In July 2025, a public opinion survey found that only *****percent of Americans felt that the economy was in an excellent state. Of the Americans surveyed, ***percent considered the economy to be in a poor state.

In 2020, global gross domestic product declined by 6.7 percent as a result of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic outbreak. In Latin America, overall GDP loss amounted to 8.5 percent.

Mexico BTS: MBCI: Current State of the Economy to Invest: Bad data was reported at 13.140 % in Mar 2019. This records a decrease from the previous number of 21.250 % for Feb 2019. Mexico BTS: MBCI: Current State of the Economy to Invest: Bad data is updated monthly, averaging 23.200 % from Jan 1998 (Median) to Mar 2019, with 255 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 54.430 % in Nov 2008 and a record low of 10.450 % in Jan 2013. Mexico BTS: MBCI: Current State of the Economy to Invest: Bad data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Bank of Mexico. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Mexico – Table MX.S003: Business Tendency Survey.

ABSTRACT The conventional view on the U.S. economy is that economic growth above “potential” is bad for bonds since it spells inflation. The purpose of this note is to show that following the Volker deflation (l980-82), the policy regime changed, and greater economic stability obtained.

Across multiple African countries, discrepancies between administrative data and independent household surveys suggest official statistics systematically exaggerate development progress. We provide evidence for two distinct explanations of these discrepancies. First, governments misreport to foreign donors, as in the case of a results-based aid program rewarding reported vaccination rates. Second, national governments are themselves misled by frontline service providers, as in the case of primary education, where official enrollment numbers diverged from survey estimates after funding shifted from user fees to per pupil government grants. Both syndromes highlight the need for incentive compatibility between data systems and funding rules.

This study investigates patterns of lay perception of economics, and in particular the place of conspiratorial thinking regarding the economic domain. We devised four types of accounts in the economic domain, over a range of questions regarding different aspects of the economy: the classical neo-liberal economic view (which we labeled Econ101), and the Conspiracy view (the destructive outcomes of economy are due to small and powerful groups who are manipulating the markets), to which we added the Government malfunction view (failures in the economy are due to the authorities), and the Bad Invisible Hand view (the invisible hand may go wrong, and the equilibrium reached by its doings may be undesirable). The last two views are the ones most strongly endorsed by our respondents, in the US, Israel and Switzerland. The pattern of inter-correlations between the four accounts, and that between each and the psycho-social variables we examined, exhibits two clusters, Econ101 vs. the other three views of economy. This corresponds to a general opposition between people who trust the neoliberal economic system, and those opposed to it. What sets economic conspiratorial thinking apart are its links with other conspirational beliefs and with paranormal beliefs.

In 2024, the outlook on the current state of the Spanish economy was quite negative, according to a survey of business people and executives in Spain. Some 19 percent of respondents said the outlook for the Spanish economy was very bad or bad, while 54 percent said it was mediocre. From 2011 to 2024, the perception that the Spanish economy was excellent never exceeded two percent.

The United Kingdom's economy grew by 1.1 percent in 2024, after a growth rate of 0.3 percent in 2023, 5.1 percent in 2022, 8.5 percent in 2021, and a record ten percent fall in 2020. During the provided time period, the biggest annual fall in gross domestic product before 2020 occurred in 2009, when the UK economy contracted by 4.6 percent at the height of the global financial crisis of the late 2000s. Before 2021, the year with the highest annual GDP growth rate was 1973, when the UK economy grew by 6.5 percent. UK economy growing but GDP per capita falling In 2022, the UK's GDP per capita amounted to approximately 37,371 pounds, with this falling to 37,028 pounds in 2023, and 36,977 pounds in 2024. While the UK economy as a whole grew during this time, the UK's population grew at a faster rate, resulting in the negative growth in GDP per capita. This suggests the UK economy's struggles with productivity are not only stagnating, but getting worse. The relatively poor economic performance of the UK in recent years has not gone unnoticed by the electorate, with the economy consistently seen as the most important issue for voters since 2022. Recent shocks to UK economy In the second quarter of 2020, the UK economy shrank by a record 20.3 percent at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. Although there was a relatively swift economic recovery initially, the economy has struggled to grow much beyond its pre-pandemic size, and was only around 3.1 percent larger in December 2024, when compared with December 2019. Although the labor market has generally been quite resilient during this time, a long twenty-month period between 2021 and 2023 saw prices rise faster than wages, and inflation surge to a high of 11.1 percent in October 2022.

Data set (.dta) and code (.do) for Bad jobs versus good jobs: Does it matters for life and job satisfaction? Evidence from Ecuador

This dataset is about book subjects. It has 7 rows and is filtered where the books is The trickle-up economy : how we take from the poor and middle class and give to the rich. It features 10 columns including number of authors, number of books, earliest publication date, and latest publication date.

Dataset provides public data from various sources and codes used for the statistical analyses in the article for World Bank Economic Review by Charan van Krevel. None of the data is original by the author. All data is originally from the references.

The average for 2024 based on 175 countries was 5.42 index points. The highest value was in Iran: 10 index points and the lowest value was in Iceland: 0.2 index points. The indicator is available from 2007 to 2024. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.

While most Americans appear to acknowledge the large gap between the rich and the poor in the U.S., it is not clear if the public is aware of recent changes in income inequality. Even though economic inequality has grown substantially in recent decades, studies have shown that the public's perception of growing income disparities has remained mostly unchanged since the 1980s. This research offers an alternative approach to evaluating how public perceptions of inequality are developed. Centrally, it conceptualizes the public's response to growing economic disparities by applying theories of macro-political behavior and place-based contextual effects to the formation of aggregate perceptions about income inequality. It is argued that most of the public relies on basic information about the economy to form attitudes about inequality and that geographic context---in this case, the American states---plays a role in how views of income disparities are produced. A new measure of state perceptions of growing economic inequality over a 25-year period is used to examine whether the public is responsive to objective changes in economic inequality. Time-series cross-sectional analyses suggest that the public's perceptions of growing inequality are largely influenced by objective state economic indicators and state political ideology. This research has implications for how knowledgeable the public is of disparities between the rich and the poor, whether state context influences attitudes about inequality, and what role the public will have in determining how expanding income differences are addressed through government policy.

The terms on which citizens of emerging democracies access public resources are often skewed by their economic vulnerability, making them dependent on clientelist relationships and suppressing their political autonomy. To what extent is this clientelist trap of selective exclusion an inevitable feature of democracy in poor places? This dissertation takes inspiration from three least-likely' subnational cases of inclusive good governance amid extreme poverty. To explain why elites unexpectedly pursue impersonal, inclusive policies and how voters defy the clientelist trap to re-elect them, the analysis combines formal theory, multiple household surveys and subnational comparisons spanning Brazil, India and Nigeria. The evidence suggests that inclusive governance is an attractive strategy foroutsider' leaders with relatively weak clientelist networks who are threatened by competing clientelist elites. Using the state apparatus for inclusive rule enforcement prevents clientelist discretion, starving competitors of rents and support from clientelism, and helping to secure the outsider's political authority. These incentives are likely to arise even in poor clientelist places where outsiders are elevated to power by national actors seeking to bring to office local allies. Whether voters can escape the clientelist trap to re-elect the outsider reformer depends on their ability to coordinate; on their collective confidence in the reformer's performance. Delivering large public benefits can provide a crucial coordinating device in anchoring expectations that other voters will reject clientelism. However, voters' ability to generate collective confidence may be impaired if resurgent clientelist competitors intensify their threats or use disinformation tactics such as rumours of corruption to undermine the reputation of the inclusive incumbent. Mitigating these threats relies on supportive national financing and the ability to monopolize the media or coopt clientelist elites. The consolidation of inclusive governance is also aided by national inclusive policies that constrain the supply of local clientelist goods and create a demand for inclusive governance by insulating voters' incomes from political interference. However, national policy may only be effective where it complements local reform. These arguments demonstrate that inclusive governance does not depend on economic development or externally-mobilized parties. Even the poorest societies can extend full citizenship rights and equitable policy access to their members. The unpredictability and competition of subnational politics provides alternative motives for elites to introduce governance reform, and new opportunities for voters to rally against clientelism.

This assessment, reflecting poverty's many dimensions in Mozambique, combines multiple disciplines and diagnostic tools to explore poverty. It combines quantitative and qualitative approaches to understand trends in poverty and the dynamics that shape them. The objective is to support the development and implementation of proper policies that really work by taking poverty's multiple dimensions into account. The first analysis is using multiple quantitative and qualitative indicators on levels and changes in the opportunities and outcomes for households and communities in Mozambique since 1997. The main economic developments, analyzes how changes at the macro and meson level affected household livelihoods, and how households, especially poor households, responded. Agriculture and the private sector, especially labor-intensive activities, many of them small and informal. It can build human capital by improving access to basic public services, especially for the poor, and by increasing the value for money in public spending. And it can improve governance and accountability by getting government closer to its citizens. To achieve these goals, the government will need to increase the value for money in its spending on public services. It will also need to target services for the rural poor and enlist poor communities in identifying needs and delivering those services. And it will need to put in place good tracking systems to link program outputs to targets and outcomes, using frequent high-quality household surveys. Mozambique was an extremely poor country at the time of its elections in 1994, with decimated infrastructure, a weak economy, and fragile institutions. Since then, it has been astonishingly successful at restoring growth and improving welfare. Sustained growth -- driven primarily by investments in physical capital -- reduced monetary poverty from 69 percent of the populace in 1997 to 54 percent in 2003 and the depth and severity of no income poverty even more. Broad-based, labor-intensive private-sector growth was efficient in reducing poverty until 2003 because it was equally distributed. At the same time, investments in social and economic infrastructure extended access to public services, reduced welfare inequalities, and supported the livelihoods of the average Mozambican.

This contains all the material for replication. of the paper "One bad apple spoils the barrel? Public good provision under threshold uncertainty"

Current state of the democratic consolidation in the newly implemented democracies. Topics: Political activities: discussions, convince friends, work in community, political meeting, contact politicians, work for party; meaning of democracy; democracy best form of government; democracy in (country) best; respect for individual human rights; importance of freedom and equality; Left-Right self placement; meaning of "Left" and "Right; membership in organisations and political parties; satisfaction with democracy; tolerance against: minority opinion, extremist demonstrations, free speech, too much freedom, critics on the way of life, right to own opinion, foreign critics; free market economy: right/wrong for country; satisfaction with free market; economic situation during present government, next year and compared to the socialist/communist regime; country´s economic situation during present government, next year and compared to the socialist/communist regime; conditions of workers, peasants, middle class, entrepreneurs during present government and compared to the socialist/communist regime; corruption during present government; public safety during present government, next year and compared to the socialist/communist regime; income differences right/wrong; one´s own financial situation compared to that of parents and neighbours; speed of change; satisfaction with present government and with the socialist/communist regime; communism good idea; better performance in: education, economy, poverty, black market, inflation, unemployment, public security, participation, corruption, public health, representation of interests, crime; pride in citizenship; pride to live in country; citizenship; women care of house; accept homosexuals; abortion; trust in institutions; medical care: self/governmental; income limits; government protects citizens; ecology vs. economy; conflicts: rich/poor, law-abiding/-breaker, speak language/not; (in Germany: conflicts between East/West), left/right, young/old, church moral/not, nationalists/others; police force against demonstrators; sentence against protestors, law against demonstrators, troops against strikes; big interests vs. all the people; trust in government; election best way to choose government; need for parliament; vote in last parliamentary election; vote intention; government responsible for providing job, health care, living standard for old and unemployed people, reduce income differences; governmental priorities; actions against bad governmental and local decisions; living conditions in western country; democracy in country: needs western development, never consolidated, same as in western countries, consolidation difficult process, notyet accomplished; Russia: country has own, difficult way; democracy problem will be solved; national political situation; change in political situation; state of democracy; parties: need of parties, no difference between parties, provide participation, for leaders´ interests; development since the end of the socialist/communist regime; characteristics of capitalist and socialist economy: strike, freedom, inequality, technical progress, wealth, selfishness, power, profit, justice, scarcity, humane, progress, planning, efficacy, repress, corruption; capitalist economy best; capitalist economy solves problems; management of industrial enterprises; close to party; political protest; one-person vs. multi-person system; interest in government; politicians against peoples´ interference; everybody can have say; better not get involved in politics; no trust in politicians; politicians seek views of people; people excl from power; make fortune get in politics; politicians only interested when trouble; participation is duty; satisfaction with changes: workers, engineers, artists, scientists, clerks, peasants, miners, entrepreneurs, politicians, army officers, policemen, leaders communist party; country where the living is better, better equality, people greater influence; importance in life: everybody voice in public matters, work for all, equality, everybody well-off, no arbitrary will, no big income differences, no state interference, live without worries, rest/entertain, free organisations, free speech, learn/access to culture; partner work outside; partner work full-/part-time; religion at birth; degree of religiosity; main language; in Russia: nationality; since when in neighbourhood; relations with neighbours; paid for work; reasons for not being paid;...

This poll, conducted January 26-29, 1995, is part of a series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President Bill Clinton and his handling of the presidency and the economy. A series of questions addressed whether President Clinton and the Republicans in Congress were trying to work with or against each other and whether this was a good or bad thing, whether Clinton or the Republicans would do a better job dealing with the country's problems, whether the changes they were seeking were right or wrong for the country, and which cared more about serving lower income, middle income, and upper income people. Questions were posed regarding how well the United States Congress was doing its job, whether Congress was able to deal with the main issues facing the country, and whether the federal government should be allowed to impose regulations on state and local governments without providing the necessary funding. Respondents were polled on whether they supported or opposed issues such as banning assault weapons, raising the minimum wage, imposing term limits for United States Representatives, and giving loan guarantees to Mexico. Those surveyed were asked whether balancing the federal budget would make the country's problems better or worse, whether it could be done without cutting useful government programs, which programs should be cut, the percentage of federal tax dollars that they felt were wasted, and whether they supported or opposed a constitutional amendment requiring a balanced federal budget. Questions regarding the professional major league baseball strike polled respondents on whether they sided with the players or the owners, whether there should be a limit on players' earnings, whether they believed the owners' claims that some teams could be forced to move if players' salaries were not limited, and whether replacement players should be used. Several questions asked whether respondents considered themselves baseball fans, how closely they would follow the season if replacement players were used, whether the league playoffs and World Series should be cancelled if the strike was not settled by the end of the season, whether the strike would hurt baseball's popularity, and whether or not President Clinton and Congress should force a settlement of the strike. A series of questions addressed how often respondents flew on commercial airlines, what factors were important in choosing an airline, and the overall safety of commercial air travel. Opinions were solicited on Newt Gingrich's handling of his job as Speaker of the House of Representatives, whether respondents had heard or read anything about his book publishing contract, and if he did anything illegal or wrong in the book deal. Respondents were also polled on whether their family's financial situation was better, worse, or about the same compared to two years ago and the degree to which President Clinton was responsible, whether they considered themselves religious or spiritual, and how often they prayed or attended religious services. Additional questions asked respondents how closely they followed the O.J. Simpson case, whether he was guilty or not guilty, and whether the news coverage of the trial was good or bad. Background variables include sex, age, ethnicity, household income, marital status, employment status, religion, education, subjective size of community, political orientation, political party, labor union membership, social class, whether the respondent was registered to vote, whether they voted in the 1992 presidential election, and if so, for whom (Democrat Bill Clinton, Republican George H.W. Bush, or Independent candidate Ross Perot).

Columns: the parameter (first), estimates (second), value of the t-statistics (third), p-value of the t-statistics (fourth) and “*” indicates the significance of the parameter at the 5% significance level (last).

Columns: the parameter (first), estimates (second), value of the t-statistics (third), p-value of the t-statistics (fourth) and :*” indicates significance of the parameter at the 5% significance level (last).