Migration in Europe in 2024 marks a return to normality after the extreme disruptions experienced in 2022. While in 2022 Ukraine saw the largest negative net migration balance, with almost 7 million of its citizens fleeing the eastern European country in the aftermath of Russia's invasion, in 2024 it is in fact the country with the largest positive net migration balance. Over 1.15 million Ukrainians have returned to their home country from abroad, leading Poland, Romania, and Hungary to have large net migration deficits, as they were key recipient countries for Ukrainians in 2022. The other countries which experienced large positive net migration balances in 2023 are all in western Europe, as the UK, the Netherlands, France, Italy, and Spain all remain popular destinations for migrants.

For the year ending June 2024, approximately 1.2 million people migrated to the United Kingdom, while 479,000 people migrated from the UK, resulting in a net migration figure of 728,000. There have consistently been more people migrating to the United Kingdom than leaving it since 1993 when the net migration figure was negative 1,000. Although migration from the European Union has declined since the Brexit vote of 2016, migration from non-EU countries accelerated rapidly from 2021 onwards. In the year to June 2023, 968,000 people from non-EU countries migrated to the UK, compared with 129,000 from EU member states. Immigration and the next UK election Throughout 2023, immigration, along with the economy and healthcare, was consistently seen by UK voters as one of the top issues facing the country. Despite a pledge to deter irregular migration via small boats, and controversial plans to send asylum applicants to Rwanda while their claims are being processed, the current government is losing the trust of the public on this issue. As of February 2024, 20 percent of Britons thought the Labour Party would be the best party to handle immigration, compared with 16 percent who thought the Conservatives would handle it better. With the next UK election expected at some point in 2024, the Conservatives are battling to improve their public image on this and many other issues. Historical context of migration The first humans who arrived in the British Isles, were followed by acts of conquest and settlement from Romans, Anglo-Saxons, Danes, and Normans. In the early modern period, there were also significant waves of migration from people fleeing religious or political persecution, such as the French Huguenots. More recently, large numbers of people also left Britain. Between 1820 and 1957, for example, around 4.5 million people migrated from Britain to America. After World War Two, immigration from Britain's colonies and former colonies was encouraged to meet labor demands. A key group that migrated from the Caribbean between the late 1940s and early 1970s became known as the Windrush generation, named after one of the ships that brought the arrivals to Britain.

For the year ending June 2024, the net migration figure for British citizens in the United Kingdom was negative 21,000, compared with negative 95,000 for citizens of European Union countries, and 845,000 for non-EU citizens.

This statistic displays the amount of European Union (EU) immigrants living in the United Kingdom (UK) in 2015, by country of birth. There are approximately 646 thousand Polish immigrants living in the UK, followed by Ireland and Germany at 403 thousand and 304 thousand respectively.

In the year ending June 2024, approximately 1.03 million people from outside the European Union migrated to the United Kingdom, compared with 116,000 people from European Union countries, and 58,000 British nationals.

On 17th November 2011 the Office for National Statistics (ONS) as part of their Migration Statistics Improvement Programme (MSIP) released their improved methodology for producing local authority long-term migration estimates within England and Wales.

This Update presents a brief overview of the improved migration methodology adopted by the ONS in respect to its impact on migration and population estimates.

• Improvements to the immigration distributional methodology has impacted on both the estimated number of migrants and total population between 2006 and 2010.

• The number of immigrants in London as a result is estimated to have risen by 129.8 thousand (2006 to 2010) compared to previous figures.

• Ten London boroughs are in the top 20 local authorities for upward indicative revisions in their population estimates.

Open the report here

or Download the data here

https://s3-eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/londondatastore-upload/update-12-2012.JPG" alt="">

Nationality of migrants. containing estimates of Long-Term International Migration, International Passenger survey and pre 1975 archived data. annual table.

This release replaces the previous annual and quarterly publications Control of Immigration Statistics and the annual British Citizenship, following a public consultation. Each topic now has its own entry, links to these related reports can be found under the "additional links" section. There are a number of different measures that can be used to monitor numbers of people coming to the United Kingdom for study.

For those students who are subject to immigration control, administrative information is available on student visas and visa extensions, as well as records of students admitted. The International Passenger Survey (IPS), run by the Office for National Statistics (ONS), provides estimates of all students arriving in the UK, with the ONS migration statistics focussing on those who intend to stay for a year or more. Research into students has also been published, for example Migrant Journey Analysis that involved linking records to give a more complete picture as to what happened to a group of students over a five year period.

These various statistics and research can appear to give different pictures of student immigration. Often this is because the latest data for different measures cover different time periods. In addition, they also count different aspects of the immigration process, with some showing intentions or permissions, whilst others show actual events.

Number of Immigrants: Female: EU 15 excl UK and Ireland data was reported at 8.100 Person th in 2017. This records an increase from the previous number of 7.900 Person th for 2016. Number of Immigrants: Female: EU 15 excl UK and Ireland data is updated yearly, averaging 5.700 Person th from Apr 1987 (Median) to 2017, with 31 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 11.800 Person th in 2009 and a record low of 1.200 Person th in 1987. Number of Immigrants: Female: EU 15 excl UK and Ireland data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Central Statistics Office of Ireland. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Ireland – Table IE.G004: Number of Immigrants and Emigrants.

In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the majority of documented migration to the United States of American came from European countries. Between 1820 and 1957, of the approximate 41 million migrants to the US, over 34 million of these came from Europe. The most commonly documented countries of origin during this time were Germany (6.6 million), Italy (4.9 million), Ireland (4.6 million), Great Britain (4.5 million), and Russia (3.4 million). The first wave of mass migration came in the 1850s, as the Great famine crippled Ireland's population, and many in rural areas of mainland Europe struggled to adapt to industrialization, and economic opportunities attracted many in the 1870s, following the American Civil War. The 1880s saw another wave, as steam powered ships and lower fares made trans-Atlantic journeys much more affordable. The first wave of mass migration from Eastern and Southern Europe also arrived at this time, as industrialization and agricultural advancements led to high unemployment in these regions.

The majority of migrants to the United States settled in major urban centers, which allowed the expansion of industry, leading to the United States' emergence as one of the leading global economies at the turn of the twentieth century. The largest wave of migration to the United states during this period came in the first fifteen years of the 1900s. The influx of migrants from Northern and Western Europe had now been replaced by an influx from Eastern and Southern Europe (although migration from the British Isles was still quite high during this time). European migration fell to it's lowest levels in eighty years during the First World War, before fluctuating again in the interwar period, due to the Great Depression. As the twentieth century progressed, the continent with the highest levels of migration to the US gradually changed from Europe to Latin America, as economic opportunities in Western Europe improved, and the US' relationship with the Soviet Union and other Eastern, communist states became complicated.

Data are transcripts based on focus groups and qualitative interviews with social care practitioners, and interviews with members of migrant families living in the UK. Practitioner data relates to focus groups, and some interviews, conducted at the start of the study which then informed the content of one-to-one ‘mid-point’ interviews with other practitioners. Professional groups represented are linked to anonymised collaborating organisations, including: educators, family support workers, social workers and youth and community workers. Further data is based on interviews conducted with practitioners ‘external’ to the collaborating organisation, most of whom were qualified social workers. Data generated via work with migrant families include transcripts from interviews with members of migrant families. Some were interviewed separately, and others in pairs, or as a group of three. Prior to the interviews, participants completed creative diaries. However, these included names, photographs and highly personal accounts. As such, they cannot be anonymised and have not been used as data but, rather an elicitation tool in the interviews. For this reason, the content of the diaries is not shared here. All transcripts have been anonymised. Names have been replaced with pseudonyms and other identifying characteristics have been removed, including the names of identifying collaborating organisations. The study was conducted across two cities that are identified: Hull and Sheffield. For this reason, the cities and the names of some organisations and areas of the city that are referenced have not been changed.
The ‘Everyday Bordering in the UK: the impact of everyday bordering on social care practitioners and the migrant families with whom they work’, was a 30-month project funded by the Economic and Social Research Council, 2020-2022. The project sought to understand if and how the UK’s increasingly hostile environment towards immigration impacts on social care practitioners and the families that they support. The aims of the project were therefore: to work with social care professionals, (with and without statutory immigration control and/or social care duties), and the migrant families supported by them to understand whether, and to what extent, practices of ‘everyday bordering’ permeate across social care professions working with a range of migrant families (refugees, asylum seekers, EU migrants and third country nationals); and to examine if and how the requirement to enact immigration control in ‘everyday’ professional practice impacts on the support migrant families receive. More broadly, the objectives of the study were: to compare whether and to what extent different social care professionals enact and/or resist ‘everyday’ bordering’ practices in their work with migrant family members, and the forms these practices take; and to understand how migrant individuals identify and experience the performance of these practices.

In order to achieve these aims and objectives, the study took a collaborative approach. Through a range of ethnographic activities, we worked with collaborating organisations and their partners to identify participants (practitioner and migrant family members) and to inform and refine the research questions. This included using semi-structed focus groups and interviews with practitioners, and interviews supported by elicitation techniques with members of migrant families. As part of the project, we also conducted creative art workshops to enable migrant family members to identify the ways in which they wanted to represent their experiences of everyday bordering. A group of young family migrant family members that we worked with in Sheffield chose to use photography, and this was exhibited as 'A Tale of Two Sheffields', in partnership with ‘City of Sanctuary – Sheffield’ at the 2022 Migrant Matters Festival. In Hull, family members chose to work with local community artists to create short films of interviews that they curated. These are included as resource in the project output, ‘Working with Migrant Communities: a resource for practitioners’. These activities and creative outputs, underpinned by the findings of the study, gave voice to members of migrant families that told us that they often feel unheard. They have also contributed to addressing a gap in training and resources for practitioners working with migrant family members.

The global movement of people is a growing feature of contemporary life. In the UK, policy and the media focus on the need to control all types of immigration and/or the possible 'illegality' of migrants. In 2012, for example, Theresa May stated that the Conservative-led Government aimed to deliberately create a 'hostile environment' by denying illegal immigrants access to work, housing, services and bank accounts. Subsequently, whilst some public servants, such as health care professionals, were already responsible for checking a person's immigration...

Number of Emigrants: Male: EU 15 excl UK and Ireland data was reported at 5.900 Person th in 2017. This records an increase from the previous number of 5.700 Person th for 2016. Number of Emigrants: Male: EU 15 excl UK and Ireland data is updated yearly, averaging 2.400 Person th from Apr 1987 (Median) to 2017, with 31 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 7.000 Person th in 2011 and a record low of 1.200 Person th in 1987. Number of Emigrants: Male: EU 15 excl UK and Ireland data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Central Statistics Office of Ireland. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Ireland – Table IE.G004: Number of Immigrants and Emigrants.

The Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) is a unique tool which measures policies to integrate migrants in countries across fifty six continents, including all EU Member States (including the UK), other European countries (Albania, Iceland, North Macedonia, Moldova, Norway, Serbia, Switzerland, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine), Asian countries (China, India, Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, South Korea, United Arab Emirates), North American countries (Canada, Mexico and US), South American countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile), South Africa, and Australia and New Zealand in Oceania.

Policy indicators have been developed to create a rich, multi-dimensional picture of migrants’ opportunities to participate in society. In the fifth edition (MIPEX 2020), a core set of indicators were created and updated for the period 2014-2019. MIPEX now covers the period 2007-2019 and is being updated to cover the 2020-2023 period. The index is a useful tool to evaluate and compare what governments are doing to promote the integration of migrants in all the countries analysed.

MIPEX scores are based on a set of indicators covering eight policy areas that has been designed to benchmark current laws and policies against the highest standards through consultations with top scholars and institutions using and conducting comparative research in their area of expertise. The policy areas of integration covered by the MIPEX are the following: Labour market mobility; Family reunification; Education; Political participation; Permanent residence; Access to nationality; Anti-discrimination; and Health.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner. It is sometimes suggested that migration patterns evolve following a trajectory where individuals start to move from one country to another, and over time, more people join them: once a critical mass is reached, that migration flow expands rapidly. However, there is not enough evidence to back up this theory of migration dynamics partly because studies to date have tended to focus either on the ‘root causes’ of migration or on the reasons why migration processes gain momentum and become established migration systems. A related issue is lack of theory to explain why many initial pioneer migration movements do not set in motion self-reinforcing migration dynamics. Current theories also fail to explain adequately the stagnation and weakening of established migration systems. The THEMIS international project team investigated what makes people decide to migrate, why some of those initial moves to Europe result in the formation of significant migration systems, and why some migration processes simply tail off or stagnate. This involved a comparative study of the evolution of migrant groups following different migration trajectories from several regions of three origin countries (Brazil, Morocco and Ukraine) to selected areas in four destination countries (UK, Norway, the Netherlands and Portugal). Main Topics: Initiation, continuation and decline of European migration systems Multi-stage stratified random sample Purposive selection/case studies Respondent-driven sampling Face-to-face interview Compilation or synthesis of existing material

This is a collection of data on men and women in the IT sector in India and the UK. The data includes quantitative survey undertaken with 155 IT firms in India; 400 IT workers in India and the UK divided across the following cohorts: migrant and non-migrant, in India and the UK, men and women. The deposited data also includes 86 interviews with migrant and non-migrant IT workers in India and the UK. This data explores the nature of the IT industry, its gendered formations, experiences of migration and future plans. The use of a comparative methodology in understanding gender issues in the IT sector makes it unique.

The global Information Technology (IT) sector is characterised by low participation of women and the UK is no exception. In response, UK organizations (e.g. Women in Technology), committees (e.g. BCS Women) and campaigns (e.g. Computer Clubs for Girls) have been set up to address the problem and increase the small and falling number of women in IT education, training and employment. To complement and provide an evidence base for future interventions this project adopted a new approach by considering the problem from two unexplored angles simultaneously. First, India, in comparison with most OECD countries, has a much higher proportion of women working as IT specialists; the project compared the experiences of IT workers in India and the UK to see what the UK can learn from the Indian case. Secondly, the research explored the insights of migrant women and men who moved between UK and India and had experience of both work cultures in order to obtain new insights into gender norms in each country as well as best practice. The project answered the following questions: a) What are the gender differences in the labour market among migrant and non-migrant workers in the IT sector in India and the UK?; b) What processes have led to different gendered patterns of workplace experiences among migrant and non-migrant workers in the IT sector in India and the UK?; c) What is the role of firms, industry and national regulations and cultures in creating barriers and opportunities for migrant and non-migrant men and women's career entry and progression and labour markets?

Number of Emigrants: Female: EU 15 excl UK and Ireland data was reported at 7.000 Person th in 2017. This records a decrease from the previous number of 8.200 Person th for 2016. Number of Emigrants: Female: EU 15 excl UK and Ireland data is updated yearly, averaging 3.300 Person th from Apr 1987 (Median) to 2017, with 31 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 8.700 Person th in 2015 and a record low of 1.300 Person th in 1988. Number of Emigrants: Female: EU 15 excl UK and Ireland data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Central Statistics Office of Ireland. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Ireland – Table IE.G004: Number of Immigrants and Emigrants.

Data Source: EU Labour Force Survey, 2008 (for UK, France, Belgium and Sweden); European Social Survey (2002–2010 for Europe).

This table shows resident population of London broken down by nationality, showing data for London's largest communities in 2004, and 2008 to 2012.

Also shows the percentage of the UK community that live in London.
The Annual Population Survey (APS) sampled around 325,000 people in the UK (around 28,000 in London). As such all figures must be treated with some caution. 95% confidence interval levels are provided.

All numbers based on fewer than 50 surveys have been suppressed.
Numbers have been rounded to the nearest thousand.

The APS is the only inter-censal data source that can provide estimates of the population stock by nationality. The data have a range of limitations, particularly in relation to their poor coverage of short-term migrants or recent arrivals. They also struggle to provide estimates for small migrant populations due to small sample sizes.
Information about Londoners by Country of Birth using APS data, can be found in DMAG Briefing 2008-05 http://legacy.london.gov.uk/gla/publications/factsandfigures/dmag-briefing-2008-05.pdf

ONS website

In 2015 a team of researchers based in Greece, Italy, Turkey and Malta undertook interviews with refugees and migrants as well as stakeholders and observed events of the so-called ‘migration crisis’ as they unfolded.

The dataset deposited here includes information on semi-structured interviews with a total of 500 refugees and migrants, 440 of whom had crossed the Mediterranean by boat in 2015 to Greece (215 interviews), Italy (205 interviews) and Malta (20 interviews) together with a further 60 respondents who had moved to Turkey and were considering making the onward journey to Europe. These countries reflected the key locations of the crisis.

The initial analysis of the dataset has meant that it has been coded to record who was on the move, the journeys that they made and the routes that they took. This enables an examination of the relationship between micro-level characteristics and the geographies of migration that were recorded.

Specifically the dataset here includes:

1. Methodological note - a description of the project, the approach to the fieldwork and the analysis undertaken

2. Individuals - data on the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of the interviewees.

3. Routes - data on the routes taken by our interviewees and the duration taken to travel along them.

4. Journeys - data setting out the individual stops and journeys recorded from each interviewee, travel method between them and duration of travel. This has been prepared for insertion into GIS Mapping software.

   In the first six months of 2015 more than 100,000 migrants crossed the Mediterranean, arriving at the shores of southern Europe in search of protection or a better life. In the same period more than 1,800 people lost their lives, drowning as overloaded and often unseaworthy boats sank into the sea. Although the crisis is in many ways nothing new, these scenes have captured the public and media imagination and have challenged the ability of European States to respond appropriately. Recent months have seen increasingly heated discussions at the national and EU level about whether rescues at sea are a vital humanitarian intervention or simply encourage others to attempt the crossing, and whether those who arrive can be dealt with through mandatory or voluntary relocation quotas. Many of these discussions are underpinned by assumptions about why it is that migrants make the journey to Europe in the first place.

In this context the research aims to better understand the dynamics of migration in the Mediterranean region by providing the first large-scale, systematic and comparative study of the backgrounds, experiences, aspirations and routes of migrants in four European countries (Italy, Greece, Malta and Turkey) gathered from 550 migrants who have recently arrived and 100 stakeholders. The research pushes the theoretical and conceptual boundaries of migration studies, encouraging critical reflexive dialogue and practice by opening new and inclusive spaces for questioning and challenging established ways of categorising and thinking about with the Mediterranean migration crisis. In so doing it will create opportunities for increased policy dialogue and academic collaboration between the case study countries - and across the EU more generally - around the evidence gathered.

The research is underpinned by a number of urgent research questions which inform the collection and analysis of the data: 1. What are the underlying factors shaping migration from countries of origin and how do the characteristics and backgrounds of migrants shape the response to structural issues? 2. What are the opportunity structures that shape, inform or constrain migrant journeys to Europe? 3. What are the differences between the Central Mediterranean (principally from Libya to Italy and Malta) and Eastern (Turkey to Greece) Mediterranean routes? 4. To what extent are migrant journeys to Europe, or particular countries within Europe, shaped or even determined by non-state actors (agents, facilitators and civil society)? 5. What are the impacts of policies intended to deter or prevent migrants from crossing the Mediterranean?

The research will be delivered by a team of leading UK migration scholars from the Universities of Coventry, Oxford, Birmingham and Sussex working in collaboration with academic partners in the case study countries and supported by experts from international, governmental and non-governmental organisations. The team has established relationships with local civil society organisations that will facilitate access to research participants and provide advice and information on policy or other developments which could impact on the delivery of the project.

The research will benefit a wide range of academic, governmental, international and civil society organisations and inform the development of strategic, political and policy responses to the migration crisis in the Mediterranean. This impact will be secured through...