The crime rate in the United Kingdom was highest in England and Wales in 2024/25, at **** crimes per 1,000 people, compared with Scotland, which had **** crimes per 1,000 population, and Northern Ireland, at **** crimes per 1,000 people in 2023/24. During this time period, the crime rate of England and Wales has usually been the highest in the UK, while Scotland's crime rate has declined the most, falling from **** crimes per 1,000 people in 2002/03, to just **** by 2021/22. Overall crime on the rise In 2024/25, there were approximately **** million crimes recorded by the police in England and Wales. Although this was a slight decline on the previous two years, it was still far higher than during the mid-2010s. While crime declined quite significantly between 2002/03 and 2013/14, this trend went into reverse in subsequent years. While there are no easy explanations for the recent uptick in crime, it is possible that reduced government spending on the police service was at least partly to blame. In 2009/10, for example, government spending on the police stood at around **** billion pounds, with this cut to *****billion in 2013/14. One of the most visible consequences of these cuts was a sharp reduction in the number of police officers in the UK. Between 2010 and 2017, the number of officers fell by 20,000, although the number of officers returned to pre-austerity levels by the 2020s. A creaking justice system During the period of austerity, the Ministry of Justice as a whole saw its budget sharply decline, from *** billion pounds in 2009/10 to just **** billion by 2015/16. Although there has been a reversal of the cuts to budgets and personnel in the justice system, the COVID-19 pandemic hit the depleted service hard in 2020. A backlog of cases grew rapidly, putting a strain on the ability of the justice system to process cases quickly. In 2022, for example, it took on average *** days for a crown court case to go from offence to conclusion, compared with *** days in 2018. There is also the issue of overcrowding in prisons, with the number of prisoners in England and Wales dangerously close to operational capacity in recent years.

This statistic illustrates the number of children that identify as gang members in England, as of 2019. There are in total ** thousand children identified as gang members in England. However, only *** thousand of them are known to the respective authorities.

Raw data on crime supplied by the Metropolitan Police Service and the Mayors Office for Policing and Crime (MOPAC). Pan-London data includes: - Total Notifiable Offences - Total Victim-based crime (and Sanctioned Detection Rates) - Violence against the Person - Violence with injury (VWI) (and SDR) - Serious Youth Violence - Female victims of robbery & Violence with Injury - Rape - Knife Crime (and SDR) - Knife Crime with Injury - Gun Crime (and SDR) - Gun Crime with firearm discharged - Gang violence indicator - Dog Attacks (and SDR) - Homicide - Sexual Offences - Burglary (all) - Burglary (residential) - Robbery (all) - Theft & Handling - Theft from Person - Theft of Motor Vehicle - Theft from Motor Vehicle - Criminal Damage - Domestic Offences - Homophobic Hate Victims - Racist & Religious Hate Victims - Faith Hate Victims - Disability Hate Victims - Stop & Search Totals (and related Arrest rate) - Police Strengths - Officer/Sergeant/Staff/Special Constable/PCSO - Satisfaction/Confidence in the Metropolitan Police Service (ease of contact/satisfaction with action taken/well-informed/fairly treated/overall satisfaction/overall confidence) NB. Quarterly data - Crime-related calls to Police by category - Anti-Social Behaviour-related calls to Police by category Borough data includes: - Fear of crime ("to what extent are you worried about crime in this area?") NB. Quarterly data NB. Action Fraud have taken over the recording of fraud offences nationally on behalf of individual police forces. This process began in April 2011 and was rolled out to all police forces by March 2013. Data for Greater London is available from Action Fraud here .

Knives or other sharp objects were involved in ** percent of homicides in England and Wales in 2023/24, the most of any method of killing. Homicides which involved hitting or kicking without a weapon made up **** percent of homicides, while shootings were identified as the method in *** percent of homicides. Overall, there were *** homicides in this reporting year, which was slightly lower than in the previous year, when there were ***, but noticeably higher than in 2014/15, when there were ***. Firearm homicides rare in England and Wales In 2023/24, there were *** knife homicides in England and Wales, compared with *** in 2021/22, which was the highest figure recently. By comparison, homicides which involved the use of a firearm were far less common, with just ** in the 2023/24 reporting year. Due to strict gun laws and low levels of ownership, the UK contrasts starkly with the United States, which has struggled with high levels of gun violence. Although some specialist police officers in England and Wales are licensed to carry firearms, the majority of police officers are unarmed. In 2023/24, for example, there were just ***** armed police, out of around ******* police officers. Overall knife crime on the rise Like many other types of crime, knife crime offences in the ***** started to decline at the start of the decade before creeping up again from 2014 onwards, reaching almost ****** in 2019/20. In London, where much of the media’s attention on knife crime is focused, there were ****** knife crime offences alone in 2019/20. Although this fell during subsequent reporting years, which were influenced by COVID-19 restrictions, it remains to be seen if the trend will continue. In 2023/24, the number of knife offences in the capital was higher than in any other year since 2019/20.

This research aimed to provide an overview of the trends in crime and victimisation in an inner city area over the last thirty years. In this period it is widely recognised that the inner city has undergone major changes involving significant population shifts. The London Borough of Islington is taken as a point of reference because it exhibits significant changes in the composition of its population over the last thirty years as well as experiencing major changes in its leisure and consumer activities. At the same time it includes an interesting mix of gentrified areas combined with pockets of poverty and deprivation.

The principal aim of the research was to examine changes in the distribution of crime and victimisation in this particular context. In 1986 a landmark study of crime and victimisation was carried out and published in the form of The Islington Crime Survey (Jones, McLean and Young, 1986). This study sought to both extend and qualify the findings of the then British Crime Survey (currently referred to as the Crime Survey for England and Wales) which collected national data. It was recognised that the form and level of crime varies significantly by area and that if victimisation surveys are going to inform policy then they have to be detailed and localised. For example, local crime surveys like The Islington Crime Survey (ICS) are able to identify specific streets and areas where people feel unsafe and can provide policy makers with the information that allows them to make such areas safer. They also allow assessments by residents of police performance and the opportunity for residents to express their priorities and concerns.

Nationally, there has been a significant decrease in most forms of recorded crime over the last two decades. This research provided an investigation of this decrease in an inner city area and aimed to identify which groups, if any, have benefited from this decrease. The survey also looked at repeat victimisation since it is known that some of the most victimised groups tend to be repeatedly victimised, with the aim to see if these levels of repeat victimisation have increased or decreased over time.

One of the main aims of the survey was to gain information of the experiences of victimisation amongst different ethnic groups and also to examine their relation with the police. There is also a focus on domestic violence, fear of crime, as well as forms of commercial crime. The research also drew on other data sources that provide information on crime in the borough that have been produced over the past thirty years in order to identify trends. The identification of these trends are in turn linked to an analysis of the changing economic and social context in which they are taking place. In this way the research examined changes in the distribution of victimisation in relation to the changing social composition and economic activity in the borough. This form of analysis should be able to say something significant about the changing nature of urban life and about people's concerns and experiences, which should provide some useful insights into the changing dynamics of urban culture.

There is considerable debate by academic researchers about the nature and direction of urban change and in particular how these changes relate to crime. There are also debates about the degree to which various crime prevention measures have been effective in reducing crime. By identifying urban trends in conjunction with changing patterns of crime this research provides a unique opportunity to increase our understanding of some of the most significant developments that are taking place in contemporary society.

The survey was undertaken using a face-to-face Computer Assisted Personal Interviewing (CAPI) methodology, with interviews being conducted in respondents’ homes. To qualify as a ‘victim’ for the purposes of the study, a respondent needed to have experienced one of the particular crime types that were in scope for the study, and to have done so in the period between the start of 2015 and the time of the interview. 2,000 interviews were targeted in total (1,500 interviews with victims and 500 interviewers with non-victims).

Rape offences have increased dramatically in England and Wales since 2012/13, when there were just over 16,000 offences. After this year, rape offences increased substantially, reaching a peak of 71,667 in 2024/25, the most recent reporting year. When 2024/25 is compared with 2002/03, there has been an almost sixfold increase in the number of rape offences recorded by the police in England and Wales. Similar patterns in Scotland and Northern Ireland While there has also been an increase in the number of rape and attempted rape offences in Scotland, the increase has not been quite as steep, with offences reaching 2,897 in 2022/23 compared with 924 in 2002/03. In Northern Ireland there has been a sharp rise in overall sexual offences, rising from 1,438 in 2002/03, to 4,090 by 2023/24. This rise in overall sexual offences is also observable in Scotland, with 14,892 offences in 2024/25, compared with 6,623 in 2002/03. Explaining the increase Although overall crime has shown a noticeable uptick recently, the rise in sexual offences has been much more pronounced. Rather than falling in the mid-2010s and then rising again towards the end of the decade, like overall crime, sexual offences remained at a relatively stable figure, until 2013/14 when it increased dramatically, a pattern mirrored in both Scotland and Northern Ireland. This is possibly due to better reporting practices by the police as well as an increasing willingness of victims to come forward, including historic victims of sexual violence.

The Offending, Crime and Justice Survey (OCJS) (also sometimes known as the Crime and Justice Survey), was the first national longitudinal, self-report offending survey for England and Wales. The series began in 2003, the initial survey representing the first wave in a planned four-year rotating panel study, and ended with the 2006 wave. A longitudinal dataset based on the four years of the study was released in 2009 (held at the Archive under SN 6345).

The OCJS was commissioned by the Home Office, with the overall objective of providing a solid base for measuring the prevalence of offending and drug use in the general population of England and Wales. The survey was developed in response to a significant gap in data on offending in the general population, as opposed to particular groups such as convicted offenders. A specific aim of the series was to monitor trends in offending among young people.

The OCJS series was designed as a 'rotating panel' which means that in each subsequent year, part of the previous year's sample was re-interviewed, and was augmented by a further 'fresh' sample to ensure a cross-sectional representative sample of young people. The aim of this design was to fulfil two objectives: firstly, to provide a solid cross-sectional base from which to monitor year-on-year measures of offending, drug use, and contact with the CJS over the four-year tracking period (2003-2006); and secondly, to provide longitudinal insight into individual behaviour and attitudinal changes over time, and to enable the Home Office to identify temporal links between and within the key survey measures.

The OCJS was managed by a team of researchers in the Home Office Research, Development and Statistics Directorate. The Home Office commissioned BMRB Social Research and the National Centre for Social Research (NatCen) to conduct the surveys jointly. Both organisations were involved in developing the surveys and, at each wave, the fieldwork was split between the two agencies.
The longitudinal analysis of the OCJS, based on the four survey years, 2003-2006, aimed to describe the levels of change in offending behaviour, antisocial behaviour (ASB) and drug use within individuals. It also covered the timing of transitions into and out of offending, ASB and drug use. The analysis intended to:

• identify the most common ages for starting to offend and use illegal drugs, and the ages of desistance
• help to identify young people who are most at risk of offending and using drugs
• explore the patterns of offending and drug use, including uptake and desistance among young people

The Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) asks a sole adult in a random sample of households about their, or their household's, experience of crime victimisation in the previous 12 months. These are recorded in the victim form data file (VF). A wide range of questions are then asked, covering demographics and crime-related subjects such as attitudes to the police and the criminal justice system (CJS). These variables are contained within the non-victim form (NVF) data file. In 2009, the survey was extended to children aged 10-15 years old; one resident of that age range was also selected from the household and asked about their experience of crime and other related topics. The first set of children's data covered January-December 2009 and is held separately under SN 6601. From 2009-2010, the children's data cover the same period as the adult data and are included with the main study.The Telephone-operated Crime Survey for England and Wales (TCSEW) became operational on 20 May 2020. It was a replacement for the face-to-face CSEW, which was suspended on 17 March 2020 because of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. It was set up with the intention of measuring the level of crime during the pandemic. As the pandemic continued throughout the 2020/21 survey year, questions have been raised as to whether the year ending March 2021 TCSEW is comparable with estimates produced in earlier years by the face-to-face CSEW. The ONS Comparability between the Telephone-operated Crime Survey for England and Wales and the face-to-face Crime Survey for England and Wales report explores those factors that may have a bearing on the comparability of estimates between the TCSEW and the former CSEW. These include survey design, sample design, questionnaire changes and modal changes.More general information about the CSEW may be found on the ONS Crime Survey for England and Wales web page and for the previous BCS, from the GOV.UK BCS Methodology web page.History - the British Crime SurveyThe CSEW was formerly known as the British Crime Survey (BCS), and has been in existence since 1981. The 1982 and 1988 BCS waves were also conducted in Scotland (data held separately under SNs 4368 and 4599). Since 1993, separate Scottish Crime and Justice Surveys have been conducted. Up to 2001, the BCS was conducted biennially. From April 2001, the Office for National Statistics took over the survey and it became the CSEW. Interviewing was then carried out continually and reported on in financial year cycles. The crime reference period was altered to accommodate this. Secure Access CSEW dataIn addition to the main survey, a series of questions covering drinking behaviour, drug use, self-offending, gangs and personal security, and intimate personal violence (IPV) (including stalking and sexual victimisation) are asked of adults via a laptop-based self-completion module (questions may vary over the years). Children aged 10-15 years also complete a separate self-completion questionnaire. The questionnaires are included in the main documentation, but the data are only available under Secure Access conditions (see SN 7280), not with the main study. In addition, from 2011 onwards, lower-level geographic variables are also available under Secure Access conditions (see SN 7311).New methodology for capping the number of incidents from 2017-18The CSEW datasets available from 2017-18 onwards are based on a new methodology of capping the number of incidents at the 98th percentile. Incidence variables names have remained consistent with previously supplied data but due to the fact they are based on the new 98th percentile cap, and old datasets are not, comparability has been lost with years prior to 2012-2013. More information can be found in the 2017-18 User Guide (see SN 8464) and the article ‘Improving victimisation estimates derived from the Crime Survey for England and Wales’. Latest Edition InformationFor the second edition (March 2020), data based upon a new methodology of capping the number of incidents at the 98th percentile have been made available. Incidence variables names have remained consistent with previously supplied data but due to the fact they are based on the new 98th percentile cap, and old data sets are not, comparability has been lost with years prior to 2012-2013. More information can be found in the user guide that accompanies the 2017-2018 CSEW study, held under SN 8464. The study includes information from the adult and child questionnaires. Data from the adult and child samples are available as separate files.

Adults: The adult non-victim form questionnaire covers: perceptions of crime and local area; performance of the CJS; mobile phone crime; experiences of the police (Module A); attitudes to the CJS (Module B); crime prevention and security (Module C); online security (Module D); plastic card fraud; mass-marketing fraud; anti-social behaviour; demographics and media.

The adult victim form contains offence-level data. Up to six different incidents were asked about for each respondent. Each of these constituted a separate victim form and can be matched back to the respondent-level data. Topics covered included: the nature and circumstances of the incident; details of offenders; security measures; costs; emotional reactions; contact with the CJS; and outcomes where known.

Self-completion modules for adult respondents covered drug use and drinking behaviour, gangs and personal security, interpersonal violence (IPV) (domestic violence, sexual victimisation and stalking) and nature of partner domestic abuse. The data are subject to Secure Access conditions.

Children: The child questionnaire included: schooling and perceptions of crime; crime screener questions; victimisation module; perceptions of and attitudes towards the police; anti-social behaviour; and personal safety, crime prevention and security.

The child self-completion questionnaire covered: use of the internet; bullying; street gangs; school truancy; personal security; drinking behaviour and cannabis use. Data from the child self-completion questions are also available only under Secure Access.

The Arrestee Survey, 2003-2006, was the first nationally representative survey of drugs and crime among the population of individuals representing arrest events in England and Wales. The survey aimed to provide information on a range of areas within the drugs and crime nexus, including the prevalence of problematic drug misuse among respondents representing arrest events; drug and/or alcohol consumption; availability of drugs; levels of demand (met and/or unmet) for drug and alcohol treatment services among respondents; levels of intravenous drug use among respondents; and gang membership.

The objectives of the survey were to provide the following:

• measurement of the prevalence and change in problematic drug misuse among a sample of individuals representing arrest events in England and Wales
• information to allow monitoring of drug use within drug-using groups that are likely to be under-represented in household surveys
• individual-level data for the purpose of researching the behavioural links between drug and/or alcohol consumption and criminal offences leading to arrest
• a means to estimate the level of demand (met and/or unmet) for treatment services among the problematic drug/alcohol user population
• monitoring information on the level of intravenous drug use among arrestees to better inform harm reduction programmes
• a means for routine collection of custody suite information for the purpose of analysing arrestee flows and the process of being in custody, and for analysing the characteristics and offending histories of individuals entering the Criminal Justice System (CJS)

There were ***** firearm offences recorded in London 2023/24, compared with ***** in 2022/23. There was a noticeable drop in gun crime at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, with offences falling from ***** in 2019/20 to ***** in 2021/21, and ***** in 2021/22. This is also reflected in London's overall crime rate, which fell from ***** crimes per 1,000 people in 2019/20, to **** in 2020/21, before increasing to **** in 2021/22, and ***** in the most recent reporting year. Firearm homicides rare in the UK The United Kingdom has some of the strictest gun laws in the world, resulting in relatively low levels of gun crime and firearm homicides. In 2023/24 just *** percent of homicides in England and Wales were the result of shootings, compared with *****percent in the United States in 2023. The most common method of killing for homicides in England and Wales was by far the use of a sharp instrument, such as knife, at ** percent of homicides in the 2023/24 reporting year. London police budget cut in 2025/26 In 2025/26, the budget for policing in London was cut to **** billion pounds, from over **** billion in 2024/25. Prior to this, London's police budget increased for sixth-consecutive years, occurred alongside a recruitment drive for police officers, which had fallen to quite low levels in the mid 2010s. It is unlikely that the London policing budget will fall to as low as it did in the mid 2010s, when the budget was effectively frozen at around *** billion pounds a year between 2013/14 and 2018/19

This study comprises only the data from the self-completion module fielded to child respondents (aged 10-15 years) to the CSEW 2014-2015.

The data from the children's non-victim form (NVF) and victim form (VF) questionnaires are held with the main CSEW study (SN 7889), available under standard access conditions. The children's self-completion module questionnaire is included with the main documentation, held with SN 7889.

There were 104 homicides recorded by the police in London in the 2024/25 reporting year, compared with 116 in 2023/24. Prior to the most recent year, 2017/18 had the most homicides in London at 159, with the fewest occurring in 2016/17, when there were 107. Comparisons with the rest of the UK With a homicide rate of 11.6 per million people, London had the highest homicide rate among UK regions in 2024/25. On a more localized level, the Metropolitan Police of Greater London reported a lower homicide rate than other police force areas that cover major cities, such as Merseyside, while the highest homicide rate among UK police forces was in Lincolnshire, in the East Midlands. Across England and Wales as a whole, there were 535 homicides in 2024/25, compared with 567 in the previous year. Knives the most common weapon used In 2023/24 there were 262 homicides in England and Wales involving a knife or other sharp instrument. As a comparison, there were just 22 homicides caused by a firearm in the same reporting year. While guns are generally difficult to obtain in the United Kingdom, knives are far more prevalent and have become a major problem for the police, particularly in London. The number of knife crime offences in London rose from 9,752 in 2015/16 to 16,344 in 2024/25.

The data contained within is governed by an Open Government Licence (OGL). link

Introduction

The history of knife carrying in England is a complex issue interwoven with societal changes, economic conditions, and evolving cultural attitudes. While knives have been tools for millennia, their perception and regulation as potential weapons has fluctuated dramatically over the past century. I will delve into the factors influencing knife carrying, the legislative responses, the socio-cultural implications and visualising the data from the Home Office.

The 20th Century: A Shift in Perception

• Early 20th Century: A Tool, Not a Weapon
  • Knives were primarily utilitarian objects, used in agriculture, trades, and domestic life.
  • Carrying a knife was commonplace, particularly in rural areas.
  • Legal restrictions were minimal, reflecting the societal norm of knives as essential tools.
• Post-World War II: Urbanisation and Social Change
  • The rapid growth of urban centres and industrialisation led to a shift in societal structure.
  • The perception of knives began to evolve. While still essential tools for many, they were increasingly associated with urban crime and violence.
  • The emergence of youth subcultures and gang-related activities contributed to this changing image.
• Late 20th Century: The Rise of Knife Crime
  • A surge in knife-related violence gained media attention, fuelling public fear and concern.
  • Government and law enforcement responded with stricter regulations and increased policing.
  • The introduction of the Criminal Justice Act 1988 marked a significant turning point, with harsher penalties for knife possession and use. ###The 21st Century: A Complex Issue
• Early 21st Century: Intensified Focus
  • Knife crime remained a persistent issue, leading to further legislative measures.
  • The Anti-social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014 introduced stricter penalties for carrying knives.
  • Campaigns targeting young people were launched to deter knife carrying.
• Factors Influencing Knife Carrying
  • Risk factors associated with knife-crime in the United Kingdom among young people aged 10–24 years: a systematic review. link
  • Knife Crime - Home Affairs Committee (Parliament). link
  • Socio-economic conditions: Poverty, unemployment, and social deprivation have been linked to higher rates of knife crime.
  • Gang culture: Gang-related violence often involves knives as weapons of choice.
  • Media portrayal: The media's coverage of knife crime can influence public perception and behaviour.
  • Peer pressure: Young people may carry knives for protection or status.
• Challenges and Controversies
  • Balancing public safety with individual rights: Restrictions on knife carrying have raised concerns about infringing on the rights of law-abiding citizens.
  • Effectiveness of legislation: The impact of stricter laws on reducing knife crime is debated.
  • Root causes: Addressing the underlying social and economic factors contributing to knife crime is complex and challenging.
• Laws about knives
  • In the UK, it is illegal to sell knives to anyone under the age of 18, as per the Criminal Justice Act 1988. This includes knife blades, razor blades, axes, and other sharply pointed items that could cause injury. The police and Trading Standards enforce this law.
  • It is illegal to carry any knife in public without a good purpose, carrying a sentence of up to 4 years in prison.
  • In 2016, the government banned zombie knives, whilst cyclone knives were banned in 2019.
  • A new law to ban zombie-style knives and machetes, will come into force on Tuesday, September 24, 2024. The law will make it illegal to own knives over 8 inches that have any two of the following three characteristics: A fine edge, A serrated edge, and Two or more holes in the blade. link
  • The Criminal Justice Bill will go further by increasing the maximum sentence for the possession of banned weapons from 6 months to 2 years, while anyone caught selling knives to under-18s, including online, will also face 2 years behind bars.
  • Police will also be given new powers to seize and destroy knives found on private premises if there are reasonable grounds to suspect the blade will be used in a serious crime. Previously, police could not seize knives found during a search on a property, even if they had suspic...

IntroductionFocused deterrence (FD) is a frequently cited intervention for preventing violence, particularly against violent urban gangs. The Youth Endowment Fund (YEF) believes it could be effective in the UK, based primarily on research conducted in the US. However, we contend that these studies have inadequate methodological designs, lack of rigorous testing, and small sample sizes. Therefore, the evidence supporting focused deterrence as an effective method, particularly outside the US, is inconclusive. The aim of the protocol is to better understand the potential effects of FD in the context of the UK, using a multisite evaluation experimental design to more closely investigate the evidence of its likely impact.MethodsWe planned a realist randomised controlled trial. The design is focused on a multisite trial consisting of two-arm randomised experiments in five locations. Each trial location will test their implementation of a core programme specified by the funder. The multisite nature will allow us to understand differential impacts between locations, improving the external validity of the results. Participants will be randomly selected from a wider pool of eligible individuals for the intervention. We estimate a sample size of approximately N = 1,700 individuals is required. Based on this pooled sample size, a relative reduction of 26% would be detectable in 80% of trials. The trial is coupled with a formative process evaluation of delivery and fidelity. The formative evaluation will use a mixed methods design. The qualitative aspect will include semi-structured cross-sectional and longitudinal interviews with programme leads, programme delivery team, and programme participants, as well as observations of the meetings between the programme delivery team (i.e., community navigators/mentors) and programme participants. The quantitative data for the formative evaluation will be gathered by the sites themselves and consist of routine outcome performance monitoring using administrative data. Sampling for interviews and observations will vary, with the researchers aiming for a higher number of individuals included in the first round of cross-sectional interviews and retaining as many as possible for repeat interviews and observations.DiscussionThis protocol outlines the process and impact evaluation methodology for the most extensive multisite evaluation of focused deterrence to date in the UK. Spanning five distinct sites with seven trials, the evaluation includes a cohort of 2,000 individuals, marking it as the only multisite trial of focused deterrence. Employing an integrated realist evaluation framework, the study uses qualitative and quantitative research methods. The anticipated findings will offer pivotal insights for formulating future violence prevention policies in the UK. They are also expected to contribute significantly to the corpus of literature on violence prevention and intervention evaluation.Trial registrationProtocol registration: ISRCTN: 11650008 4th June 2023.

The number of knife or sharp instrument offences recorded by the police in London rose to approximately 16,344 in 2024/25, compared with 15,016 in the previous year. This was the highest number of knife crime offences reported in London during this provided time period. Between 2015/16 and 2019/20, knife crime in London increased yearly, with a particularly large increase occurring between 2016/16 and 2017/18. A wider trend The increase in knife crime witnessed in London has occurred alongside a general increase in overall crime throughout England and Wales. In 2022/23, there were approximately 6.74 million crime offences across England and Wales, compared with just over four million ten years earlier. During a similar time period, the number of knife homicides also increased, and reached 282 in 2017/18, compared with 186 in 2014/15. Due to strict gun laws in the United Kingdom, firearms are rarely used to commit homicides, with knives or other sharp instruments being used in over 46 percent of homicides in 2023/24. Acid and moped attacks While knife crime in London has certainly been given a lot of attention by the British media, the increase in acid and moped attacks during the same time period also generated many headlines. In 2017, for example, there were 471 acid attacks recorded by the Metropolitan Police, compared with just 51 in 2007. Moped crime also reached high levels in 2017, with both types of crime declining to much lower levels by the early 2020s. Although overall crime in London continued to rise until 2019/20, this fell back during the COVID-19 pandemic, but by 2023/24, the number of crimes committed in the capital had exceeded pre-pandemic levels.

IntroductionFocused deterrence (FD) is a frequently cited intervention for preventing violence, particularly against violent urban gangs. The Youth Endowment Fund (YEF) believes it could be effective in the UK, based primarily on research conducted in the US. However, we contend that these studies have inadequate methodological designs, lack of rigorous testing, and small sample sizes. Therefore, the evidence supporting focused deterrence as an effective method, particularly outside the US, is inconclusive. The aim of the protocol is to better understand the potential effects of FD in the context of the UK, using a multisite evaluation experimental design to more closely investigate the evidence of its likely impact.MethodsWe planned a realist randomised controlled trial. The design is focused on a multisite trial consisting of two-arm randomised experiments in five locations. Each trial location will test their implementation of a core programme specified by the funder. The multisite nature will allow us to understand differential impacts between locations, improving the external validity of the results. Participants will be randomly selected from a wider pool of eligible individuals for the intervention. We estimate a sample size of approximately N = 1,700 individuals is required. Based on this pooled sample size, a relative reduction of 26% would be detectable in 80% of trials. The trial is coupled with a formative process evaluation of delivery and fidelity. The formative evaluation will use a mixed methods design. The qualitative aspect will include semi-structured cross-sectional and longitudinal interviews with programme leads, programme delivery team, and programme participants, as well as observations of the meetings between the programme delivery team (i.e., community navigators/mentors) and programme participants. The quantitative data for the formative evaluation will be gathered by the sites themselves and consist of routine outcome performance monitoring using administrative data. Sampling for interviews and observations will vary, with the researchers aiming for a higher number of individuals included in the first round of cross-sectional interviews and retaining as many as possible for repeat interviews and observations.DiscussionThis protocol outlines the process and impact evaluation methodology for the most extensive multisite evaluation of focused deterrence to date in the UK. Spanning five distinct sites with seven trials, the evaluation includes a cohort of 2,000 individuals, marking it as the only multisite trial of focused deterrence. Employing an integrated realist evaluation framework, the study uses qualitative and quantitative research methods. The anticipated findings will offer pivotal insights for formulating future violence prevention policies in the UK. They are also expected to contribute significantly to the corpus of literature on violence prevention and intervention evaluation.Trial registrationProtocol registration: ISRCTN: 11650008 4th June 2023.

Turks and Caicos Islands saw a murder rate of ***** per 100,000 inhabitants, making it the most dangerous country for this kind of crime worldwide as of 2024. Interestingly, El Salvador, which long had the highest global homicide rates, has dropped out of the top 29 after a high number of gang members have been incarcerated. Meanwhile, Colima in Mexico was the most dangerous city for murders. Violent conflicts worldwide Notably, these figures do not include deaths that resulted from war or a violent conflict. While there is a persistent number of conflicts worldwide, resulting casualties are not considered murders. Partially due to this reason, homicide rates in Latin America are higher than those in Afghanistan or Syria. A different definition of murder in these circumstances could change the rate significantly in some countries. Causes of death Also, noteworthy is that murders are usually not random events. In the United States, the circumstances of murders are most commonly arguments, followed by narcotics incidents and robberies. Additionally, murders are not a leading cause of death. Heart diseases, strokes and cancer pose a greater threat to life than violent crime.