Throughout the history of the Soviet Union, Russians were consistently the largest ethnic group in the USSR. Of a total population of 262 million people in 1979, the share who were Russian was over 137 million, which is equal to roughly 52 percent. In 1989, the total population of the Soviet Union was almost 286 million, with the ethnic Russian population at 145 million, or 51 percent. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Tatars were the only of the ten largest ethnic groups not to be given their own independent country, with Tatarstan instead becoming one of Russia's federal republics.

The stereotype content model (SCM), originating in the United States and generalized across nearly 50 countries, has yet to address ethnic relations in one of the world’s most influential nations. Russia and the United States are somewhat alike (large, powerful, immigrant-receiving), but differ in other ways relevant to intergroup images (culture, religions, ideology, and history). Russian ethnic stereotypes are understudied, but significant for theoretical breadth and practical politics. This research tested the SCM on ethnic stereotypes in a Russian sample (N = 1115). Study 1 (N = 438) produced an SCM map of the sixty most numerous domestic ethnic groups (both ethnic minorities and immigrants). Four clusters occupied the SCM warmth-by-competence space. Study 2 (N = 677) compared approaches to ethnic stereotypes in terms of status and competition, cultural distance, perceived region, and four intergroup threats. Using the same Study 1 groups, the Russian SCM map showed correlated warmth and competence, with few ambivalent stereotypes. As the SCM predicts, status predicted competence, and competition negatively predicted warmth. Beyond the SCM, status and property threat both were robust antecedents for both competence and warmth for all groups. Besides competition, cultural distance also negatively predicted warmth for all groups. The role of the other antecedents, as expected, varied from group to group. To examine relative impact, a network analysis demonstrated that status, competition, and property threat centrally influence many other variables in the networks. The SCM, along with antecedents from other models, describes Russian ethnic-group images. This research contributes: (1) a comparison of established approaches to ethnic stereotypes (from acculturation and intergroup relations) showing the stability of the main SCM predictions; (2) network structures of the multivariate dependencies of the considered variables; (3) systematically cataloged images of ethnic groups in Russia for further comparisons, illuminating the Russian historical, societal, and interethnic context.

ethnic groups in Russia. name, image, country of origin, continent of origin, Language, Religion, religion, population

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Cystic fibrosis (CF) is a common monogenic disease caused by pathogenic variants in the CFTR gene. The distribution and frequency of CFTR variants vary in different countries and ethnic groups. The spectrum of pathogenic variants of the CFTR gene was previously studied in more than 1,500 CF patients from different regions of the European and North Caucasian region of Russia and the spectrum of the most frequent pathogenic variants of the CFTR gene and ethnic features of their distribution were determined. To assess the population frequency of CFTR gene mutations some of the common variants were analyzed in the samples of healthy unrelated individuals from the populations of the European part of the Russian Federation: 1,324 Russians from four European regions (Pskov, Tver, Rostov, and Kirov regions), representatives of five indigenous ethnic groups of the Volga-Ural region [Mari (n = 505), Udmurts (n = 613), Chuvash (n = 780), Tatars (n = 704), Bashkirs (n = 517)], and six ethnic groups of the North Caucasus [Karachay (n = 324), Nogais (n = 118), Circassians (n = 102), Abazins (n = 128), Ossetians (n = 310), and Chechens (n = 100)]. The frequency of common CFTR mutations was established in studied ethnic groups. The frequency of F508del mutation in Russians was found to be 0.0056 on average, varying between four regions, from 0.0027 in the Pskov region to 0.0069 in the Rostov region. Three variants W1282X, 1677delTA, and F508del were identified in the samples from the North Caucasian populations: in Karachay, the frequency of W1282X mutation was 0.0092, 1677delTA mutation – 0.0032; W1282X mutation in the Nogais sample – 0.0127, the frequency of F508del mutations was 0.0098 and 1677delTA – 0.0098 in Circassians; in Abazins F508del (0.0039), W1282X (0.0039) and 1677delTA (0.0117) mutations were found. In the indigenous peoples of the Volga-Ural region, the maximum frequency of the F508del mutation was detected in the Tatar population (0.099), while this mutation was never detected in the Mari and Bashkir populations. The E92K variant was found in Chuvash and Tatar populations. Thus, interethnic differences in the spectra of CFTR gene variants were shown both in CF patients and in healthy population of the European and North Caucasian part of Russia.

We examine inter-ethnic trust in Bosnia and the North Caucasus region of Russia, two ethnically diverse, post-communist societies, which at times have been racked by inter-ethnic and/or separatist conflicts. We survey attitudes and preferences towards the contemporary situation, revealing that there is substantial inter-ethnic trust in the North Caucasus, while the Bosnian respondents are in general less trusting. Consistent with research in social psychology, we find that respondents who do not express strong ethnic pride and with friends from a variety of ethnic backgrounds are more likely to trust members of other national groups. Furthermore, respondents who doubt that the current situation is improving are less likely to say they trust members of other ethnic groups. While we expected personal experiences with ethnic violence to have a negative impact on inter-ethnic trust, we find the opposite: Survey respondents with personal experiences of ethnic violence are more likely to express trust in members of other ethnic groups. To further examine these results, we investigate differences across ethnic groups in the two survey regions. In order to improve the validity and comparability of survey responses from people of different (cultural, economic, and social) backgrounds, we use an anchoring vignette, a technique that measures and corrects for response category incomparability, allowing for a better comparison of resp onses among and across these two societies.

"Opinions and Views of the Population of Ukraine" is a regular omnibus survey, conducted by Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) among Ukraine's adult population and covering a wide range of topics. The data presented here is a subset of the survey conducted in September-October 2024 and include KIIS's own research questions. Topics covered by the survey include: readiness for concessions for peace, and acceptability of hypothetical territorial concessions to Russia; views on Western support for Ukraine in the context of the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war; perception of Russia's resilience and how long Ukrainians are ready to bear the burden of war; attitudes toward Russia and Russian citizens; trust in President Volodymyr Zelenskyy; perceptions of recent anti-corruption efforts in Ukraine; evaluation of national identity based on ethnic origin, language, and geographic location; social acceptance of various groups in different societal roles (refugees, internally displaced persons, residents of occupied territories, Russian-speaking Ukrainians, and citizens of Ukraine who identify as ethnically Russian). Data collection took place from September 20 to October 03, 2024. Some of the survey questions were asked to all respondents (n=2,004), while others were directed to a sub-sample of 989 respondents. The data is available in an SAV format (Ukrainian, English) and a converted CSV format (with a codebook). The Data Documentation (pdf file) also includes a short overview and discussion of survey results as well as the relevant parts of the original questionnaire.

When members of one ethnic group feel threatened by population trends favoring ethnic "others," would perceived economic gains associated with such population change (as in many cases of migration) reduce perceived threats to security and interethnic hostility? An ideal quasi-experimental setting for addressing this question is Chinese cross-border migration into the Russian Far East, for which the author designed and directed an opinion survey in September 2000 with 1,010 respondents selected through stratified random sampling. Findings based on multiple regression analysis suggest that individuals who perceive interactions with members of a culturally distant ethnic group as economically beneficial feel less threatened and favor less hostile responses toward ethnic "others" -- even if these individuals adhere to negative stereotypes against the latter. Strong effects of perceived economic gains (or losses) with respect to the local economy endure when controlled for party identification, perceptions of relative deprivation, perceptions of the neighboring state's intent to undertake aggressive actions, and perceptions of military balance, as well as for local economic and demographic trends. For both threat and hostility, perceptions of total economic effects attributed to ethnic "others" -- but not perceptions of relative gains among groups -- are found to be a significant predictor.

The Second World War had a profound impact on gender ratios within the Soviet Union's population, and its effect on different age groups varied greatly. The Soviet population structure had already been shaped heavily by the First World War, the Russian Revolution, and the famines of the early 1920s and early 1930s. The impact of these events on mortality and fertility meant that, in 1941, the generations whose births corresponded with these events had a lower population than would be expected on a typical population model. For example, in 1941, those aged between 5 and 9 had a significantly lower population than those aged 10 to 14, due to the effects of the Soviet famine of 1932-1933. Additionally, women outnumbered men in all age groups except the very youngest, due to the disproportionate effect of conflict and infant mortality on male populations. Impact of WWII In order to observe the impact of the war, one must compare populations of specific age groups in 1941 with the following age group in 1946. For men of "fighting age" in 1941, i.e. those aged between 15 and 44, these populations experience the most substantial decrease over the course of the war. For example, there are 5.6 million men aged 15-19 in 1941, but just 3.5 million aged 20-24 in 1946, giving a decrease of 38 percent. This decrease of almost forty percent can be observed until the 45-49 group, where the difference is 25 percent. Additionally, women aged between 15 and 34 saw a disproportionate decrease in their populations over this period, as many enlisted in the army and took an active part in the conflict, most notably as medics, snipers, and pilots.

The war's impact on fertility and child mortality meant that, in 1946, the total population under four years old was less than half its size in 1941. Generally, variations between age groups then fluctuated in line with pre-war patterns, however the overall ratio of women to men increased further after the war. For all age groups over 20 years, the number of men decreased between these years, whereas all women's age groups over 30 years saw an increase; this meant that, despite the war, women over 30 had a higher life expectancy in 1946.

Genetic data plays an increasingly important role in modern medicine. Decrease in the cost of sequencing with subsequent increase in imputation accuracy, and the accumulation of large amounts of high-quality genetic data enable the creation of polygenic risk scores (PRSs) to perform genotype–phenotype associations. The accuracy of phenotype prediction primarily depends on the overall trait heritability, Genome-wide association studies cohort size, and the similarity of genetic background between the base and the target cohort. Here we utilized 8,664 high coverage genomic samples collected across Russia by “Evogen”, a Russian biomedical company, to evaluate the predictive power of PRSs based on summary statistics established on cohorts of European ancestry for basic phenotypic traits, namely height and BMI. We have demonstrated that the PRSs calculated for selected traits in three distinct Russian populations, recapitulate the predictive power from the original studies. This is evidence that GWAS summary statistics calculated on cohorts of European ancestry are transferable onto at least some ethnic groups in Russia.

Overexpression of the Human endogenous retrovirus W (HERV-W) group of inherited retroviruses has been consistently linked with Multiple Sclerosis (MS). However most of the studies on this link have focused on European genetic groups with a very high risk of MS and it is not clear that this relationship holds for all ethnic groups. This study examined via qPCR the RNA expression in peripheral blood of HERV-W (the multiple sclerosis associated retrovirus variant MSRV) of MS patients and healthy controls from two ethnic groups with very different risk rates of MS. Population one was derived from the UK with a Northern European genetic background and an MS risk rate of 108/100,000, population two was derived from the republic of Tatarstan, Russian Federation, with a mixed Russian (Eastern European) and Tartar (Turkic or Volga/Urals) population with an MS risk rate of 21-31/100,000. The Russian population displayed a significantly higher basal level of expression of MSRV in both healthy and MS individuals when compared to the British control population with a trend in the Russian population towards higher expression levels in MS patients than healthy patients.

Bulgaria, with the help of the Russian Empire, achieved independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1878. In the decades before independence, Bulgaria's population had remained between 2.2 and 2.8 million people, and growth was much slower then the following century. Although most at the time assumed that it would become a Russian ally, Bulgaria defied the expectations and aligned itself with the western powers, and developed into a modern European state by the turn in the late 1800s. Bulgaria at war In the early twentieth century Bulgaria was involved in both World Wars, as well as two Balkan Wars. The Balkan states were unhappy with the borders assigned to them by the western powers, and instead wanted to re-draw them based on the dispersal of ethnic groups. This led to the first Balkan War in 1912, which saw Bulgaria fight alongside Greece and Serbia against the Ottomans. Bulgaria fought the second Balkan War on all sides, this time against Greece, Serbia, Romania and the Ottomans, as the dispute over borders continued. Bulgaria was defeated this time, and sustained heavy casualties, amassing in 58 thousand fatalities and over 100 thousand wounded in the two wars.

In the First World War, Bulgaria remained neutral at first, in order to recover from the previous wars, but then aligned itself with the Central powers in 1915, and played a vital role in maintaining their control in the Balkans. While Bulgaria was initially successful, its allies weakened as the war progressed, and then Bulgaria eventually succumbed to Allied forces and surrendered in 1918, with almost 200 thousand Bulgarians dying as a result of the war. The interwar years was a period of political and economic turmoil, and when control was re-established, Bulgaria was then able to maintain it's neutrality throughout most of the Second World War, (although there was some conflict and bombings in certain areas). Rise and fall of communism After the war, Bulgaria became a communist state, and life became harsh for the civil population there until the late 1950s when the standard of living rose again. In the late 1980s, like many Eastern European countries, Bulgaria experienced economic decline as the communist system began to collapse. Political failures also contributed to this, and approximately 300 thousand Bulgarian Turks migrated to Turkey, greatly weakening the agricultural economy. This trend of mass migration abroad continued after the fall of the iron curtain, as well as the rise of unemployment. Bulgaria reached it's peak population size in 1985 at 8.98 million inhabitants, but then the number decreases each year, and is expected to be 6.94 million in 2020. This drop in population size has been attributed to the economic collapse at the end of communism in Eastern Europe, causing many to leave the country in search of work elsewhere. Bulgaria also has one of the lowest fertility rates in the world, with 8.7 births per 1,000 people per year (in 2018).