While the standard image of the nuclear family with two parents and 2.5 children has persisted in the American imagination, the number of births in the U.S. has steadily been decreasing since 1990, with about 3.6 million babies born in 2023. In 1990, this figure was 4.16 million. Birth and replacement rates A country’s birth rate is defined as the number of live births per 1,000 inhabitants, and it is this particularly important number that has been decreasing over the past few decades. The declining birth rate is not solely an American problem, with EU member states showing comparable rates to the U.S. Additionally, each country has what is called a “replacement rate.” The replacement rate is the rate of fertility needed to keep a population stable when compared with the death rate. In the U.S., the fertility rate needed to keep the population stable is around 2.1 children per woman, but this figure was at 1.67 in 2022. Falling birth rates Currently, there is much discussion as to what exactly is causing the birth rate to decrease in the United States. There seem to be several factors in play, including longer life expectancies, financial concerns (such as the economic crisis of 2008), and an increased focus on careers, all of which are causing people to wait longer to start a family. How international governments will handle falling populations remains to be seen, but what is clear is that the declining birth rate is a multifaceted problem without an easy solution.
These data contain the Crude Colorado County Low Weight Birth Rate which equals the total number of low weight births (singleton low weight births) divided by the denominator of all singleton births (2015-2019). Low weight births are defined as infants weighing 5 pounds, 8 ounces or less (under 2,500 grams) at birth. These data are from the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment's Vital Records Birth Dataset and are published annually by the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment.
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BackgroundAccording to the Seventh National Census, China’s fertility rate is less than 1.5, marking a significant national issue with potential risks. To counter this low birth rate, the Chinese government has relaxed family planning policies and introduced supportive measures.PurposeChanges in birth policy have attracted considerable attention from the people of China. This article aims to study the public’s response to the three-child support policy using Weibo as a window. The goal is to provide a more balanced evaluation of current perspectives, enabling policymakers to formulate better fertility information, particularly when anticipating a poor public response to controversial policies.MethodologyThis research uses a crawler to gather data from Sina Weibo. Through opinion mining of Weibo posts on the three-child policy, Weibo users’ online opinions on the three-child policy are analyzed from two perspectives: their attention content and sentiment tendency. Using an interrupted time series, it examines changes in online views on the policy, matching policy documents to the time nodes of Weibo posts.FindingsThe public has shown great interest in and provided short-term positive feedback on policies related to improving maternity insurance, birth rewards, and housing subsidies. In contrast, there has been a continuous negative response to policies such as extending maternity leave, which has particularly sparked concerns among women regarding future employment and marital rights protection. On social media, the public’s attention to the three-child birth policy has focused mainly on the protection of women’s rights, especially legal rights after childbirth, and issues related to physical and mental health. Child-rearing support and economic pressure are also hot topics, involving the daily expenses of multichild families, childcare services, and housing pressure. However, this study also revealed that infertile or single women express a strong desire to have children, but due to limitations in the personal medical insurance system, this desire has not been fully satisfied.ContributionsOur study demonstrates the feasibility of a rapid and flexible method for evaluating the public response to various three-child supportive policies in China using near real-time social media data. This information can help policy makers anticipate public responses to future pandemic three-child policies and ensure that adequate resources are dedicated to addressing increases in negative sentiment and levels of disagreement in the face of scientifically informed but controversial, restrictions.
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The birth rate, also known as the crude birth rate, is a key demographic indicator that measures the number of live births occurring in a population per 1,000 people annually. This vital statistic provides insight into population growth and is often used by policymakers, researchers, and governments to understand trends in fertility, family planning, and societal development. A high birth rate generally indicates a growing population, while a low birth rate may suggest declining growth or aging demographics. Factors influencing birth rates include cultural, economic, social, and environmental conditions. Countries with advanced healthcare systems and access to education often see lower birth rates, as families may opt for fewer children. In contrast, regions with limited access to family planning and healthcare may experience higher birth rates. Understanding the birth rate is crucial for managing resources, planning social services, and predicting future population changes on both national and global scales.
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Establishment Birth Rate: Morelos: Non-Financial Private Services data was reported at 31.369 % in 2021. This records an increase from the previous number of 15.895 % for 2020. Establishment Birth Rate: Morelos: Non-Financial Private Services data is updated yearly, averaging 23.632 % from Dec 2020 (Median) to 2021, with 2 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 31.369 % in 2021 and a record low of 15.895 % in 2020. Establishment Birth Rate: Morelos: Non-Financial Private Services data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by National Institute of Statistics and Geography. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Mexico – Table MX.O011: Establishment Birth Rate: by State.
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BackgroundAccording to the Seventh National Census, China’s fertility rate is less than 1.5, marking a significant national issue with potential risks. To counter this low birth rate, the Chinese government has relaxed family planning policies and introduced supportive measures.PurposeChanges in birth policy have attracted considerable attention from the people of China. This article aims to study the public’s response to the three-child support policy using Weibo as a window. The goal is to provide a more balanced evaluation of current perspectives, enabling policymakers to formulate better fertility information, particularly when anticipating a poor public response to controversial policies.MethodologyThis research uses a crawler to gather data from Sina Weibo. Through opinion mining of Weibo posts on the three-child policy, Weibo users’ online opinions on the three-child policy are analyzed from two perspectives: their attention content and sentiment tendency. Using an interrupted time series, it examines changes in online views on the policy, matching policy documents to the time nodes of Weibo posts.FindingsThe public has shown great interest in and provided short-term positive feedback on policies related to improving maternity insurance, birth rewards, and housing subsidies. In contrast, there has been a continuous negative response to policies such as extending maternity leave, which has particularly sparked concerns among women regarding future employment and marital rights protection. On social media, the public’s attention to the three-child birth policy has focused mainly on the protection of women’s rights, especially legal rights after childbirth, and issues related to physical and mental health. Child-rearing support and economic pressure are also hot topics, involving the daily expenses of multichild families, childcare services, and housing pressure. However, this study also revealed that infertile or single women express a strong desire to have children, but due to limitations in the personal medical insurance system, this desire has not been fully satisfied.ContributionsOur study demonstrates the feasibility of a rapid and flexible method for evaluating the public response to various three-child supportive policies in China using near real-time social media data. This information can help policy makers anticipate public responses to future pandemic three-child policies and ensure that adequate resources are dedicated to addressing increases in negative sentiment and levels of disagreement in the face of scientifically informed but controversial, restrictions.
In 1930, the crude birth rate in Kenya was 47.9 births per thousand people, meaning that approximately 4.8% of the population was born in that given year. The birth rate would continue to increase for several decades, peaking at 51.3 births per thousand people in 1960. Following this, the crude birth rate would remain somewhat stable in Kenya until the late-1970s, when strong national and international promotion of family planning services and an increased use of contraceptives would lead to a sharp decrease in the birth rate. The crude birth rate would see a rapid decrease over the next two decades, falling from 51 births in 1975 to just over 40 births in 1995.
However, the birth rate would see a brief increase from 1995 to 2000, an increase attributed in part to a prioritizing of government healthcare resources away from contraceptives and family planning towards combatting the emerging HIV/AIDS epidemic. Resources for contraceptives and family planning from the Kenyan government would begin to return around 2003, and as a result, the crude birth rate began to fall again. In 2020, the crude birth rate in Kenya is estimated to be 28.9 births per thousand people.
In 1925, the total fertility rate in Iraq was approximately 7.1 children per woman, meaning that the average woman born in Iraq at this time could expect to have seven children over the course of her reproductive years. This number increased to eight babies per woman by the 1950s, however, modernization and a decline in child mortality led to many families opting to have fewer children from the fifties onwards. This decline was interrupted by a temporary spike throughout the 1960s, which some studies attribute to disruptions in family planning services during the First Iraqi-Kurdish War. From the 1970s onwards, Iraq's fertility rate would continue its decline, falling to just over five children per woman by 2000. While Iraq’s fertility rate remains one of the highest in the region, the rate has continued to fall in the 21st century, and in 2020, the average woman born in Iraq can expect to have approximately 3.7 children over the course of her reproductive years.
The 1997 the Kyrgyz Republic Demographic and Health Survey (KRDHS) is a nationally representative survey of 3,848 women age 15-49. Fieldwork was conducted from August to November 1997. The KRDHS was sponsored by the Ministry of Health (MOH), and was funded by the United States Agency for International Development. The Research Institute of Obstetrics and Pediatrics implemented the survey with technical assistance from the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) program.
The purpose of the KRDHS was to provide data to the MOH on factors which determine the health status of women and children such as fertility, contraception, induced abortion, maternal care, infant mortality, nutritional status, and anemia.
Some statistics presented in this report are currently available to the MOH from other sources. For example, the MOH collects and regularly publishes information on fertility, contraception, induced abortion and infant mortality. However, the survey presents information on these indices in a manner which is not currently available, i.e., by population subgroups such as those defined by age, marital duration, education, and ethnicity. Additionally, the survey provides statistics on some issues not previously available in the Kyrgyz Republic: for example, breastfeeding practices and anemia status of women and children. When considered together, existing MOH data and the KRDHS data provide a more complete picture of the health conditions in the Kyrgyz Republic than was previously available.
A secondary objective of the survey was to enhance the capabilities of institutions in the Kyrgyz Republic to collect, process, and analyze population and health data.
MAIN FINDINGS
FERTILITY
Fertility Rates. Survey results indicate a total fertility rate (TFR) for all of the Kyrgyz Republic of 3.4 children per woman. Fertility levels differ for different population groups. The TFR for women living in urban areas (2.3 children per woman) is substantially lower than for women living in rural areas (3.9). The TFR for Kyrgyz women (3.6 children per woman) is higher than for women of Russian ethnicity (1.5) but lower than Uzbek women (4.2). Among the regions of the Kyrgyz Republic, the TFR is lowest in Bishkek City (1.7 children per woman), and the highest in the East Region (4.3), and intermediate in the North and South Regions (3.1 and3.9, respectively).
Time Trends. The KRDHS data show that fertility has declined in the Kyrgyz Republic in recent years. The decline in fertility from 5-9 to 0-4 years prior to the survey increases with age, from an 8 percent decline among 20-24 year olds to a 38 percent decline among 35-39 year olds. The declining trend in fertility can be seen by comparing the completed family size of women near the end of their childbearing years with the current TFR. Completed family size among women 40-49 is 4.6 children which is more than one child greater than the current TFR (3.4).
Birth Intervals. Overall, 30 percent of births in the Kyrgyz Republic take place within 24 months of the previous birth. The median birth interval is 31.9 months.
Age at Onset of Childbearing. The median age at which women in the Kyrgyz Republic begin childbearing has been holding steady over the past two decades at approximately 21.6 years. Most women have their first birth while in their early twenties, although about 20 percent of women give birth before age 20.
Nearly half of married women in the Kyrgyz Republic (45 percent) do not want to have more children. Additional one-quarter of women (26 percent) want to delay their next birth by at least two years. These are the women who are potentially in need of some method of family planning.
FAMILY PLANNING
Ever Use. Among currently married women, 83 percent report having used a method of contraception at some time. The women most likely to have ever used a method of contraception are those age 30-44 (among both currently married and all women).
Current Use. Overall, among currently married women, 60 percent report that they are currently using a contraceptive method. About half (49 percent) are using a modern method of contraception and another 11 percent are using a traditional method. The IUD is by far the most commonly used method; 38 percent of currently married women are using the IUD. Other modern methods of contraception account for only a small amount of use among currently married women: pills (2 percent), condoms (6 percent), and injectables and female sterilization (1 and 2 percent, respectively). Thus, the practice of family planning in the Kyrgyz Republic places high reliance on a single method, the IUD.
Source of Methods. The vast majority of women obtain their contraceptives through the public sector (97 percent): 35 percent from a government hospital, and 36 percent from a women counseling center. The source of supply of the method depends on the method being used. For example, most women using IUDs obtain them at women counseling centers (42 percent) or hospitals (39 percent). Government pharmacies supply 46 percent of pill users and 75 percent of condom users. Pill users also obtain supplies from women counseling centers or (33 percent).
Fertility Preferences. A majority of women in the Kyrgyz Republic (45 percent) indicated that they desire no more children. By age 25-29, 20 percent want no more children, and by age 30-34, nearly half (46 percent) want no more children. Thus, many women come to the preference to stop childbearing at relatively young ages-when they have 20 or more potential years of childbearing ahead of them. For some of these women, the most appropriate method of contraception may be a long-acting method such as female sterilization. However, there is a deficiency of use of this method in the Kyrgyz Republic. In the interests of providing a broad range of safe and effective methods, information about and access to sterilization should be increased so that individual women can make informed decisions about using this method.
INDUCED ABORTION
Abortion Rates. From the KRDHS data, the total abortion rate (TAR)-the number of abortions a woman will have in her lifetime based on the currently prevailing abortion rates-was calculated. For the Kyrgyz Republic, the TAR for the period from mid-1994 to mid-1997 is 1.6 abortions per woman. The TAR for the Kyrgyz Republic is lower than recent estimates of the TAR for other areas of the former Soviet Union such as Kazakhstan (1.8), and Yekaterinburg and Perm in Russia (2.3 and 2.8, respectively), but higher than for Uzbekistan (0.7).
The TAR is higher in urban areas (2.1 abortions per woman) than in rural areas (1.3). The TAR in Bishkek City is 2.0 which is two times higher than in other regions of the Kyrgyz Republic. Additionally the TAR is substantially lower among ethnic Kyrgyz women (1.3) than among women of Uzbek and Russian ethnicities (1.9 and 2.2 percent, respectively).
INFANT MORTALITY
In the KRDHS, infant mortality data were collected based on the international definition of a live birth which, irrespective of the duration of pregnancy, is a birth that breathes or shows any sign of life (United Nations, 1992). Mortality Rates. For the five-year period before the survey (i.e., approximately mid-1992 to mid1997), infant mortality in the Kyrgyz Republic is estimated at 61 infant deaths per 1,000 births. The estimates of neonatal and postneonatal mortality are 32 and 30 per 1,000.
The MOH publishes infant mortality rates annually but the definition of a live birth used by the MOH differs from that used in the survey. As is the case in most of the republics of the former Soviet Union, a pregnancy that terminates at less than 28 weeks of gestation is considered premature and is classified as a late miscarriage even if signs of life are present at the time of delivery. Thus, some events classified as late miscarriages in the MOH system would be classified as live births and infant deaths according to the definitions used in the KRDHS.
Infant mortality rates based on the MOH data for the years 1983 through 1996 show a persistent declining trend throughout the period, starting at about 40 per 1,000 in the early 1980s and declining to 26 per 1,000 in 1996. This time trend is similar to that displayed by the rates estimated from the KRDHS. Thus, the estimates from both the KRDHS and the Ministry document a substantial decline in infant mortality; 25 percent over the period from 1982-87 to 1992-97 according to the KRDHS and 28 percent over the period from 1983-87 to 1993-96 according to the MOH estimates. This is strong evidence of improvements in infant survivorship in recent years in the Kyrgyz Republic.
It should be noted that the rates from the survey are much higher than the MOH rates. For example, the KRDHS estimate of 61 per 1,000 for the period 1992-97 is twice the MOH estimate of 29 per 1,000 for 1993-96. Certainly, one factor leading to this difference are the differences in the definitions of a live birth and infant death in the KRDHS survey and in the MOH protocols. A thorough assessment of the difference between the two estimates would need to take into consideration the sampling variability of the survey's estimate. However, given the magnitude of the difference, it is likely that it arises from a combination of definitional and methodological differences between the survey and MOH registration system.
MATERNAL AND CHILD HEALTH
The Kyrgyz Republic has a well-developed health system with an extensive infrastructure of facilities that provide maternal care services. This system includes special delivery hospitals, the obstetrics and gynecology departments of general hospitals, women counseling centers, and doctor's assistant/midwife posts (FAPs). There is an extensive network of FAPs throughout the rural areas.
Delivery. Virtually all births in the
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Simulations of MCMC parameters and density distribution functions. (ZIP)
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Mexico Establishment Birth Rate: Guerrero: Non-Financial Private Services data was reported at 18.534 % in 2021. This records an increase from the previous number of 11.937 % for 2020. Mexico Establishment Birth Rate: Guerrero: Non-Financial Private Services data is updated yearly, averaging 15.235 % from Dec 2020 (Median) to 2021, with 2 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 18.534 % in 2021 and a record low of 11.937 % in 2020. Mexico Establishment Birth Rate: Guerrero: Non-Financial Private Services data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by National Institute of Statistics and Geography. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Mexico – Table MX.O011: Establishment Birth Rate: by State.
In 1895, the average woman born in Indonesia could expect to have just over six children over the course of her reproductive years. Despite some fluctuation around the 1910s, fertility would remain largely stagnant at approximately 5.4 children per woman throughout most of the early 20th century. Fertility would begin rising following the country’s independence from the Dutch in 1949, peaking at 5.7 children in 1960, but would begin to fall sharply starting in the 1970s, as significant foreign direct investment in the country and three decades of economic growth would allow the country to modernize and improve access to contraception and family planning services. Fertility would fall sharply for the remainder of the century, falling to just over 2.5 children per woman by 2000. While this decline has slowed considerably in the 21st century, fertility has continued to fall in recent years, and in 2020, it is estimated that the average woman in Indonesia will have approximately 2.3 children over the course of their reproductive years.
https://search.gesis.org/research_data/datasearch-httpwww-da-ra-deoaip--oaioai-da-ra-de449860https://search.gesis.org/research_data/datasearch-httpwww-da-ra-deoaip--oaioai-da-ra-de449860
Abstract (en): The ethnographic fieldwork portion of the project - interviews with women of reproductive age, and when available their partners and mothers - was initiated and completed in 2006. For each of four Italian cities (Padua, Bologna, Cagliari, and Naples) studied ethnographically by trained anthropologists, both a working-class and a middle-class neighborhood were identified. These interviews (349 in number) have been transcribed without identifiers. All interviews have been coded and assigned 'attributes' (or nominative variables, such as gender, civil/religious status of marriage, etc.) using the qualitative data analysis software (NVIVO), and these reside in secure electronic project folders. This large body of qualitative interview data is now complete and ready for use across the international collaborative units. Preliminary research reveals the particular significance of family ties in Italy, the fundamental role played by gender systems, and the specific cultural, socio-economic, and politic contexts in which fertility behavior and parenting are embedded. Please see the study website for more information. The surprisingly deep drop in Italian birth rates to among the lowest in the world (total fertility rate of 1.3 or below) has dramatically challenged existing social science theory by appearing to contradict population experts' predictions of where such very low "below replacement" fertility would emerge. This interdisciplinary research project, known as "ELFI" (Explaining Low Fertility in Italy), has made considerable inroads into understanding the puzzle of "lowest-low" Italian fertility, reevaluating theories of reproduction and human behavior more generally. Through the use of innovative methodologies, an international team of collaborators from anthropology, sociology, and demography has produced key findings using both statistical, quantitative methods and extensive ethnographic, qualitative methods. Four Italian cities were studied ethnographically by trained anthropologists. In each, both a working-class and a middle-class neighborhood were identified, and participants were selected. Women of reproductive age in four Italian cities (Padua, Bologna, Cagliari, and Naples). Smallest Geographic Unit: city Anthropologists selected 50 women aged 23-45 in each of four Italian cities. Half of these women were of younger reproductive ages (23-32) and half from older ages (33-45). In addition, in each cohort, half of the women were from a working-class neighborhood and half from a middle-class neighborhood, of varying levels of education and parity. Interviews were also conducted (when possible) with the woman's mother and with the woman's husband or cohabiting partner. The interviewees were selected through personal contacts identified through an indirect snowballing procedure with multiple entries (independently selected initial contacts) in order to avoid a clustered sample. The final sample of interviews consists of 233 women (aged 23-45), 49 mothers, and 67 partners, for a total of 349 interviews. The indirect snowball sampling procedure allowed us to stratify the sample by age, parity, and marital status of the woman in order to maximize variation in socio-demographic characteristics. To facilitate analysis, each of the 349 interviews was recorded, transcribed, and examined using the computer program Nvivo8. Funding insitution(s): United States Department of Health and Human Services. National Institutes of Health. Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (R01 HD048715). National Science Foundation (BCS 0418443). face-to-face interviewAccording to the principal investigator, direct identifiers have been removed. But the transcripts are in Italian, so we were not able to determine the potential for indirect identifiers. As such, the data is restricted.
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Mexico Establishment Birth Rate: Queretaro: Non-Financial Private Services data was reported at 23.466 % in 2021. This records an increase from the previous number of 12.394 % for 2020. Mexico Establishment Birth Rate: Queretaro: Non-Financial Private Services data is updated yearly, averaging 17.930 % from Dec 2020 (Median) to 2021, with 2 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 23.466 % in 2021 and a record low of 12.394 % in 2020. Mexico Establishment Birth Rate: Queretaro: Non-Financial Private Services data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by National Institute of Statistics and Geography. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Mexico – Table MX.O011: Establishment Birth Rate: by State.
This dataset includes birth rates for unmarried women by age group, race, and Hispanic origin in the United States since 1970.
Methods for collecting information on marital status changed over the reporting period and have been documented in:
• Ventura SJ, Bachrach CA. Nonmarital childbearing in the United States, 1940–99. National vital statistics reports; vol 48 no 16. Hyattsville, Maryland: National Center for Health Statistics. 2000. Available from: http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr48/nvs48_16.pdf.
• National Center for Health Statistics. User guide to the 2013 natality public use file. Hyattsville, Maryland: National Center for Health Statistics. 2014. Available from: http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data_access/VitalStatsOnline.htm.
National data on births by Hispanics origin exclude data for Louisiana, New Hampshire, and Oklahoma in 1989; for New Hampshire and Oklahoma in 1990; for New Hampshire in 1991 and 1992. Information on reporting Hispanic origin is detailed in the Technical Appendix for the 1999 public-use natality data file (see (ftp://ftp.cdc.gov/pub/Health_Statistics/NCHS/Dataset_Documentation/DVS/n....)
All birth data by race before 1980 are based on race of the child. Starting in 1980, birth data by race are based on race of the mother.
SOURCES
CDC/NCHS, National Vital Statistics System, birth data (see http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/births.htm); public-use data files (see http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data_access/Vitalstatsonline.htm); and CDC WONDER (see http://wonder.cdc.gov/).
REFERENCES
Curtin SC, Ventura SJ, Martinez GM. Recent declines in nonmarital childbearing in the United States. NCHS data brief, no 162. Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics. 2014. Available from: http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/databriefs/db162.pdf.
Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Osterman MJK, et al. Births: Final data for 2015. National vital statistics reports; vol 66 no 1. Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics. 2017. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr66/nvsr66_01.pdf.
In the Cook Islands in 2024, the population decreased by about 2.24 percent compared to the previous year, making it the country with the highest population decline rate in 2024. Of the 20 countries with the highest rate of population decline, the majority are island nations, where emigration rates are high (especially to Australia, New Zealand, and the United States), or they are located in Eastern Europe, which suffers from a combination of high emigration rates and low birth rates.
Babies with Low Birth Weight - This indicator shows the percentage of live births that are a low birth weight (2500 grams or less). Babies born with a low birth weight are at increased risk for serious health consequences including disabilities and death. Low birth weight babies weigh less than 2,500 grams (5.5 pounds). Maryland’s low birth weight percentage is higher than the national average. Link to Data Details
Note: This dataset is historical only and there are not corresponding datasets for more recent time periods. For that more-recent information, please visit the Chicago Health Atlas at https://chicagohealthatlas.org. This dataset contains the annual number of low birth weight births and the percent of total births these low birth weight births represent, with corresponding 95% confidence intervals, by Chicago community area, for the years 1999 – 2009. See full description at http://bit.ly/KcNNzH
Provisional estimates of selected reproductive indicators. Estimates are presented for: general fertility rates, age-specific birth rates, total and low risk cesarean delivery rates, preterm birth rates and other gestational age categories.
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Mexico Establishment Birth Rate: Non-Financial Private Services data was reported at 38.463 % in 2023. This records an increase from the previous number of 23.996 % for 2021. Mexico Establishment Birth Rate: Non-Financial Private Services data is updated yearly, averaging 23.996 % from Dec 2020 (Median) to 2023, with 3 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 38.463 % in 2023 and a record low of 12.850 % in 2020. Mexico Establishment Birth Rate: Non-Financial Private Services data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by National Institute of Statistics and Geography. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Mexico – Table MX.O010: Establishment Birth Rate.
While the standard image of the nuclear family with two parents and 2.5 children has persisted in the American imagination, the number of births in the U.S. has steadily been decreasing since 1990, with about 3.6 million babies born in 2023. In 1990, this figure was 4.16 million. Birth and replacement rates A country’s birth rate is defined as the number of live births per 1,000 inhabitants, and it is this particularly important number that has been decreasing over the past few decades. The declining birth rate is not solely an American problem, with EU member states showing comparable rates to the U.S. Additionally, each country has what is called a “replacement rate.” The replacement rate is the rate of fertility needed to keep a population stable when compared with the death rate. In the U.S., the fertility rate needed to keep the population stable is around 2.1 children per woman, but this figure was at 1.67 in 2022. Falling birth rates Currently, there is much discussion as to what exactly is causing the birth rate to decrease in the United States. There seem to be several factors in play, including longer life expectancies, financial concerns (such as the economic crisis of 2008), and an increased focus on careers, all of which are causing people to wait longer to start a family. How international governments will handle falling populations remains to be seen, but what is clear is that the declining birth rate is a multifaceted problem without an easy solution.