample had 100%, 0%, and the sample-mean percentage of African, European, and Native American ancestry. We found that most NM-HL identify themselves and their parents as belonging to one of two groups, conforming to a region-specific narrative that distinguishes recent immigrants from Mexico from individuals whose families have resided in New Mexico for generations and who emphasize their Spanish heritage. The “Spanish” group had significantly lower Native American ancestry and higher European ancestry than the “Mexican” group. Positive FIS values, PCA plots, and heterogeneous ancestry distributions suggest that most Central and South America admixed samples also contain substructure, and that this substructure may be related to variation in social identity. Genetic substructure appears to be common in admixed populations in the Americas and may confound attempts to identify disease-causing genes and to understand the social causes of variation in health outcomes and social inequality.

Sociodemographic characteristics of the individuals included in the study.

Political basic positions, political culture and political socialization of the population in Mexico.

Topics: Except for a few items the same questionnaire as in ZA Study No. 0027 was used.

Abstract The aim of this work is to analyze the impact of socio-economic and ethnic-racial characteristics in the likelihood of the death of a child before their fifth birthday. Using data from the Survey of Social Mobility in México ESRU-EMOVI 2017 of the Epinosa Yglesis Center for Studies, our results suggest that women with darker skin tone are 2.82 (1.39, 5.74) times more likely to have lost a child before their fifth birthday than women with white skin tone. These are the results after controlling for different birth cohorts, sociodemographic, territorial and socio-economic characteristics. In a counterfactual scenario, the probability of losing a child is explained by ethnic-racial characteristics up to 28.7%, and by socio-economic characteristics up to 58.5%. The loss of a child is a demographic event unequally distributed in the population, and determined not only by socio-economic characteristics, but also by ethnic and racial characteristics. The idea of miscegenation that proposes racial equality in the population in Mexico proves inaccurate and prevents the saving of lives.

While prevailing theories of crop evolution suggest that crop diversity and cultural diversity should be linked, empirical evidence for such a link remains inconclusive. In particular, few studies have investigated such patterns on a local scale. Here, we address this issue by examining the determinants of maize diversity in a local region of high cultural and biological richness in Southern Mexico. We collected maize samples from villages at low and middle elevations in two adjacent municipalities of differing ethnicity: Mixtec or Chatino. Although morphological traits show few patterns of population structure, we see clear genetic differentiation among villages, with municipality explaining a larger proportion of the differentiation than altitude. Consistent with an important role of social origin in patterning seed exchange, metapopulation model-based estimates of differentiation match the genetic data within village and ethnically distinct municipalities, but underestimate different...

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the Mexico Beach population by race and ethnicity. The dataset can be utilized to understand the racial distribution of Mexico Beach.

Content

The dataset will have the following datasets when applicable

Please note that in case when either of Hispanic or Non-Hispanic population doesnt exist, the respective dataset will not be available (as there will not be a population subset applicable for the same)

• Mexico Beach, FL Population Breakdown by Race
• Mexico Beach, FL Non-Hispanic Population Breakdown by Race
• Mexico Beach, FL Hispanic or Latino Population Distribution by Their Ancestries

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

In 2025, approximately 23 million people lived in the São Paulo metropolitan area, making it the biggest in Latin America and the Caribbean and the sixth most populated in the world. The homonymous state of São Paulo was also the most populous federal entity in the country. The second place for the region was Mexico City with 22.75 million inhabitants. Brazil's cities Brazil is home to two large metropolises, only counting the population within the city limits, São Paulo had approximately 11.45 million inhabitants, and Rio de Janeiro around 6.21 million inhabitants. It also contains a number of smaller, but well known cities such as Brasília, Salvador, Belo Horizonte and many others, which report between 2 and 3 million inhabitants each. As a result, the country's population is primarily urban, with nearly 88 percent of inhabitants living in cities. Mexico City Mexico City's metropolitan area ranks sevenths in the ranking of most populated cities in the world. Founded over the Aztec city of Tenochtitlan in 1521 after the Spanish conquest as the capital of the Viceroyalty of New Spain, the city still stands as one of the most important in Latin America. Nevertheless, the preeminent economic, political, and cultural position of Mexico City has not prevented the metropolis from suffering the problems affecting the rest of the country, namely, inequality and violence. Only in 2023, the city registered a crime incidence of 52,723 reported cases for every 100,000 inhabitants and around 24 percent of the population lived under the poverty line.

The Wisconsin Card Sorting Test (WCST) is among the most commonly used tests of executive functioning. We aimed to generate normative data on the 64-item version of this test (WCST-64) for Spanish-speakers living in the U.S.–Mexico Border region. Participants included 189 native Spanish-speakers (Age: 19–60; Education: 0–20; 59.3% female) from the Neuropsychological Norms for the U.S.–Mexico Border Region in Spanish (NP-NUMBRS) project who completed the WCST-64. Univariable and interactive associations between demographic variables and raw scores were examined via Spearman correlations, Wilcoxon Rank-sum tests and linear regressions. T-scores for various WCST-64 measures (Total Errors, Perseverative Responses, Perseverative Errors, Conceptual Level Responses and Number of Categories) were obtained using fractional polynomial equations with weights for age, education, and gender. Percentile scores were reported for Failures to Maintain Set. Rates of impairment (T-score < 40) were calculated by applying the newly developed norms and published norms for non-Hispanic English-speaking Whites and Blacks. Older age was associated with worse performance and education was linked to better performance on most WCST-64 raw scores, with stronger education effects among females than males. The norms developed here resulted in expected rates of impairment (14–16% across measures). Applying published norms for non-Hispanic Blacks resulted in generally comparable impairment rates. In contrast, applying previously published norms for non-Hispanic Whites overestimated impairment (38–52% across measures). These data will enhance interpretation performance on the WCST-64 for Spanish-speakers living in the U.S.–Mexico Border region. Future work will need to examine the generalizability of these norms to other Hispanic/Latino groups.

In 2023, California had the highest Hispanic population in the United States, with over 15.76 million people claiming Hispanic heritage. Texas, Florida, New York, and Illinois rounded out the top five states for Hispanic residents in that year. History of Hispanic people Hispanic people are those whose heritage stems from a former Spanish colony. The Spanish Empire colonized most of Central and Latin America in the 15th century, which began when Christopher Columbus arrived in the Americas in 1492. The Spanish Empire expanded its territory throughout Central America and South America, but the colonization of the United States did not include the Northeastern part of the United States. Despite the number of Hispanic people living in the United States having increased, the median income of Hispanic households has fluctuated slightly since 1990. Hispanic population in the United States Hispanic people are the second-largest ethnic group in the United States, making Spanish the second most common language spoken in the country. In 2021, about one-fifth of Hispanic households in the United States made between 50,000 to 74,999 U.S. dollars. The unemployment rate of Hispanic Americans has fluctuated significantly since 1990, but has been on the decline since 2010, with the exception of 2020 and 2021, due to the impact of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic.

Language is the human universal mode of communication, and is dynamic and constantly in flux accommodating user needs as individuals interface with a changing world. However, we know surprisingly little about how language responds to market integration, a pressing force affecting indigenous communities worldwide today. While models of culture change often emphasize the replacement of one language, trait, or phenomenon with another following socioeconomic transitions, we present a more nuanced framework. We use demographic, economic, linguistic, and social network data from a rural Maya community that spans a 27-year period and the transition to market integration. By adopting this multivariate approach for the acquisition and use of languages, we find that while the number of bilingual speakers has significantly increased over time, bilingualism appears stable rather than transitionary. We provide evidence that when indigenous and majority languages provide complementary social and economic payoffs, both can be maintained. Our results predict the circumstances under which indigenous language use may be sustained or at risk. More broadly, the results point to the evolutionary dynamics that shaped the current distribution of the world’s linguistic diversity.

This dataset comprises the fifth follow-up of the baseline Hispanic EPESE (HISPANIC ESTABLISHED POPULATIONS FOR THE EPIDEMIOLOGIC STUDIES OF THE ELDERLY, 1993-1994: [ARIZONA, CALIFORNIA, COLORADO, NEW MEXICO, AND TEXAS] [ICPSR 2851]). The baseline Hispanic EPESE collected data on a representative sample of community-dwelling Mexican Americans, aged 65 years and older, residing in the five southwestern states of Arizona, California, Colorado, New Mexico, and Texas. The primary purpose of the series was to provide estimates of the prevalence of key physical health conditions, mental health conditions, and functional impairments in older Mexican Americans and to compare these estimates with those for other populations. The Hispanic EPESE provides data on risk factors for mortality and morbidity in Mexican Americans in order to contrast how these factors operate differently in non-Hispanic White Americans, African Americans, and other major ethnic groups. The public-use data cover demographic characteristics (age, sex, type of Hispanic race, income, education, marital status, number of children, employment, and religion), height, weight, social and physical functioning, chronic conditions, related health problems, health habits, self-reported use of dental, hospital, and nursing home services, and depression. Subsequent follow-ups provide a cross-sectional examination of the predictors of mortality, changes in health outcomes, and institutionalization, and other changes in living arrangements, as well as changes in life situations and quality of life issues. During this 6th Wave, 2006-2007, reinterviews were conducted either in person or by proxy, with 921 of the original respondents. This fifth follow-up includes an additional sample of 621 Mexican Americans aged 75 years and over with higher average-levels of education than those of the surviving cohort, increasing the total number of respondents to 1,542. By diversifying the cohort of those aged 75 and older, a better understanding can be gained of the influence of socioeconomic and cultural variations on the lives and health of older Mexican Americans.

Mexicans and Mexican Americans share culture, genetic background, and predisposition for chronic complications associated with obesity and diabetes making imperative efficacious treatments and prevention. Obesity has been treated for centuries focused-on weight loss while other treatments on associated conditions like gout, diabetes (T2D), and hypertriglyceridemia. To date, there is no systematic review that synthesizes the origin of obesity clinics in Mexico and the efforts to investigate treatments for obesity tested by randomized clinical trials (RCT). We conducted systematic searches in Pubmed, Scopus, and Web of Science to retrieve anti-obesity RCT through 2019 and without an inferior temporal limit. The systematic review included RCT of anti-obesity treatments in the Mexican adult population, covering alternative medicine, pharmacological, nutritional, behavioral, and surgical interventions reporting metabolism-associated traits such as BMI, weight, waist circumference, triglycerides, glucose, among others. Only the studies with at least 3 months of treatment were included in the meta-analyses in order to reduce placebo effects. We found 634 entries, after removal of duplicates and screening the studies based on eligibility criteria, we analyzed 43 national, and 2 multinational-collaborative studies. Most of the national studies had small sample sizes, and the implemented strategies do not have replications in the population. The nutrition/behavioral interventions were difficult to blind, and most studies have medium-to-high risk of bias. Nutritional/behavioral interventions and medications showed effects on BMI, waist circumference, and blood pressure. Simple measures like pure water instead of sweet beverages decrease triglycerides and systolic blood pressure. Dark chocolate showed the highest effect for BMI and high blood pressure, and treatment with insulin increased weight in those with T2D. The study of obesity in Mexico has been on-going for more than four decades, the interest on RCT just increased until this millennium, but with small sample sizes and lack of replication. The interventions affect different cardiometabolic associated traits, which should be analyzed in detail in the population living near the Mexico-U.S. border; therefore, bi-national collaboration is desirable to disentangle the cultural effects on this population's treatment response.Systematic Review Registration:https://www.crd.york.ac.uk/prospero/display_record.php?ID=CRD42020221436, identifier: CRD42020221436.

In the past four centuries, the population of the United States has grown from a recorded 350 people around the Jamestown colony of Virginia in 1610, to an estimated 331 million people in 2020. The pre-colonization populations of the indigenous peoples of the Americas have proven difficult for historians to estimate, as their numbers decreased rapidly following the introduction of European diseases (namely smallpox, plague and influenza). Native Americans were also omitted from most censuses conducted before the twentieth century, therefore the actual population of what we now know as the United States would have been much higher than the official census data from before 1800, but it is unclear by how much. Population growth in the colonies throughout the eighteenth century has primarily been attributed to migration from the British Isles and the Transatlantic slave trade; however it is also difficult to assert the ethnic-makeup of the population in these years as accurate migration records were not kept until after the 1820s, at which point the importation of slaves had also been illegalized. Nineteenth century In the year 1800, it is estimated that the population across the present-day United States was around six million people, with the population in the 16 admitted states numbering at 5.3 million. Migration to the United States began to happen on a large scale in the mid-nineteenth century, with the first major waves coming from Ireland, Britain and Germany. In some aspects, this wave of mass migration balanced out the demographic impacts of the American Civil War, which was the deadliest war in U.S. history with approximately 620 thousand fatalities between 1861 and 1865. The civil war also resulted in the emancipation of around four million slaves across the south; many of whose ancestors would take part in the Great Northern Migration in the early 1900s, which saw around six million black Americans migrate away from the south in one of the largest demographic shifts in U.S. history. By the end of the nineteenth century, improvements in transport technology and increasing economic opportunities saw migration to the United States increase further, particularly from southern and Eastern Europe, and in the first decade of the 1900s the number of migrants to the U.S. exceeded one million people in some years. Twentieth and twenty-first century The U.S. population has grown steadily throughout the past 120 years, reaching one hundred million in the 1910s, two hundred million in the 1960s, and three hundred million in 2007. In the past century, the U.S. established itself as a global superpower, with the world's largest economy (by nominal GDP) and most powerful military. Involvement in foreign wars has resulted in over 620,000 further U.S. fatalities since the Civil War, and migration fell drastically during the World Wars and Great Depression; however the population continuously grew in these years as the total fertility rate remained above two births per woman, and life expectancy increased (except during the Spanish Flu pandemic of 1918).

Since the Second World War, Latin America has replaced Europe as the most common point of origin for migrants, with Hispanic populations growing rapidly across the south and border states. Because of this, the proportion of non-Hispanic whites, which has been the most dominant ethnicity in the U.S. since records began, has dropped more rapidly in recent decades. Ethnic minorities also have a much higher birth rate than non-Hispanic whites, further contributing to this decline, and the share of non-Hispanic whites is expected to fall below fifty percent of the U.S. population by the mid-2000s. In 2020, the United States has the third-largest population in the world (after China and India), and the population is expected to reach four hundred million in the 2050s.

Language is the human universal mode of communication, and is dynamic and constantly in flux accommodating user needs as individuals interface with a changing world. However, we know surprisingly little about how language responds to market integration, a pressing force affecting indigenous communities worldwide today. While models of culture change often emphasize the replacement of one language, trait, or phenomenon with another following socioeconomic transitions, we present a more nuanced framework. We use demographic, economic, linguistic, and social network data from a rural Maya community that spans a 27-year period and the transition to market integration. By adopting this multivariate approach for the acquisition and use of languages, we find that while the number of bilingual speakers has significantly increased over time, bilingualism appears stable rather than transitionary. We provide evidence that when indigenous and majority languages provide complementary social and economic payoffs, both can be maintained. Our results predict the circumstances under which indigenous language use may be sustained or at risk. More broadly, the results point to the evolutionary dynamics that shaped the current distribution of the world’s linguistic diversity.

In 2022, it was estimated that the national femicide rate in Mexico stood at 1.43 cases per 100,000 women. Three years earlier, the number of Mexican women murdered on account of their gender reached the highest rate at least since 2017, exceeding 1.5 victims per 100,000 female inhabitants. Femicides still on the rise Ranked as the second-highest nation for femicides in Latin America, just below Brazil, Mexico's cases show a considerable improvement, recording over 797 in 2024, the third year in a row with a decreasing figure. Nonetheless, this count is perceived as even higher by most of the population due to the substantial number of unreported and uninvestigated instances. The prevalent concern among the public centers around the consistent nature of these aggressive crimes. A disconcerting pattern emerges, with many perpetrators having familial or communal affiliations. In response, the government has introduced social initiatives, including helplines, but the outcomes have fallen short of expectations. Moreover, the government's lack of interest and effectiveness has spurred social activism, advocating for justice and enhanced safety measures for the female population. Gender gap in the economy Embedded within a cultural framework marked by entrenched sexist attitudes, stereotypes, and patriarchal norms, Mexico holds the 33rd position on the global gender index. This index underscores a heightened gender disparity concerning economic participation, culminating in a widening gender pay gap. Over time, female labor force participation has consistently trailed that of their male counterparts, with women predominantly occupying informal employment positions and accounting for around two-thirds of the female population working non-remunerated jobs. Furthermore, glaring disparities are more evident in media and governmental roles.

All p-values were adjusted with the method of false discovery rates, those data presented in bold depicted significant values. ARA, Aragon; CAT, Cataluña; CHU, Chuetas; CLM, Castilla la Mancha; COR, Corsica; CVA, Comunitat Valenciana; CVMg, Central Valley of Mexico from Gomez et al.; CYL, Castilla y Leon; CANT, Cantabria; EXT, Extremadura; FRA, France; GTO, Guanajuato; ITA, Italy; JEWS-ASH, Ashkenazi Jews; JEWS-COHEN, Cohen Jews; JEWS-LEVI, Levite Jews; MAD, Madrid; MAJ, Majorca; MUR, Murcia; MAGH, Maghreb; NEA, Near East; NL, Nuevo Leon; NAFR, North Africa; MAJ, Majorca; PVA, Basque Country; RIO, La Rioja; SEPH-IBP; Sephardim Jews from the Iberian Peninsula; YEM, Yemen. (XLSX)

In 2023, the number of Hispanic and Latino residents in California had surpassed the number of White residents, with about ***** million Hispanics compared to ***** million White residents. California’s residents California has always held a special place in the American imagination as a place where people can start a new life and increase their personal fortunes. Perhaps due partly to this, California is the most populous state in the United States, with over ** million residents, which is a significant increase from the number of residents in 1960. California is also the U.S. state with the largest population of foreign born residents. The Californian economy The Californian economy is particularly strong and continually contributes a significant amount to the gross domestic product (GDP) of the United States. Its per-capita GDP is also high, which indicates a high standard of living for its residents. Additionally, the median household income in California has more than doubled from 1990 levels.