This data collection effort is an investigation of criminological and sociological factors within the Black community with a focus on the alleged high incidence of violent crime committed by Blacks. Four communities within Atlanta, Georgia, and four within Washington, DC, were selected for the study. Two communities in each area were designated high-crime areas, the other two low-crime areas. Variables include the respondents' opinions on the relationship of race and socioeconomic class to crime, their fear of crime and experiences with crime, and contacts and attitudes toward the police. Demographic data include respondents' gender and religion.

A criminal career can be either general, with the criminal committing different types of crimes, or specialized, with the criminal committing a specific type of crime. A central problem in the study of crime specialization is to determine, from the perspective of the criminal, which crimes should be considered similar and which crimes should be considered distinct. We study a large set of Swedish suspects to empirically investigate generalist and specialist behavior in crime. We show that there is a large group of suspects who can be described as generalists. At the same time, we observe a non-trivial pattern of specialization across age and gender of suspects. Women are less prone to commit crimes of certain types, and, for instance, are more prone to specialize in crimes related to fraud. We also find evidence of temporal specialization of suspects. Older persons are more specialized than younger ones, and some crime types are preferentially committed by suspects of different ages.

In 1980, the National Institute of Justice awarded a grant to the Cornell University College of Human Ecology for the establishment of the Center for the Study of Race, Crime, and Social Policy in Oakland, California. This center mounted a long-term research project that sought to explain the wide variation in crime statistics by race and ethnicity. Using information from eight ethnic communities in Oakland, California, representing working- and middle-class Black, White, Chinese, and Hispanic groups, as well as additional data from Oakland's justice systems and local organizations, the center conducted empirical research to describe the criminalization process and to explore the relationship between race and crime. The differences in observed patterns and levels of crime were analyzed in terms of: (1) the abilities of local ethnic communities to contribute to, resist, neutralize, or otherwise affect the criminalization of its members, (2) the impacts of criminal justice policies on ethnic communities and their members, and (3) the cumulative impacts of criminal justice agency decisions on the processing of individuals in the system. Administrative records data were gathered from two sources, the Alameda County Criminal Oriented Records Production System (CORPUS) (Part 1) and the Oakland District Attorney Legal Information System (DALITE) (Part 2). In addition to collecting administrative data, the researchers also surveyed residents (Part 3), police officers (Part 4), and public defenders and district attorneys (Part 5). The eight study areas included a middle- and low-income pair of census tracts for each of the four racial/ethnic groups: white, Black, Hispanic, and Asian. Part 1, Criminal Oriented Records Production System (CORPUS) Data, contains information on offenders' most serious felony and misdemeanor arrests, dispositions, offense codes, bail arrangements, fines, jail terms, and pleas for both current and prior arrests in Alameda County. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, and marital status. Variables in Part 2, District Attorney Legal Information System (DALITE) Data, include current and prior charges, days from offense to charge, disposition, and arrest, plea agreement conditions, final results from both municipal court and superior court, sentence outcomes, date and outcome of arraignment, disposition, and sentence, number and type of enhancements, numbers of convictions, mistrials, acquittals, insanity pleas, and dismissals, and factors that determined the prison term. For Part 3, Oakland Community Crime Survey Data, researchers interviewed 1,930 Oakland residents from eight communities. Information was gathered from community residents on the quality of schools, shopping, and transportation in their neighborhoods, the neighborhood's racial composition, neighborhood problems, such as noise, abandoned buildings, and drugs, level of crime in the neighborhood, chances of being victimized, how respondents would describe certain types of criminals in terms of age, race, education, and work history, community involvement, crime prevention measures, the performance of the police, judges, and attorneys, victimization experiences, and fear of certain types of crimes. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, and family status. For Part 4, Oakland Police Department Survey Data, Oakland County police officers were asked about why they joined the police force, how they perceived their role, aspects of a good and a bad police officer, why they believed crime was down, and how they would describe certain beats in terms of drug availability, crime rates, socioeconomic status, number of juveniles, potential for violence, residential versus commercial, and degree of danger. Officers were also asked about problems particular neighborhoods were experiencing, strategies for reducing crime, difficulties in doing police work well, and work conditions. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, marital status, level of education, and years on the force. In Part 5, Public Defender/District Attorney Survey Data, public defenders and district attorneys were queried regarding which offenses were increasing most rapidly in Oakland, and they were asked to rank certain offenses in terms of seriousness. Respondents were also asked about the public's influence on criminal justice agencies and on the performance of certain criminal justice agencies. Respondents were presented with a list of crimes and asked how typical these offenses were and what factors influenced their decisions about such cases (e.g., intent, motive, evidence, behavior, prior history, injury or loss, substance abuse, emotional trauma). Other variables measured how often and under what circumstances the public defender and client and the public defender and the district attorney agreed on the case, defendant characteristics in terms of who should not be put on the stand, the effects of Proposition 8, public defender and district attorney plea guidelines, attorney discretion, and advantageous and disadvantageous characteristics of a defendant. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, marital status, religion, years of experience, and area of responsibility.

The Fortune Society, a private not-for-profit organization located in New York City, provides a variety of services that are intended to support former prisoners in becoming stable and productive members of society. The purpose of this evaluation was to explore the extent to which receiving supportive services at the Fortune Society improved clients' prospects for law abiding behavior. More specifically, this study examined the extent to which receipt of these services reduced recidivism and homelessness following release. The research team adopted a quasi-experimental design that compared recidivism outcomes for persons enrolled at Fortune (clients) to persons released from New York State prisons and returning to New York City and, separately, inmates released from the New York City jails, none of whom went to Fortune (non-clients). All -- clients and non-clients alike -- were released after January 1, 2000, and before November 3, 2005 (for state prisoners), and March 3, 2005 (for city jail prisoners). Information about all prisoners released during these time frames was obtained from the New York State Department of Correctional Services for state prisoners and from the New York City Department of Correction for city prisoners. The research team also obtained records from the Fortune Society for its clients and arrest and conviction information for all released prisoners from the New York State Division of Criminal Justice Services' criminal history repository. These records were matched and merged, producing a 72,408 case dataset on 57,349 released state prisoners (Part 1) and a 68,614 case dataset on 64,049 city jail prisoners (Part 2). The research team obtained data from the Fortune Society for 15,685 persons formally registered as clients between 1989 and 2006 (Part 3) and data on 416,943 activities provided to clients at the Fortune Society between September 1999 and March 2006 (Part 4). Additionally, the research team obtained 97,665 records from the New York City Department of Homeless Services of all persons who sought shelter or other homeless services during the period from January 2000 to July 2006 (Part 5). Part 6 contains 96,009 cases and catalogs matches between a New York State criminal record identifier and a Fortune Society client identifier. The New York State Prisons Releases Data (Part 1) contain a total of 124 variables on released prison inmate characteristics including demographic information, criminal history variables, indicator variables, geographic variables, and service variables. The New York City Jails Releases Data (Part 2) contain a total of 92 variables on released jail inmate characteristics including demographic information, criminal history variables, indicator variables, and geographic variables. The Fortune Society Client Data (Part 3) contain 44 variables including demographic, criminal history, needs/issues, and other variables. The Fortune Society Client Activity Data (Part 4) contain seven variables including two identifiers, end date, Fortune service unit, duration in hours, activity type, and activity. The Homelessness Events Data (Part 5) contain four variables including two identifiers, change in homeless status, and date of change. The New York State Criminal Record/Fortune Society Client Match Data (Part 6) contain four variables including three identifiers and a variable that indicates the type of match between a New York State criminal record identifier and a Fortune Society client identifier.

Much research has examined how crime rates vary across urban neighborhoods, focusing particularly on community-level demographic and social characteristics. A parallel line of work has treated crime at the individual level as an expression of certain behavioral patterns (e.g., impulsivity). Little work has considered, however, whether the prevalence of such behavioral patterns in a neighborhood might be predictive of local crime, in large part because such measures are hard to come by and often subjective. The Facebook Advertising API offers a special opportunity to examine this question as it provides an extensive list of “interests” that can be tabulated at various geographic scales. Here we conduct an analysis of the association between the prevalence of interests among the Facebook population of a ZIP code and the local rate of assaults, burglaries, and robberies across 9 highly populated cities in the US. We fit various regression models to predict crime rates as a function of the Facebook and census demographic variables. In general, models using the variables for the interests of the whole adult population on Facebook perform better than those using data on specific demographic groups (such as Males 18-34). In terms of predictive performance, models combining Facebook data with demographic data generally have lower error rates than models using only demographic data. We find that interests associated with media consumption and mating competition are predictive of crime rates above and beyond demographic factors. We discuss how this might integrate with existing criminological theory.

The Department of Justice Canada created the first performance monitoring framework (“the Framework”) for Canada’s criminal justice system in 2019. The Framework identified broad expected outcomes, measured by key indicators. The State of the Criminal Justice System Dashboard presents information from the Framework in one easily accessible location. The Dashboard shows information and data collected for over 40 performance indicators grouped by nine outcomes. This information is presented for the total population and by population-based theme. The population-based themes currently available are: Indigenous Peoples and Women. These themes present pre-filtered views of the data by sub-population, such as by Indigenous identity or sex/gender (where data are available). Under each theme, data users can also find contextual information on how different populations interact with the criminal justice system as victims, survivors, accused and offenders. The State of the Criminal Justice System Dashboard will be updated regularly as more data and information become available.

Gain critical insights into crime trends, risk assessment, and public safety with our comprehensive Crime Dataset. Designed for law enforcement agencies, researchers, and analysts, this dataset provides structured and reliable crime data to support investigations, policy-making, and crime prevention strategies.

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The NLSY97 standalone data files are intended to be used by crime researchers for analyses without requiring supplementation from the main NLSY97 data set. The data contain age-based calendar year variables on arrests and incarcerations, self-reported criminal activity, substance use, demographic variables and relevant variables from other domains which are created using the NLSY97 data. The main NLSY97 data are available for public use and can be accessed online at the NLS Investigator Web site and at the NACJD Web site (as ICPSR 3959). Questionnaires, user guides and other documentation are available at the same links. The National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 (NLSY97) was designed by the United States Department of Labor, comprising the National Longitudinal Survey (NLS) Series. Created to be representative of United States residents in 1997 who were born between the years of 1980 and 1984, the NLSY97 documents the transition from school to work experienced by today's youths through data collection from 1997. The majority of the oldest cohort members (age 16 as of December 31, 1996) were still in school during the first survey round and the youngest respondents (age 12) had not yet entered the labor market.

The survey was one of several studies conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council to collect information on intergroup relations in South Africa. The study was a joint investigation by the HSRC's Institute for Sociological, Demographic and Criminological Research and Committee for Research on Intergroup Relations.

This research study analysed the crime rate spatially and it examined the relationship between crime and spatial factors in Saudi Arabia. It reviewed the related literature that has utilised crime mapping techniques, such as Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and remote sensing (RS); these techniques are a basic part of effectively helping security and authority agencies by providing them with a clear perception of crime patterns and a surveillance direction to track and tackle crime. This study analysed the spatial relationships between crime and place, immigration, changes in urban areas, weather and transportation networks. The research study was divided into six parts to investigate the correlation between crime and these factors. The first part of the research study examined the relationship between crime and place across the 13 provinces of Saudi Arabia using GIS techniques based on population density in order to identify and visualise the spatial distributions of national and regional crime rates for drug crimes, thefts, murders, assaults, and alcohol-related and ‘outrageous crimes’ (offences against Islam) over a 10-year period from 2003 to 2012. Social disorganisation theory was employed to guide the study and explain the diversity in crime patterns across the country. The highest rates of overall crimes were identified in the Northern Borders Province and Jizan, which are located in the northern and southern regions of the country, respectively; the eastern area of the country was found to have the lowest crime rate. Most drug offences occurred in the Northern Borders Province and Jizan; high rates of theft were recorded in the Northern Borders Province, Jouf Province and Makkah Province, while the highest rates of homicide occurred in Asir Province. The second part of the research study aimed to determine the trends of overall crime in relation to six crime categories: drug-related activity, theft, murder, assault, alcohol-related crimes and outrageous or sex-related crimes, in Saudi Arabia’s 13 provinces over a 10-year period from 2003 to 2012. The study analysed the spatial and temporal changes of criminal cases. Spatial changes were used to determine the differences over the time period of 2003–2012 to show the provincial rates of change for each crime category. Temporal changes were used to compute the trends of the overall crime rate and crimes in the six categories per 1,000 people per year. The results showed that the overall crime rate increased steadily until 2008; thereafter it decreased in all areas except for the Northern Borders Province and Jizan, which recorded the highest crime rates throughout the study period. We have explained that decrease in terms of changes in wages, support for the unemployed and service improvements, which were factors that previous studies also emphasised as being the primary cause for the decrease. This study includes a detailed discussion to contribute to the understanding of the changes in the crime rates in these categories throughout this period in the 13 provinces of Saudi Arabia. The third part of the research study aimed to explain the effects of immigration on the overall crime rate in the six most significant categories of crime in Saudi Arabia, which are drug-related activity, theft, murder, assault, alcohol-related crimes and outrageous crimes, during a 10-year period from 2003 to 2012, in all 13 administrative provinces. It also sought to identify the provinces most affected by the criminal activities of immigrants during this period. No positive association between immigrants and criminal cases was found. It was clearly visible that the highest rate of overall criminal activities was in the south, north and Makkah areas, where there is a high probability of illegal immigrants. This finding supports the basic criminological theory that areas with high levels of immigrants also experience high rates of crime. The study’s results provide recommendations to the Saudi government, policy-makers, decision-makers and immigration authorities, which could assist in reducing crimes perpetrated by immigrants. In the fourth part of the research study, urban areas were examined in relation to crime rates. Urban area expansion is one of the most critical types of worldwide change, and most urban areas are experiencing increased population growth and infrastructure development. Urban change leads to many changes in the daily activities of people living within an affected area. Many studies have suggested that urbanisation and crime are related. However, those studies focused on land uses, types of land use and urban forms, such as the physical features of neighbourhoods, roads, shopping centres and bus stations. It is very important for criminologists and urban planning decision-makers to understand the correlation between urban area expansion and crime. In this research, satellite images were used to measure urban expansion over a 10-year period; the study tested the correlations between these expansions and the number of criminal activities within these specific areas. The results show that there is a measurable relationship between urban expansion and criminal activities. The findings support the crime opportunity theory as one possibility, which suggests that population density and crime are conceptually related. Moreover, the results show that the correlations are stronger in areas that have undergone greater urban growth. This study did not evaluate many other factors that might affect the crime rate, such as information on the spatial details of the population, city planning, economic considerations, the distance from the city centre, the quality of neighbourhoods, and the number of police officers. However, this research will be of particular interest to those who aim to use remote sensing to study crime patterns. The fifth part of the research study investigated the impacts of weather on crime rates in two different cities: Riyadh and Makkah. While a number of studies have examined climate influences on crime and human behaviour by investigating the correlation between climate and weather elements, such as temperature, humidity and precipitation, and crime rates, few studies have focused on haze as a weather element and its correlation with crime. This research examined haze as a weather variable to investigate its effects on criminal activity and compare its effects with those of temperature and humidity. Monthly crime data and monthly weather records were used to build a regression model to predict crime cases based on three weather factors using temperature, humidity and haze values. This model was applied to two provinces in Saudi Arabia with different types of climates: Riyadh and Makkah. Riyadh Province is a desert area in which haze occurs approximately 17 days per month on average. Makkah Province is a coastal area where it is hazy an average of 4 days per month. A measurable relationship was found between each of these three variables and criminal activity. However, haze had a greater effect on theft, drug-related crimes and assault in Riyadh Province than temperature and humidity. Temperature and humidity were the efficacious variables in Makkah Province, while haze had no significant influence in that region. Finally, the sixth part of the research study examined the influence of the quality and extent of road networks on crime rates in both urban and rural areas in Jizan Province, Saudi Arabia. We performed both Ordinary Least Squares regression (OLS) and Geographically Weighted Regression (GWR) where crime rate was the dependent variable and paved (sealed) roads, non-paved (unsealed/gravel) roads and population density were the explanatory variables. Population density was a control variable. The findings reveal that, across all 14 districts in that province, the districts with better quality paved road networks had lower rates of crime than the districts with unpaved roads. Furthermore, the more extensive the road networks, the lower the crime rate whether or not the roads were paved. These findings concur with those reported in studies conducted in other countries, which revealed that rural areas are not always the safe, crime-free places they are often believed to be. This research contributes knowledge about the geographical information of criminal movement, and it offers some conceivable reasons for crime rates and patterns in relation to the spatial factors and the socio-cultural perspectives of Saudi Arabian life. More geographical research is still needed in terms of criminology, which will provide a better understanding of crime patterns, particularly in Saudi Arabia, and across the globe, where the spatial distribution of criminal cases is an essential base in crime research. Furthermore, additional studies are needed to investigate the complex interventions of the effect of different spatial variables on crime and the uncertainties correlation with the impact of environmental factors. This can help predict the impact of socioeconomic and environmental factors. The greater part of such an investigation will enhance the understanding of crime patterns, which is imperative for advancing a framework that can be used to address crime reduction and crime prevention.

Dataset for a qualitative study aimed at investigating the quality of post-rape services rendered to adult female rape survivors within the criminal justice system. The population comprised of both adult female rape survivors and service providers in the Gauteng province, South Africa. From this population the sample consist of 17 adult female rape survivors and 28 service providers. The data was gathered by means of a semi-structured interview schedule and analysed by means of thematic content analysis. Themes and sub-themes in rendering and receiving post-rape services within the South African Criminal Justice System were generated. The research paradigm was facilitated from a positivist approach since the researcher explored and described the lived experiences of rape survivors and service providers regarding the quality of post-rape services in South Africa. The research type was applied intervention research since the research proposed recommendations for improving the quality of post-rape services to adult female rape survivors. Different types of probability sampling were used in this study. Stratified probability sampling was followed to document the perspectives of service providers while convenience sampling was implemented to explore the experiences of adult female rape survivors regarding the quality of service rendering.

Pooled and agency-specific tests performed. Shaded cells indicate significance of adjusted p-value.

Legal cynicism refers to a general contempt of people toward the law and legal authorities. Gifford and Reisig proposed a scale to measure the construct and provided evidence for its multidimensional nature. As an extension of the research on this scale, this study provides answers to two questions relevant for applied empirical research. Should empirical studies of legal cynicism treat its subdimensions as distinct yet interrelated constructs with separate scale scores, or is it adequate to consider the scale unidimensional and use an overall scale score? Are the measurement properties of legal cynicism invariant across socio-demographic characteristics relevant to criminological research? Analyses of data from two German studies (sample 1, n = 342, 54.4% male, mean age 32.7; sample 2, n = 334, 49.40% male, mean age 46.07) revealed that the scale is not sufficiently unidimensional and that the measurement properties are invariant across age, gender, and educational status.

Abstract

The survey was one of several studies conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council to collect information on intergroup relations in South Africa. The study was a joint investigation by the HSRC's Institute for Sociological, Demographic and Criminological Research and Committee for Research on Intergroup Relations.

Geographic coverage

The survey had national coverage

Analysis unit

Individuals

Universe

The universe of the study included all South African "white", "coloured" and "Indian" adults in urban areas.

Kind of data

Sample survey data

Sampling procedure

Adapted white, coloured and Indian co-workers' panels of the Opinion Survey Centre of the HSRC were used for the survey. The samples were drawn country-wide but did not include non-urban areas (farms and smallholdings). A procedure of cluster sampling in randomly selected statistical regions, magisterial districts and enumerator subdistricts was used.

Mode of data collection

Face-to-face [f2f]

Research instrument

A structured questionnaire was used to collect data, and was comprised of: Section A: “Biographical data” on the respondent's sex, age, home language, education level, occupation, marital status, and income); Section B: Data on the image of the Human Sciences Research Council; Section C: “General” questions on attitudes to South Africa's political situation, and the respondent's attitudes to other race groups.

These data examine the effects on total crime rates of changes in the demographic composition of the population and changes in criminality of specific age and race groups. The collection contains estimates from national data of annual age-by-race specific arrest rates and crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary over the 21-year period 1965-1985. The data address the following questions: (1) Are the crime rates reported by the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) data series valid indicators of national crime trends? (2) How much of the change between 1965 and 1985 in total crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary is attributable to changes in the age and race composition of the population, and how much is accounted for by changes in crime rates within age-by-race specific subgroups? (3) What are the effects of age and race on subgroup crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary? (4) What is the effect of time period on subgroup crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary? (5) What is the effect of birth cohort, particularly the effect of the very large (baby-boom) cohorts following World War II, on subgroup crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary? (6) What is the effect of interactions among age, race, time period, and cohort on subgroup crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary? (7) How do patterns of age-by-race specific crime rates for murder, robbery, and burglary compare for different demographic subgroups? The variables in this study fall into four categories. The first category includes variables that define the race-age cohort of the unit of observation. The values of these variables are directly available from UCR and include year of observation (from 1965-1985), age group, and race. The second category of variables were computed using UCR data pertaining to the first category of variables. These are period, birth cohort of age group in each year, and average cohort size for each single age within each single group. The third category includes variables that describe the annual age-by-race specific arrest rates for the different crime types. These variables were estimated for race, age, group, crime type, and year using data directly available from UCR and population estimates from Census publications. The fourth category includes variables similar to the third group. Data for estimating these variables were derived from available UCR data on the total number of offenses known to the police and total arrests in combination with the age-by-race specific arrest rates for the different crime types.

The main objective of the project was to improve understanding of the immigration-crime relationship. This study aimed to examine the robustness of the immigration-crime relationship across a substantially large and diverse range of neighborhoods across the U.S., reflecting different immigration contexts and histories. This included examining differences across groups, whether by immigrant status, demographic attributes, and/or socio-economic background. Additionally, this study examined how the immigration-crime relationship may be context dependent, and how immigration-related policies and practices may condition the immigration-crime relationship.

Shaded cells indicate statistical significance of test for the adjusted p values.

Economic characteristics of the study population by gender and level of street involvement (N = 200).

This supplement to the National Crime Victimization Survey (formerly the National Crime Surveys) was designed to collect data on crime victimization in schools in the United States. Student respondents were asked a series of questions to determine their school attendance in the last six months. Other questions concerning schools were posed including preventive measures employed by schools, students' participation in after-school activities, students' perception of school rules and enforcement of these rules, the presence of weapons, drugs, alcohol, and gangs in schools, student bullying, hate-related incidents, and attitudinal questions relating to the fear of victimization at school. Other variables cover general violent crimes, personal larceny crimes, and household crimes and offer information on date, time, and place of crime. Demographic characteristics of household members such as age, sex, race, education, employment, household income, and marital status are provided.

This is an independent sample of juvenile defendants drawn from the State Court Processing Statistics (SCPS) for 1998 (see ICPSR 2038). SCPS 1998 tracked felony cases filed in May 1998 until final disposition or until one year had elapsed from the date of filing. SCPS 1998 presents data on felony cases filed in approximately 40 of the nation's 75 most populous counties in 1998. These 75 counties account for more than a third of the United States population and approximately half of all reported crimes. The cases from these 40 jurisdictions were weighted to represent all felony filings during the month of May in the 75 most populous counties. Data were collected on arrest charges, demographic characteristics, criminal history, pretrial release and detention, adjudication, and sentencing. Within each sampled site, data were gathered on each juvenile felony case. Cases were tracked through adjudication or for up to one year. The source used to identify the upper age for juveniles and the filing mechanism appropriate to each state was the OJJDP publication, Trying Juveniles as Adults in Criminal Court: An Analysis of State Transfer Provisions (December 1998).