The U.S. Census defines Asian Americans as individuals having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent (U.S. Office of Management and Budget, 1997). As a broad racial category, Asian Americans are the fastest-growing minority group in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). The growth rate of 42.9% in Asian Americans between 2000 and 2010 is phenomenal given that the corresponding figure for the U.S. total population is only 9.3% (see Figure 1). Currently, Asian Americans make up 5.6% of the total U.S. population and are projected to reach 10% by 2050. It is particularly notable that Asians have recently overtaken Hispanics as the largest group of new immigrants to the U.S. (Pew Research Center, 2015). The rapid growth rate and unique challenges as a new immigrant group call for a better understanding of the social and health needs of the Asian American population.

South Asian Americans are part of the fastest growing racial/ethnic group in the United States and make up a substantial portion of the U.S. immigrant population. Research on this group has often focused on acculturation, the adoption of different values and behaviors in a new sociocultural environment. While there is evidence to suggest that acculturation (and the stress associated with this process) has a negative effect on the health and well-being of Asian Americans, more recent research has emphasized the need to examine the role of broader social forces—including everyday racism—in impacting mental health. Drawing on the stress process model, this study uses an original survey instrument to investigate the relationships between acculturative stress, anti-Asian racism, and mental health among a community sample of 200 South Asians in Texas. Results from hierarchical multiple regression models indicate that both acculturative stress and everyday racism are strongly linked to higher levels of anxiety-related symptoms and more frequent depressive symptoms. Everyday racism, however, explained variance in these outcomes, well beyond the effect of acculturative stress and other sociodemographic factors. These results underscore the potential benefit and importance of including questions about racism in community health surveys that aim to study health disparities among Asian Americans and highlight the persistence of social issues that U.S. South Asians face.

Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander women had the highest fertility rate of any ethnicity in the United States in 2022, with about 2,237.5 births per 1,000 women. The fertility rate for all ethnicities in the U.S. was 1,656.5 births per 1,000 women. What is the total fertility rate? The total fertility rate is an estimation of the number of children who would theoretically be born per 1,000 women through their childbearing years (generally considered to be between the ages of 15 and 44) according to age-specific fertility rates. The fertility rate is different from the birth rate, in that the birth rate is the number of births in relation to the population over a specific period of time. Fertility rates around the world Fertility rates around the world differ on a country-by-country basis, and more industrialized countries tend to see lower fertility rates. For example, Niger topped the list of the countries with the highest fertility rates, and Taiwan had the lowest fertility rate.

South Asian Americans are part of the fastest growing racial/ethnic group in the United States and make up a substantial portion of the U.S. immigrant population. Research on this group has often focused on acculturation, the adoption of different values and behaviors in a new sociocultural environment. While there is evidence to suggest that acculturation (and the stress associated with this process) has a negative effect on the health and well-being of Asian Americans, more recent research has emphasized the need to examine the role of broader social forces—including everyday racism—in impacting mental health. Drawing on the stress process model, this study uses an original survey instrument to investigate the relationships between acculturative stress, anti-Asian racism, and mental health among a community sample of 200 South Asians in Texas. Results from hierarchical multiple regression models indicate that both acculturative stress and everyday racism are strongly linked to higher levels of anxiety-related symptoms and more frequent depressive symptoms. Everyday racism, however, explained variance in these outcomes, well beyond the effect of acculturative stress and other sociodemographic factors. These results underscore the potential benefit and importance of including questions about racism in community health surveys that aim to study health disparities among Asian Americans and highlight the persistence of social issues that U.S. South Asians face.

Analysis of ‘Final Report of the Asian American Quality of Life (AAQoL)’ provided by Analyst-2 (analyst-2.ai), based on source dataset retrieved from https://catalog.data.gov/dataset/feb17efd-fa23-4e28-8acb-993def19d8a3 on 28 January 2022.

--- Dataset description provided by original source is as follows ---

The U.S. Census defines Asian Americans as individuals having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent (U.S. Office of Management and Budget, 1997). As a broad racial category, Asian Americans are the fastest-growing minority group in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). The growth rate of 42.9% in Asian Americans between 2000 and 2010 is phenomenal given that the corresponding figure for the U.S. total population is only 9.3% (see Figure 1). Currently, Asian Americans make up 5.6% of the total U.S. population and are projected to reach 10% by 2050. It is particularly notable that Asians have recently overtaken Hispanics as the largest group of new immigrants to the U.S. (Pew Research Center, 2015). The rapid growth rate and unique challenges as a new immigrant group call for a better understanding of the social and health needs of the Asian American population.

--- Original source retains full ownership of the source dataset ---

IntroductionLatinos are the fastest growing aging population in the U.S. However, there has been limited attention to conceptualizing successful aging among Latinos, especially those residing in rural communities. Latinos are the largest racial or ethnic group residing in rural underserved communities and rural Latinos experience significant structural barriers to access the conditions they need to age well. The goal of this study is to make unique contributions to the successful aging literature by describing what successful aging means for middle-aged Latinas residing in a rural community.MethodsThis qualitative paper used inductive thematic content analysis to examine definitions of successful aging among Latina women (n = 40) residing in an underserved agricultural community and entering mid-life (mean = 49 years old; age range 40–64).ResultsWith regards to definitions of successful aging, four themes emerged: 1) Having good health; 2) maintaining an active lifestyle; 3) the wellbeing of one’s children; and 4) being independent.DiscussionParticipants’ definitions of successful aging aligned to some extent with existing frameworks, specifically related to health and independence. However, middle-aged Latina participants’ unique definitions of successful aging also diverged from existing frameworks, especially around the wellbeing of their children and the importance of work as a way of maintaining an active lifestyle. More research is needed to understand the unique social context and circumstances of middle-aged Latinos residing in rural communities and how they influence their aging journeys. This can provide important information for the development of culturally sensitive services, interventions, and policies to help Latinos age well.

Multiracial self-classifiers are the fastest-growing racial population in the U.S. While their rise signals a sharp departure from racial norms of hypodescent, little is known about the sociopolitical meanings attached to multiracial labels. Here, we develop a theoretical framework for understanding multiracials' sense of racial group identity, linked fate, and racial attitudes. Leveraging the largest national opinion survey of multiracial adults to date, we compare the identity and attitudinal profiles of the two largest multiracial groups in the country—White-Asians and White-Blacks—with those of their component monoracial groups. We find that while explicit racial attitudes are occasionally at odds with their implicit attitudes, overall, the assertion of dual racial membership for White-Asian and White-Black multiracials does not reflect equal attachment to their constituent backgrounds, but rather greater attachment and solidarity with their minority race. These findings suggest that members of these multiracial groups are likely to align themselves with their minority background on political issues that are racial in nature.

A large and fast-growing number of studies across the social sciences use experiments to better understand the role of race in human interactions, particularly in the American context. Researchers often use names to signal the race of individuals portrayed in these experiments. However, those names might also signal other attributes, such as socioeconomic status (e.g., education and income) and citizenship. If they do, researchers need pre-tested names with data on perceptions of these attributes. Such data would permit researchers to draw correct inferences about the causal effect of race in their experiments. In this paper, we provide the largest dataset of validated name perceptions based on three different surveys conducted in the United States. In total, our data include over 44,170 name evaluations from 4,026 respondents for 600 names. In addition to respondent perceptions of race, income, education, and citizenship from names, our data also include respondent characteristics. Our data will be broadly helpful for researchers conducting experiments on the manifold ways in which race shapes American life.

According to report carried out in the United States in the third quarters of 2018 and 2019, podcasting is growing the fastest among Millennials in minority ethnic groups. Between those two time periods, the daily reach of podcasts among Hispanic Millennials increased by *** percent, and grew by ** percent among African Americans aged 18 to 34 years.

The global Race Timing App market is projected to reach a value of USD 467.2 million by 2033, exhibiting a CAGR of XX% during the forecast period (2025-2033). The market growth is attributed to factors such as the increasing demand for accurate and efficient timing solutions for sporting events, the growing popularity of running and cycling as recreational activities, and the advancements in mobile technology. Additionally, the rise of wearable devices, such as GPS watches and fitness trackers, has further fueled the demand for race timing apps that can seamlessly integrate with these devices. North America is the largest market for race timing apps, followed by Europe and Asia Pacific. The United States is the largest market within North America, accounting for a significant share of the regional market. The market in the Asia Pacific region is expected to witness the fastest growth during the forecast period due to the growing number of running and cycling events in countries such as China and India. The increasing adoption of smartphones and the availability of affordable race timing apps are also contributing to the market growth in this region. Prominent players in the global race timing app market include RaceSplitter, Webscorer, RaceID, RaceClocker, RaceTime, Sports Timing Solutions, RaceGorilla, TimingMob, Orgsu, RunnerCard, XCMeet, Race Result, Sailrace, Wiclax, RaceChrono, FinishTime, RaceTec, Xtreme Action Park, RunSignup, Race Roster, Crossbox, SmartRace, RTRT.me, RUFUS, Timing Solutions, among others.

In 2023, white Americans spent an average 31.2 daily minutes on playing games and using computers for leisure on weekdays and 40.2 minutes on such activities during the weekend and holidays. The Hispanic population averaged 36 minutes on playing games and computer use for leisure during the weekend and holidays.