Employees in the United Kingdom's insurance sector were the most satisfied with their employers diversity policy in 2021, according to a Statista study on Diversity and equality in European companies.

In a survey conducted in July 2021 about the whether respondents think that diversity and inclusion in companies and institutions in the United Kingdom had improved or worsened in the last six months, 47.9 percent of the respondents said that it had improved a little, whereas 11.4 percent of respondents said that it had got a little worse.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The aims of this project were to:

• understand the demographic changes that United Kingdom local ethnic populations are presently experiencing and are likely to experience in the remainder of the 21st century
• understand the impact that international migration is having on the size and ethnic composition of UK local populations
• understand the role that differences in fertility between the UK's ethnic groups plays in shaping current and future trends
• understand the role that mortality differences between ethnic groups is playing in the changing demography of the UK's local populations
• understand how the ethnic diversity of UK local populations is changing and likely to change in the future
• deliver the projections as a resource for use by social science in the UK
• build capacity in the analysis of demographic change through the development of young and middle career researchers
• tap into the best practice internationally to benefit the UK social science community.

To achieve the project aims, the objectives were to:

• build projections of the populations of ethnic groups for UK local areas
• use the population projection model to explore alternative futures.

The project built a model for projecting the ethnic group populations of UK Local Authorities (LAs), which handles 352 LAs, 16 ethnic groups, 102 ages and 2 sexes. To drive the projections, estimates of the components of ethnic change were prepared for 2001-7. A new method produced UK estimates of ethnic life expectancy, ranging from 82 years for Chinese women to 77 for Pakistani. A future 2% decline in mortality per annum was assumed. Ethnic fertility estimates showed that only Indians, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis had total fertility rates above replacement. Small declines in fertility were forecast. New estimates of the local distribution of immigration were made, using administrative data, because of concerns about official figures. The ethnicity of both immigrants and emigrants for local areas was projected. Estimates were constructed of the ethnic group probabilities for internal in- and out-migration for LAs using 2001 Census data. These probabilities were assumed constant in the future, as migration was stable between 2001 and 2008. Five projections were produced. Two benchmark projections, using constant inputs from 2001-2, forecast the UK population would be 62 and 56 million in 2051.The official projection reports 77 million. The Trend projection, aligned to ONS assumptions projected 78 million for 2051. Using revised assumptions 80 million was projected in a fourth projection. When the model for emigration was changed the projected population was only 71 million. All projections showed ageing and dispersion of ethnic minorities. By 2051 the UK will have a larger, more diverse and integrated population.

For further information about the project, see documentation and the What happens when international migrants settle? Ethnic group population trends and projections for UK local areas under alternative scenarios ESRC award page.


Main Topics:

For full details of the individual files (and topics covered) within the study, see documentation files '6777_list_of_files.xlsx' and '6777_fileinformation.pdf' in the Documentation table below.

Users should note that this study is very large - c.8GB. Multiple files have been created for download, according to the type of compilation - benchef, bencher, trendef, uptapef and uptaper (see 6777_fileinformation.pdf for details). To obtain all files contained within the study, users should download all zip files.

This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify households in England and Wales by the diversity in ethnic group of household members in different relationships. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021.

Area type

Census 2021 statistics are published for a number of different geographies. These can be large, for example the whole of England, or small, for example an output area (OA), the lowest level of geography for which statistics are produced.

For higher levels of geography, more detailed statistics can be produced. When a lower level of geography is used, such as output areas (which have a minimum of 100 persons), the statistics produced have less detail. This is to protect the confidentiality of people and ensure that individuals or their characteristics cannot be identified.

Coverage

Census 2021 statistics are published for the whole of England and Wales. Data are also available in these geographic types:

• country - for example, Wales
• region - for example, London
• local authority - for example, Cornwall
• health area – for example, Clinical Commissioning Group
• statistical area - for example, MSOA or LSOA

Multiple ethnic groups in household (6 categories)

Classifies households by whether members identify as having the same or different ethnic groups.

If multiple ethnic groups are present, this identifies whether they differ between generations or partnerships within the household.

In 2011, 87.2 percent of the total population of the United Kingdom were white British. A positive net migration in recent years combined with the resultant international relationships following the wide-reaching former British Empire has contributed to an increasingly diverse population.

Varied ethnic backgrounds

Black British citizens, with African and/or African-Caribbean ancestry, are the largest ethnic minority population, at three percent of the total population. Indian Britons are one of the largest overseas communities of the Indian diaspora and make up 2.3 percent of the total UK population. Pakistani British citizens, who make up almost two percent of the UK population, have one of the highest levels of home ownership in Britain.

Racism in the United Kingdom

Though it has decreased in comparison to the previous century, the UK has seen an increase in racial prejudice during the first decade and a half of this century. Racism and discrimination continues to be part of daily life for Britain’s ethnic minorities, especially in terms of work, housing, and health issues. Moreover, the number of hate crimes motivated by race reported since 2012 has increased, and in 2017/18, there were 3,368 recorded offenses of racially or religiously aggravated assault with injury, almost a thousand more than in 2013/14.

Results of a survey released in mid-2022 asking customers in the United States and the United Kingdom about their opinions on diverse advertising show that half of the respondents agreed they would recommend products or services that were advertised in an inclusive and representative way. What is more, 45 percent said they were more likely to buy such products or services.

Data and figures from the Census Information Scheme briefing on Diversity in London (CIS2013-04).

FCO(S) - Staff Diversity information & statistics

Board gender diversity varied among the UK's largest banks in 2025. Women comprised an average of 44.4 percent of board directors at the ten largest banks. Three banks - HSBC, Virgin Money, and NatWest Group - had female-majority boards. Metro Bank had the lowest female representation, with women holding 27.3 percent of board seats.

Time-series dataset of the demographic characteristics of the UK ethnic minority populations and religious groups up to 2006, to study ethnic and religious demographic diversity and its impact upon future population size, age-structure and the ethnic and religious composition of the UK population. This dataset is compiled from various existing data sources: 2001 Census, Labour Force Survey (LFS) and International Passenger Survey (IPS) data. In the absence of vital statistics by ethnic groups, indirect methods were used to estimate vital rates, including the ‘Own Child’ method applied to LFS household data to derive fertility estimates of ethnic and religious groups. Building on previous work, fertility rates of ethnic groups were produced up to 2006, distinguishing between UK-born and foreign-born populations. Migration rates were based on ONS International Migration Statistics (using IPS data), LFS and census data and projected on various assumptions. The results served population projections to mid-century and beyond of the main ethnic minority populations, including mixed populations, and using cohort-component methods. Furthermore, estimates of fertility rates for the major religious (and non-religious) groups were produced.

Datasets include: (1) Calculated fertility estimates for all women aged 15 to 49 in the UK, by 5 years age group, by ethnic group, religion and place of birth (UK/non-UK), based on LFS data; (2) Data on mixed children by ethnic group of the mother; (3) Data on country of birth by ethnic group (all populations); (4) Data on immigration flow by country of origin.

This project aims to analyse ethnic and religious demographic diversity, to investigate the potential for convergence of trends over time and its impact upon future population size, age-structure and the ethnic and religious composition of the UK population.

Existing statistical sources (especially the 2001 Census, the Labour Force Survey (LFS) and the Office for National Statistics (ONS) Longitudinal Survey) will be used to produce time-series of the demographic characteristics of the ethnic minority populations and religious groups up to 2006. In the absence of vital statistics by ethnic groups, the Own Child method applied to LFS and census data will be used to derive fertility estimates of ethnic and religious groups.

The results will serve population projections to mid-century and beyond of the main ethnic minority populations, including mixed populations, and using cohort-component methods. Migration rates will be based on ONS International Migration Statistics, LFS and census data and projected on various assumptions.

Furthermore, estimates of fertility rates and other demographic information for the major religious (and non-religious) groups will be produced with a view to making preliminary projections of their future size. The potential convergence of the demographic characteristics of ethnic and religious groups will be analysed, including mixed unions as an indicator for integration.

Labour market status by ethnic group, UK, published quarterly, non-seasonally adjusted. Labour Force Survey. These are official statistics in development.

Experimental statistics for population estimates by ethnic group broken down into age and sex at a national regional level for England and Wales.

The project utilised a survey methodology, collecting paper and pen survey responses from participants at three time points over the period of a school year. At each time point, the survey explored the relationship between contact experiences and social and soft educational outcomes. The Diversity Effect Project examined the ways in which intergroup interaction experiences happen amongst youth attending ethnically diverse secondary schools, the impact of these interactions on social attitudes and soft educational outcomes, and how teachers might intervene to promote more intergroup relations in the school classroom. Working alongside teachers in each of the four schools involved in the project, the research also designed a bespoke 4-week intervention that aimed to promote more positive social attitudes and better educational outcomes for youth. Within each school, the intervention was implemented either by half of the classes or by all classes. The effectiveness of the intervention was assessed using the third survey time point. The dataset comprises the survey responses from the three matched time points enabling users to examine changes over time as well as the effects of the intervention on social attitudes and soft educational outcomes.

Multiculturalism is a feature of almost every society and yet the value of diversity is highly contested. Despite its potential riches as a means to challenge stereotypes and add cultural value, it is sometimes viewed as a societal problem, associated with tensions, segregation and a clashing of cultures. By focusing on diversity as a problem, however, we have neglected to fully understand how and when diversity is associated with positive outcomes or how these can be embraced. The proposed project aims to address this gap in the literature by addressing under what conditions diversity is associated with social cohesion and educational achievement through the lens of intergroup contact theory. It will examine the extent of ethnic segregation in formal (classroom) and informal (cafeteria) spaces in secondary schools in Bristol, a diverse city in the United Kingdom, to enable an understanding of the relationship between observed behaviours, attitudes and achievement and to establish what can be done to intervene and promote more positive outcomes for all learners. The project will provide both theoretical and methodological contributions. Theoretically, the research will shed light on the compatibility of diversity, education and social attitudes addressing the ESRC strategic priority to promote a Vibrant and Fair Society. Whilst there has been much research which has examined the effects of diversity on wider society and educational outcomes (often in the U.S.), to date these effects have not been evaluated through the lens of intergroup contact theory taking into consider the nature and quality of the interactions occurring within and outside the classroom. As such, the project will develop a new theoretical approach which brings together perspectives from multiple disciplines to gain a holistic understanding of the diversity effect. Methodologically, the project will provide two main innovations. First, it will integrate multiple quantitative and qualitative methods and techniques longitudinally, moving beyond mere self-report of attitudes which is currently a focus in UK social science research on diversity, and in doing so provide a new, multilevel dataset for further research. This will include observations of seating behaviour in different spaces within the target schools, social network analysis and advanced statistical analysis of longitudinal questionnaire responses. Second, it will move beyond observations of the effects and develop a short and easy to implement intervention which will have potential to be scaled up and used across the UK and beyond. To achieve this, the project will work with teachers and other stakeholders in the design, execution, and dissemination of the research at different stages throughout and after the project. The project has potential for wide impact. The findings will inform understandings of diversity and how to best promote intergroup relations and academics for all learners beyond the social psychology and education audiences. This will deepen the evidence base that can inform policy and practice in the UK and internationally. Both local actors as well as international organisations have become increasingly interested in the effects of diversity on society. Examining the value of ethnic diversity will provide valuable lessons for schools and wider society informing strategies to reduce the likelihood of ethnic tensions.

In 2022, employed people in the white ‘other’ and Indian ethnic groups (both 82%) were the most likely to work full time out of all ethnic groups.

The project generated several key findings, in line with the original project themes: 1) The project demonstrates that ethnic diversity alone does not appear to be a key driver of Brexit support, despite much of the public/political narrative in the area. Instead, we demonstrate that it is patterns of segregation which determine when diversity drove Brexit support. Thus, how increasing ethnic diversity of society appears to trigger tensions is in more segregated forms. Where diverse communities are integrated relations actually appear to improve. 2) The project uniquely demonstrates that residential segregation is a significant negative driver of mental health among ethnic minority groups in the UK. Mental health policy in the UK acknowledges that ethnic minorities often suffer worse mental health than their majority group counterparts. This work demonstrates that community characteristics need to be considered in mental health policy; in particular, how patterns of residential segregation are a key determinant of minority group mental health. 3) We demonstrate that, as expected, the ethnic mix of a community is a strong predictor of patterns of interethnic harassment. However, we also demonstrate that, even controlling for this, how residentially segregated an area is a stronger and consistent predictor of greater harassment. This will help societies better identify potential drivers of harassment and areas where focus should be on minimising hate crime. 4) The project demonstrates the key role sites of youth engagement can play in building positive intergroup relations among young people. In particular, their efficacy for overcoming key obstacles to integration such as residential segregation.

The project has generated several other impacts related to the project themes of social capital/social cohesion and mental health, as relates to the Covid-19 pandemic: 1) The paper explores the potential impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on people’s perceptions of cohesion in their local communities; particularly for vulnerable groups/communities, such as ethnic minorities or those living in highly deprived neighbourhoods. To this end, we examine both trends over time in overall levels of cohesion as well as patterns of positive and negative changes experienced by individuals using nationally representative data from Understanding Society Study. We test whether rates of positive-/negative-change in cohesion over the pandemic-period differed across socio-demographic groups and neighbourhood characteristics. These trends are then compared to patterns of positive-/negative-change over time experienced in earlier periods to test whether the pandemic was uniquely harmful. We show that the overall levels of social cohesion are lower in June 2020 compared to all of the examined pre-pandemic periods. The decline of perceived-cohesion is particularly high in the most deprived communities, among certain ethnic minority groups and among the lower-skilled. Our findings suggest that the pandemic put higher strain on social-resources among vulnerable groups and communities, who also experienced more negative changes in other areas of life. 2) The study examines the impact of coronavirus-related restrictions on mental health among American adults, and how this relationship varies as a function of time and two measures of vulnerability (preexisting physical symptoms and job insecurity). We draw on data from two waves of Corona Impact Survey, which were fielded in late April and early of May 2020. Multilevel models were used to analyze the hierarchically nested data. Experiencing coronavirus disease-2019 restrictions significantly raise mental distress. This association is stronger for individuals with preexisting health conditions and those who worry about job prospects. These findings hold with the inclusion of region-wave covariates (number of deaths, wave dummy and aggregate measure of restrictions). Finally, there is a cross-level interaction: the restriction-distress connection is more pronounced in the second wave of data. Our research indicates that people who are more physically and/or financially vulnerable suffer more from the imposed restrictions, i.e. ‘social isolation’. The mental health impact of coronavirus pandemic is not constant but conditional on the level of vulnerability.

Rising ethnic diversity across countries is becoming a highly-charged issue. This is leading to intense academic, policy, and public debate, amid concerns that diversity may pose a threat to social cohesion. Within these debates, residential communities are increasingly seen as key sites across which both fractures may emerge, but also where opportunities for building cohesion exist. In light of this, research showing diverse communities weaken cohesion is worrying. Yet, there is a potentially key omission from this work: the role of residential segregation. While studies largely focus on the size of ethnic groups in an area they rarely...

Employment status on Census Day 2021, by personal characteristics.

The Area Level Index of Age Diversity (ALIAD) is based on the Simpson's Index of Diversity. It is commonly used in ecological studies to quantify the biodiversity of a habitat as it takes into account both the richness, i.e. the number of species present, and the evenness, i.e. the abundance of each species, within an environment. As species richness and evenness increase, so diversity increases. The index represents the probability that two randomly selected individuals will belong to different groups. It ranges from 0 and 100, with higher values representing greater diversity. ALIAD was computed for each Lower Super Output Area (LSOA) in England and Wales (E&W), each Data Zone (DZ) in Scotland and each Super Output Area (SOA) in Northern Ireland from 2002 to 2019. It is based on the mid-year population estimates (MYPE) for each area for each year. This is information is freely available in accordance with version 3.0 of the Open Government Licence. However, the different national statistical agencies compute MYPE for different age groups. In England and Wales estimates are provided for single-year age groups, i.e. the number of people aged 0, 1, 2, 3, etc. In Scotland estimates are provided for quinary age groups, i.e. the number of people aged 0-4, 5-9, 10-14, etc. In Northern Ireland (NI) estimates are provided for four larger age groups, i.e. 0-15, 16-39, 40-64 and 65+. It was decided to match the age groups to the NI classification as i) this would provide the greatest geographical coverage, ii) the estimates ought to be more robust and iii) in discussions with policy and practice stakeholders these age groups were seen as more meaningful than single-year or quinary age groups. An exact match was possible between the E&W and NI age groups. However, because of the use of quinary age groups it is not possible to get an exact match for all age groups in Scotland. Hence, the age groups used on Scotland are 0-14, 15-39, 40-64 and 65+. The final dataset contains the computed ALIAD values for each of the 34,753 LSOAs, the 6,976 DZs and the 890 SOAs from 2002-2019. ALIAD has a range of 0-100. On this scale 0 would represent total age concentration, i.e. every member of the area is in the same age group, and 100 would represent complete age diversity within the area.