We study the dynamics of economic and political change, theoretically and empirically. Democratic capital measured by a nation's historical experience with democracy, and the incidence of democracy in its neighborhood, appears to reduce exit rates from democracy and raise exit rates from autocracy. Higher democratic capital stimulates growth by increasing the stability of democracies. Heterogeneous effects of democracy induce sorting of countries into political regimes, which helps explain systematic differences between democracies and autocracies. Our results suggest the possibility of a virtuous circle, where accumulation of physical and democratic capital reinforce each other, promoting economic development and consolidation of democracy. (JEL D72, I31, N10, N40, O47)

Congo, The Democratic Republic of the CD: Interest Rate Spread data was reported at 16.436 % pa in 2017. This records an increase from the previous number of 15.671 % pa for 2016. Congo, The Democratic Republic of the CD: Interest Rate Spread data is updated yearly, averaging 20.727 % pa from Dec 2007 (Median) to 2017, with 11 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 49.343 % pa in 2009 and a record low of 14.657 % pa in 2013. Congo, The Democratic Republic of the CD: Interest Rate Spread data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Democratic Republic of Congo – Table CD.World Bank: Interest Rates. Interest rate spread is the interest rate charged by banks on loans to private sector customers minus the interest rate paid by commercial or similar banks for demand, time, or savings deposits. The terms and conditions attached to these rates differ by country, however, limiting their comparability.; ; International Monetary Fund, International Financial Statistics and data files.; Median;

Congo, The Democratic Republic of the CD: Lending Rate data was reported at 20.621 % pa in 2017. This records an increase from the previous number of 19.046 % pa for 2016. Congo, The Democratic Republic of the CD: Lending Rate data is updated yearly, averaging 35.800 % pa from Dec 2006 (Median) to 2017, with 12 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 65.418 % pa in 2009 and a record low of 18.692 % pa in 2014. Congo, The Democratic Republic of the CD: Lending Rate data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by International Monetary Fund. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Democratic Republic of Congo – Table CD.IMF.IFS: Lending, Saving and Deposit Rates: Annual.

Congo, The Democratic Republic of the CD: Deposit Rate data was reported at 4.185 % pa in 2017. This records an increase from the previous number of 3.375 % pa for 2016. Congo, The Democratic Republic of the CD: Deposit Rate data is updated yearly, averaging 7.719 % pa from Dec 2007 (Median) to 2017, with 11 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 16.773 % pa in 2010 and a record low of 3.375 % pa in 2016. Congo, The Democratic Republic of the CD: Deposit Rate data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by International Monetary Fund. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Democratic Republic of Congo – Table CD.IMF.IFS: Lending, Saving and Deposit Rates: Annual.

Increasing the attractiveness of voting is often seen as a remedy for unequal participation and the influence of special-interest groups on public policy. However, lower voting costs may also bring less informed citizens to the poll, thereby inviting efforts to sway these voters. We substantiate this argument in a probabilistic voting model with campaign contributions. In an empirical analysis for the 26 Swiss cantons, we find that lower voting costs due to postal voting are related to higher turnout, lower average education and political knowledge of participants as well as lower government welfare expenditures and lower business taxation. (JEL D72, H25, H75, I20, I38)

In the postwar era until recently, public-transfer shares of GDP have risen dramatically in every developed democracy. Much positive theory purports to explain this development as a direct consequence of differing distributions of political (votes) and economic (money) resources. This literature concludes, inter alia, that tax-and-transfer-system (T &T) sizes increase in the skew of the income distribution. This paper builds from that basis, suggesting theoretical additions and amendments deriving from further consideration of the democratic processes that transform resources into influence. It especially emphasizes that not everyone participates politically and that who participates is non-randomly selected. This implies that aggregate participation rates will mediate T&T responses to income inequality, and, conversely, that income inequal ity will mediate T&T responses to aggregate participation rates. Specifically, since the relatively wealthy have higher propensity to participate politically, higher aggregate participation rates will generally coincide with increased democratic representation of the relatively less well-off, suggesting that democratic governments will respond to greater inequality with larger T&T increases the higher the participation rate and, vice versa, higher participation induces larger T&T responses the m ore skewed the underlying income distribution. Regression analysis of the postwar T &T experiences of developed democracies support that hypothesis empirically.

Regression results showing association between county insurance rate and voting patterns.

Congo, The Democratic Republic of the CD: Interbank Market Rate: Maximum data was reported at 6.500 % pa in 2016. This records an increase from the previous number of 1.750 % pa for 2015. Congo, The Democratic Republic of the CD: Interbank Market Rate: Maximum data is updated yearly, averaging 9.750 % pa from Dec 2007 (Median) to 2016, with 10 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 68.000 % pa in 2009 and a record low of 1.750 % pa in 2015. Congo, The Democratic Republic of the CD: Interbank Market Rate: Maximum data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by International Monetary Fund. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Democratic Republic of Congo – Table CD.IMF.IFS: Money Market and Policy Rates: Annual.

Exchange rate of Lao People’s Democratic Republic went down by 0.09% from 20,657.0 LCU per US dollars in 2024M7 to 20,638.0 LCU per US dollars in 2024M8. Since the 2.09% increase in 2024M6, exchange rate increased by 1.39% in 2024M8.

Democratic Republic of the Congo: Housing and utilities price index, world average = 100: The latest value from 2021 is 71.82 index points, an increase from 45.677 index points in 2017. In comparison, the world average is 77.639 index points, based on data from 165 countries. Historically, the average for Democratic Republic of the Congo from 2017 to 2021 is 58.749 index points. The minimum value, 45.677 index points, was reached in 2017 while the maximum of 71.82 index points was recorded in 2021.

Democratic Republic of the Congo: Unemployment rate: The latest value from 2024 is 4.56 percent, an increase from 4.48 percent in 2023. In comparison, the world average is 6.80 percent, based on data from 176 countries. Historically, the average for Democratic Republic of the Congo from 1991 to 2024 is 3.85 percent. The minimum value, 2.95 percent, was reached in 2005 while the maximum of 5.34 percent was recorded in 2020.

This poll is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President George W. Bush and his handling of the presidency. Opinions were also gathered on Vice President Dick Cheney, Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle, Arizona Senator John McCain, and the United States Congress. Responding to questions about Bush, those polled gave their opinions on Bush's handling of foreign policy, the economy, the energy situation, and the environment. Respondents were asked if Bush could be trusted to keep his word, whether Bush had strong qualities of leadership, whether they had confidence in Bush's ability to deal wisely with an international crisis, and how much they thought Bush cared about the needs and problems of people like themselves, as well as Blacks. Opinions were gathered on whether Bush was seen as more liberal, moderate, or conservative, whether he was a different kind of Republican, whether he was working hard enough at the job of being president, and whether he had good judgment under pressure. Respondents were queried on whether Bush could negotiate effectively with world leaders and if those leaders had respect for him. The next set of questions dealt with the President and Congress. Opinions were gathered on both the Republican and Democratic parties, whether the close division between Republicans and Democrats had decreased partisanship by forcing the parties to work together, whether Bush would compromise with the Democrats to get things done and if the Democrats would do the same, if the Democrats or the president would have more influence over the direction of the country, whether respondents trusted the president or the Senate to make the right decisions about who should sit on the Supreme Court, and whether Bush's appointees would be more conservative than respondents would like. Another set of questions dealt with Social Security, including whether respondents thought individuals should be allowed to invest a portion of their Social Security taxes on their own and whether the government should be responsible to make up any losses as a result of personal investment. On the subject of Medicare, respondents were asked if reducing the cost of prescription drugs for the elderly mattered to them personally and if they would favor having Medicare pay for the costs of prescription drugs for all recipients or only for low-income recipients. Opinions were also solicited on whether respondents favored a law guaranteeing people in HMOs and other managed care plans the right to sue their plans for denying coverage. Respondents were asked if they favored raising the minimum wage and if there should be mandatory testing of students every year in public schools to determine the allocation of federal funds. With respect to the economy, respondents were asked how they rated the condition of the national economy, whether they thought it was getting better, whether the tax cuts would be good for the economy, and whether using a significant portion of the budget surplus to cut taxes would be the best thing to do or if it would be better to spend the money on programs such as Social Security and Medicare. On the subject of the environment and energy, questions were asked concerning whether continuing environmental improvements must be made regardless of cost, whether producing energy or protecting the environment was more important, whether the environment must be protected even if it meant paying higher prices for electricity and gasoline, whether respondents thought that the energy shortages were real, and whether they thought energy companies decided among themselves what prices to charge for energy. Respondents were also asked whether they approved of the building of more nuclearpower plants to generate electricity and whether they would still feel that way if one were built in their own community, whether the government should increase production of petroleum, coal, and natural gas, or instead encourage people to conserve energy, whether there should be fewer regulations placed on oil and gas companies to make it easier for them to increase energy production, whether the oil industry had too much influence, and how they felt Bush and Cheney's ties to the oil industry would affec

Democratic Republic of the Congo: Literacy rate: The latest value from 2022 is 80.54 percent, an increase from 73.55 percent in 2018. In comparison, the world average is 80.97 percent, based on data from 54 countries. Historically, the average for Democratic Republic of the Congo from 2001 to 2022 is 72.38 percent. The minimum value, 61.21 percent, was reached in 2007 while the maximum of 80.54 percent was recorded in 2022.

This paper replicates "Economic Discontent as a Mobilizer: Unemployment and Voter Turnout" by Burden and Wichowsky, 2014. Using re-specified regression and multinomial logit models, we do not find that increases in the state unemployment rate are associated with increases in votes for Democrats. We also present more intuitive results from the logit models using predicted probabilities.

Neonatal mortality rate of Democratic People's Republic of Korea increased by 1.05% from 9.5 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2022 to 9.6 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2023. Neonatal mortality rate is the number of neonates dying before reaching 28 days of age, per 1,000 live births in a given year.

Compared to DSM-IV, the criteria for diagnosing posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) have been modified in DSM-5. The first aim of this study was to examine how these modifications impact rates of PTSD in a sample of Congolese ex-combatants. The second goal of this study was to investigate whether PTSD symptoms were associated with perpetrator-related acts or victim-related traumatic events. Ninety-five male ex-combatants in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo were interviewed. Both the DSM-IV and the DSM-5 PTSD symptom criteria were assessed. The DSM-5 symptom criteria yielded a PTSD rate of 50% (n=47), whereas the DSM-IV symptom criteria were met by 44% (n=42). If the DSM-5 would be set as the current “gold standard,” then DSM-IV would have produced more false negatives (8%) than false positives (3%). A minority of participants (19%, n=18) indicated an event during which they were involved as a perpetrator as their most stressful event. Results of a regression analysis (R 2=0.40) showed that, after accounting for the number of types of traumatic events, perpetrated violent acts were not associated with the symptom severity of PTSD. The findings demonstrate that more diagnostic cases were produced with the DSM-5 diagnostic rules than were dropped resulting in an increase in PTSD rates compared to the DSM-IV system. The missing association between PTSD symptoms and perpetrated violent acts might be explained by a potential fascinating and excited perception of these acts.

Covid positive rate in Democratic Republic of the Congo, June, 2022 The most recent value is 0.13 rate as of June 2022, an increase compared to the previous value of 0.08 rate. Historically, the average for Democratic Republic of the Congo from March 2022 to June 2022 is 0.06 rate. The minimum of 0.01 rate was recorded in April 2022, while the maximum of 0.13 rate was reached in June 2022. | TheGlobalEconomy.com

In an online survey conducted in April 2024, around ** percent of respondents in the United States who identified as Republican said that they strongly supported an increase in the federal minimum wage to ** U.S. dollars an hour. In comparison, around ** percent of surveyed Democrats said that they were strongly in favor of a minimum wage increase. As of 2024, the federal minimum wage was **** U.S. dollars per hour.

Democratic Republic of the Congo: Percent of children ages 12-23 months with measles immunization: The latest value from 2022 is 56 percent, an increase from 55 percent in 2021. In comparison, the world average is 84 percent, based on data from 187 countries. Historically, the average for Democratic Republic of the Congo from 1980 to 2022 is 46 percent. The minimum value, 15 percent, was reached in 1999 while the maximum of 69 percent was recorded in 2012.

Sensitivity analyses dropping one year at a time from analysis.