As of February 2025, approximately 45 percent of women in Great Britain thought that more should be done to address equal pay in relation to gender inequality, compared with 25 percent who thought that it had already been achieved.

In 2024, the difference between average hourly earnings for men and women in the United Kingdom for all workers was 13.1 percent, compared with seven percent for full-time workers, and -3 percent for part-time workers. During the provided time period, the gender pay gap was at its highest in 1997, when it was 27.5 percent for all workers. Compared with 1997, the gender pay gap has fallen by 13.2 percent for all workers, and 9.7 percent for full-time workers. Gender pay gap higher in older age groups Although the gender pay gap among younger age groups was quite small in 2023, the double-digit pay gap evident in older age groups served to keep the overall gap high. The gender pay gap for workers aged between 18 and 21 for example was -0.2 percent, compared with 11.2 percent for people in their 50s. Additionally the gender pay gap for people aged over 60 has changed little since 1997, falling by just 0.5 percent between 1997 and 2023, compared with a 12.8 percent reduction among workers in their 40s. Positions of power As of 2023, women are unfortunately still relatively underrepresented in leadership positions at Britain’s top businesses. Among FTSE 100 companies, for example, just 11 percent of CEOs were female, falling to just four percent for FTSE 250 companies. Representation was better when it came to FTSE 100 boardrooms, with 42.6 percent of positions at this level being filled by women, compared with 41.8 percent at FTSE 250 companies. In the corridors of political power, the proportion of female MPs was estimated to have reached its highest ever level after the 2024 election at 41 percent, compared with just three percent in 1979.

As of February 2025, approximately 75 percent of women in Great Britain thought that more should be done to achieve gender equality in relation to household responsibilities.

In the fourth quarter of 2024, the employment rate for men aged between 16 and 64 in the United Kingdom was 78.2 percent, while for women it was 71.8 percent. The male employment rate has consistently been higher than that of females in this provided time period, although the gap was much greater at the start of this period.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

This project explored how changes in the gender division of labour within both employment and the family (re)structure gender and class inequalities. This was done through case studies of four feminised, or feminsing, sectors and professions (retail, banking accountancy and medicine). These case studies in particular looked at how occupations and professions have responded and developed with the entry of women (from a gender perspective). The original sample aimed to include 90 face-to-face interviews with men and women with children under the age of 12, however 89 interviews with men and women with children under the age of 14 were conducted. NVivo was used to analyse the qualitative data. A new 2006 dataset was developed from a sample of 1845 men and women (834 men and 1011 women) from the larger sample in the British Social Attitudes survery (BSA) which incorporates the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). This new dataset included a total of 142 different variables.

Contains data from the World Bank's data portal. There is also a consolidated country dataset on HDX.

Gender equality is a core development objective in its own right. It is also smart development policy and sound business practice. It is integral to economic growth, business growth and good development outcomes. Gender equality can boost productivity, enhance prospects for the next generation, build resilience, and make institutions more representative and effective. In December 2015, the World Bank Group Board discussed our new Gender Equality Strategy 2016-2023, which aims to address persistent gaps and proposed a sharpened focus on more and better gender data. The Bank Group is continually scaling up commitments and expanding partnerships to fill significant gaps in gender data. The database hosts the latest sex-disaggregated data and gender statistics covering demography, education, health, access to economic opportunities, public life and decision-making, and agency.

In 2024, the gender pay gap for all workers in the United Kingdom was highest in the financial and insurance sector, at 29.8 percent, and lowest in accommodation and food services, where it was 2.1 percent.

The Equality Act 2010 (Gender Pay Gap Information) Regulations 2017 requires all employers employing 250 or more employees to report publicly on their gender pay gap. This report gives the gender pay gap data in Ofsted as at 31 March 2024.

The gender pay gap is the difference between the average earnings of men and women, expressed relative to men’s earnings.

Please direct any questions or comments to EDI@ofsted.gov.uk.

An influential body of work has identified a ‘welfare-state paradox’: work–family policies that bring women into the workforce also undermine women’s access to the top jobs. Missing from this literature is a consideration of how welfare-state interventions impact on women’s representation at the board-level specifically, rather than managerial and lucrative positions more generally. This database includes data that contribute to addressing this ‘gap’. It compiles existing secondary data from various sources into a single dataset. Both the raw and 'fuzzy' data used in a fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis of 22 industrialised countries are available. Based on these data, analyses reveal how welfare-state interventions combine with gender boardroom quotas and targets in (not) bringing a ‘critical mass’ of women onto private-sector corporate boards. Overall, there is limited evidence in support of a welfare-state paradox; in fact, countries are unlikely to achieve a critical mass of women on boards in the absence of adequate childcare services. Furthermore, ‘hard’, mandatory gender boardroom quotas do not appear necessary for achieving more women on boards; ‘soft’, voluntary recommendations can also work under certain family policy constellations. The deposit additionally includes other data from the project that provide more context on work-family policy constellations, as they show how countries performance across multiple gendered employment outcomes spanning segregation and inequalities in employment participation, intensity and pay, with further differences by class.

While policymakers in the UK and elsewhere have sought to increase women's employment rates by expanding childcare services and other work/family policies, research suggests these measures have the unintentional consequence of reinforcing the segregation of men and women into different 'types' of jobs and sectors (Mandel & Semyonov, 2006). Studies have shown that generous family policies lead employers to discriminate against women when it comes to hiring, training, and promotions, as employers assume that women are more likely to make use of statutory leaves and flexible working. Furthermore, state provision of health, education, and care draws women into stereotypically female service jobs in the public sector and away from (better-paid) jobs in the private sector. Accordingly, research suggests that the more 'women-friendly' a welfare state is, the harder it will be for women - especially if they are highly skilled - to break into male-dominated jobs and sectors, including the most lucrative managerial positions (Mandel, 2012).

Yet, more recent evidence indicates that women's disadvantaged access to better jobs is not inevitable under generous welfare policies. For instance, women's share of senior management positions in Sweden, where women-friendly policies are most developed, now stands at 36%; this compares to a figure of 28% in the UK, where gender employment segregation has historically been lower (Eurostat, 2018). Thus, the aim of this project is to provide a clearer and fuller understanding of how welfare states impact on gender employment segregation by using innovative methods and approaches that have not been used to examine this research puzzle before.

To this aim, the project is organised into three 'work packages' (WPs). WP1 examines how conditions at the country-level mediate the relationship between welfare states and gender segregation in employment across 21 advanced economies. This includes Central and Eastern European countries, which prior research has tended to overlook. The country-level conditions included are cultural norms, regulations regarding women's representation on corporate boards, and labour-market characteristics. Data will be compiled from the International Social Survey Programme, OECD, Eurostat, the Global Media Monitoring Project, the World Bank, and Deloitte's Women in the Boardroom project. WP2 then investigates how the impact of welfare-state policies on a woman's career progression varies according to her socioeconomic position and the specific economic and social context in which she lives, using regional and individual-level data from the European Social Survey. Subsequently, WP3 carries out systematic comparative case studies to explore in depth the underlying mechanisms that explain why certain welfare states and regions exhibit high levels of gender inequality but low levels of class inequality, while in other places, the opposite is true. Data are drawn from the same sources as for WP1 and WP2, as well as academic literature and other relevant sources (e.g. government websites).

The project is important because its findings will inform policymakers about how their policies affect different groups of women and how to overcome the 'inclusion-inequality' dilemma (Pettit & Hook, 2009), i.e. bring more women into the workforce by providing adequate family policies and...

United Kingdom UK: Mortality Rate: Under-5: Female: per 1000 Live Births data was reported at 3.900 Ratio in 2016. This stayed constant from the previous number of 3.900 Ratio for 2015. United Kingdom UK: Mortality Rate: Under-5: Female: per 1000 Live Births data is updated yearly, averaging 4.600 Ratio from Dec 1990 (Median) to 2016, with 5 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 8.100 Ratio in 1990 and a record low of 3.900 Ratio in 2016. United Kingdom UK: Mortality Rate: Under-5: Female: per 1000 Live Births data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s UK – Table UK.World Bank: Health Statistics. Under-five mortality rate, female is the probability per 1,000 that a newborn female baby will die before reaching age five, if subject to female age-specific mortality rates of the specified year.; ; Estimates Developed by the UN Inter-agency Group for Child Mortality Estimation (UNICEF, WHO, World Bank, UN DESA Population Division) at www.childmortality.org.; Weighted Average; Given that data on the incidence and prevalence of diseases are frequently unavailable, mortality rates are often used to identify vulnerable populations. Moreover, they are among the indicators most frequently used to compare socioeconomic development across countries. Under-five mortality rates are higher for boys than for girls in countries in which parental gender preferences are insignificant. Under-five mortality captures the effect of gender discrimination better than infant mortality does, as malnutrition and medical interventions have more significant impacts to this age group. Where female under-five mortality is higher, girls are likely to have less access to resources than boys.

During a 2024 survey carried out among marketers from the United Kingdom, it was found that women earned nearly 18 percent less than men. The gap widened in the most recent year by 1.8 percentage points.

The research sought to contribute to a gender-sensitive understanding of the interaction between economic and socio-cultural drivers of labour migrations in different cities: Erbil in Kurdistan-Iraq; Beirut in Lebanon; Islamabad in Pakistan; and Istanbul in Turkey. While migration remains a key issue globally, relatively little work has been done on gender migrations in the Global South, and what has been done has largely focussed on domestic and care work, without including higher-skilled migrants.

The project addresses this gap by interviewing approximately 25 women and NGO workers in each city and was designed to go beyond domestic work by looking at a range of labour sectors where women play active roles. In doing so, this research contributes to a better understanding of, the global circulation of gendered labour that is occurring, the drivers of this movement, women’s rights and agency, and how migrant women use urban spaces, within these contexts.

This project was designed with specific attention to researcher power dynamics. It was conducted with (not on) researchers in the Global South, thus aiming to produce knowledge from the South rather than to impose knowledge from the North. The multi-context project design also brings forward a rich comparative analysis of societies in South Asia and the Middle East – going beyond one country and nation-state borders.

Key findings of the project are:

• Gendered migrations in the Middle East and South Asia are diverse In terms of educational level, occupations, nationalities and rights and include migrant women from the Global South and North.

• Discriminatory practices in home countries inform migration. In each of the four countries there were discriminatory practices and patriarchal norms in their home countries that influenced the women’s migration (e.g., sexual violence, domestic violence, discriminatory employment practices because they are women, discrimination against their SOGIE identity, no legal rights to divorce).

• Women are treated differently based on their race, country of origin, and social capital within a given context. Women from diverse backgrounds faced distinct forms of discrimination based on their intersectional identities. For example, in Turkey, cultural capital is important. Women from North America, in particular those who were educated with university degrees were often able to find good work as teachers, journalists, or translators. In contrast, the women interviewed from the former Soviet Union, who were also educated, went through a process of de-skilling after migration – now working as cleaners or live-in carers. This happens in-part because they have less cultural capital in the Turkish context.

• Education levels amongst the women were high, but the value placed on that education once in the country of migration was mixed. Despite relatively high levels of education, many of the women still faced significant hurdles in finding commensurate employment opportunities.

• Women’s agency can be both amplified and strained in migration contexts. Most women showed agency in their choice to migrate away from their home countries and in their efforts to improve their life conditions. However, women's agency in these contexts was strained by structural inequalities and violence that inhibited and moulded their ability to participate in the labour market. For example, two of the Syrian women interviewed in Lebanon described how they ended up in sex work, despite this not being their choice or aspiration.

• Personal networks based on nationality play a key role in women’s lives. Interviews revealed that rather than relying on formal trade unions or collective forms of organising, many women used personal networks based on nationality to build community and advance their working conditions and livelihoods.

• Recruitment agencies have a lot of control and power. Recruitment agencies also shape who migrates because they have bilateral agreements with agencies in countries of origin. They can influence and shape the flow of who and under what conditions migrants are allowed to enter the country. This is particularly the case in Lebanon where they blocked changes to the Kafala system

Employers with 250 or more employees must publish and report specific figures about their gender pay gap

From 2017, any organisation that has 250 or more employees must publish and report specific figures about their gender pay gap.

The gender pay gap is the difference between the average earnings of men and women, expressed relative to men’s earnings. For example, ‘women earn 15% less than men per hour’.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence (GAGE) is a ten-year (2015-2025) research programme, funded by UK Aid from the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO), that seeks to combine longitudinal data collection and a mixed-methods approach to understand the lives of adolescents in particularly marginalized regions of the Global South, and to uncover 'what works' to support the development of their capabilities over the course of the second decade of life, when many of these individuals will go through key transitions such as finishing their education, starting to work, getting married and starting to have children.GAGE undertakes longitudinal research in seven countries in Africa (Ethiopia, Rwanda), Asia (Bangladesh, Nepal) and the Middle East (Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine). Sampling adolescent girls and boys aged between 10‐19‐year olds, the quantitative survey follows a global total of 18,000 adolescent girls and boys, and their caregivers and explores the effects that programme have on their lives. This is substantiated by in‐depth qualitative and participatory research with adolescents and their peers. Its policy and legal analysis work stream studies the processes of policy change that influence the investment in and effectiveness of adolescent programming.Further information, including publications, can be found on the Overseas Development Institute GAGE website. Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence: Ethiopia Round 2, 2019-2020 extends the GAGE quantitative research in Ethiopia for a second round. A sample of nearly 8,600 adolescent boys and girls was sought, including nearly 7,000 adolescents surveyed in an earlier Baseline round (available from the UK Data Archive under SN 8597), as well as approximately 1,600 new adolescents. The main purpose of this survey was to gather information on the lives of Ethiopian adolescents living in urban and rural locations in the Amhara, Oromiya, and Afar regions, and to understand their changing lives and challenges. At the time of data collection, adolescents were primarily aged 12-14 and 17-19. The sample includes both randomly and purposefully sampled adolescents, and their female caregivers were also surveyed where possible. The current data release includes information for the subset of individuals who are not part of an ongoing randomized evaluation of adolescent-centric programming. A total of nearly 5,000 adolescents and their caregivers are included in the current release. Main Topics: The Core Respondent (CR) dataset contains data from the survey administered to the CR and covers education, time allocation, paid work, health and nutrition, psychosocial and mental health, mobility and voice, social inclusion, marriage and relationships, financial inclusion and economic empowerment, and information and communication technologies. The Adult Female (AF) dataset contains information on the household, including the household roster, family background, durable goods, dwelling characteristics, access to productive capital, recent positive and negative shocks, and household access to programs and support. In addition, the AF survey contains detailed information about the AF herself, such as parenting, health and nutrition, attitudes to gender equality, marriage, fertility and social norms. Purposive selection/case studies Multi-stage stratified random sample Face-to-face interview: Computer-assisted (CAPI/CAMI) 2019 2020 ACCESS TO EDUCATION ACCESS TO HEALTH SE... ACCESS TO INFORMATI... ACTIVITIES OF DAILY... ADOLESCENCE ADOLESCENTS AGE ALCOHOL USE ANIMAL HUSBANDRY ANXIETY ARRANGED MARRIAGES ATTITUDES BANK ACCOUNTS BIRTH CONTROL CHILDREN CREDIT DEVELOPING COUNTRIES DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMMES DISABILITIES EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND EDUCATIONAL CHOICE EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES EDUCATIONAL STATUS EMOTIONAL STATES ENERGY CONSUMPTION Education Ethiopia FAMILY INFLUENCE FAMILY PLANNING FATHER S EDUCATIONA... FATHERS FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES FOOD FOOD AND NUTRITION GENDER EQUALITY GENDER ROLE Gender and gender r... HEADS OF HOUSEHOLD HEALTH STATUS HEARING IMPAIRMENTS HOUSEHOLD BUDGETS HOUSEHOLDERS HOUSEHOLDS HOUSING CONDITIONS ILL HEALTH INFORMAL CARE INFORMATION SOURCES INTERNAL MIGRATION INTERNET ACCESS INTERNET USE LAND OWNERSHIP LAVATORIES LEISURE TIME ACTIVI... LIFE SATISFACTION LITERACY LIVESTOCK LOANS MARITAL HISTORY MARITAL STATUS MENSTRUATION MOBILE PHONES MORAL VALUES MOTHERS PARENTAL ENCOURAGEMENT PARENTAL ROLE PERSONAL FINANCE MA... PERSONAL SAFETY PHYSICAL MOBILITY PLACE OF BIRTH PREGNANCY QUALITY OF LIFE RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION RELIGIOUS BEHAVIOUR RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY ROOMS SAVINGS SCHOOL PUNISHMENTS SCHOOLS SEX SEX DISCRIMINATION SOCIAL ATTITUDES SOCIAL INEQUALITY SOCIAL VALUES STRUCTURAL ELEMENTS... STUDENT EMPLOYMENT STUDENT TRANSPORTATION Society and culture TELEVISION VIEWING TIME BUDGETS TRUANCY UNEARNED INCOME VISION IMPAIRMENTS WATER RESOURCES Youth

This statistic presents the share of respondents who agree or disagree that gender equality is an important issue to them, in the United Kingdom (UK) as of 2019. According to data published by Ipsos, 62 percent of respondents in the UK agreed that gender equality is an important issue to them, whilst 29 percent disagreed.

This dataset contains the data used in the study titled “Is hiding my first name enough? Using behavioural interventions to mitigate racial and gender discrimination in the rental housing market”. The data was collected from the London rental housing market between 2021 and 2022. Racial and gender biases are pervasive in housing markets. Males and ethnic minorities face discrimination in rental housing markets globally. The issue has been so pronounced that it regularly makes national and international headlines. In response to a racial discrimination lawsuit, Airbnb had to hide guests’ first names from rental hosts in Oregon, USA, starting in January 2022. Yet, there is little evidence that such measurement effectively counteracts racial and gender discrimination in housing markets. Despite some well-established theoretical models developed more than half a century ago and a wealth of empirical evidence accumulated over the last two decades, studies examining effective solutions to combat discrimination remain sparse especially in housing markets. Given the complexity of the products and services involved and the relatively low frequency of transactions, nuanced studies are needed to understand how implicit racial and gender biases influence letting decisions. This study investigates housing discrimination at the intersection where longstanding market behaviours meet the evolving insights of behavioural research. Although behavioural interventions have the potential to address both statistical and taste-based discrimination in the housing market, their successful implementation remains a challenge. Given the persistent biases and socio-economic dynamics in the housing market, interventions must be carefully tailored to the context. By collecting evidence from field experiments, this research aims to gain insights into how real-world behavioural interventions can be effectively designed and implemented. Our focus remains twofold: to develop a robust theoretical framework and to translate its insights into tangible, impactful policy recommendations, with the ultimate goal of fostering a more inclusive housing market.Although China has almost eliminated urban poverty, the total number of Chinese citizens in poverty remains at 82 million, most of which are rural residents. The development of rural finance is essential to preventing the country from undergoing further polarization because of the significant potential of such development to facilitate resource interflows between rural and urban markets and to support sustainable development in the agricultural sector. However, rural finance is the weakest point in China's financial systems. Rural households are more constrained than their urban counterparts in terms of financial product availability, consumer protection, and asset accumulation. The development of the rural financial system faces resistance from both the demand and the supply sides. The proposed project addresses this challenge by investigating the applications of a proven behavioural approach, namely, Libertarian Paternalism, in the development of rural financial systems in China. This approach promotes choice architectures to nudge people into optimal decisions without interfering with the freedom of choice. It has been rigorously tested and warmly received in the UK public policy domain. This approach also fits the political and cultural background in China, in which the central government needs to maintain a firm control over financial systems as the general public increasingly demands more freedom. Existing behavioural studies have been heavily reliant on laboratory experiments. Although the use of field studies has been increasing, empirical evidence from the developing world is limited. Meanwhile, the applications of behavioural insights in rural economic development in China remains an uncharted territory. Rural finance studies on the household level are limited; evidence on the role of psychological and social factors in rural households' financial decisions is scarce. The proposed project will bridge this gap in the literature. We carried out the experiment at the UK's largest online real estate portal and property website, www.rightmove.co.uk. In 2021, Rightmove had 208 million visits per month and a total of 692,000 properties listed at their website. Therefore, the platform gives us access to the largest available database of rental property listings in the country. We searched rental properties in Greater London Area that are advertised between December 2021 and April 2022. Only houses, flats and apartments are included. All listings are handled by letting agents. No private landlords are involved. Once a property was identified as eligible for the experiment, we sent a total of five applications to the letting agent, asking for a viewing appointment. The five applicants will be from different ethnic groups (i.e., one from each of the five groups) but of the same gender. The five emails were sent with at least 12 hours in between so that no suspicious of spamming might be raised. A total of 360 properties were selected, which gives a sample size of 1,800. The sample is evenly divided between the two gender groups and the five ethnic groups. Specifically, there are 360 observations in each ethnic group and 900 observations in each gender group.

Approximately one quarter of the UK population have a migration background (first- or second-generation immigrants). Some ethnic minority groups are more likely to be in atypical or flexible employment than the White British majority. In particular during a time of health and economic crisis, such as the COVID–19 pandemic, those ethnic groups were expected to be economically more vulnerable than other groups. This study shows the increased vulnerability of some ethnic minority groups during COVID–19 by looking at their labour market outcomes compared to White British. Specifically, we ask whether it was their disproportionate presence in flexible employment or in shut-down occupations that made some ethnic minority groups vulnerable to adverse labour market outcomes during the COVID–19 recession? Using the COVID–19 recession in the UK as a case study, we employ weighted linear probability models with 2021 data from the Evidence for Equality National Survey (EVENS) to look at changes in economic indicators across ethnic groups and gender. We report heterogeneity in flexible employment rates within the non-White group and between the non-White and the White British group. By using a conditional decomposition method, we aim to show that those ethnic minority groups who were disproportionately on flexible contracts experienced worse economic effects than the White British group. The collection consists of the Stata Do-File which can be used to reproduce the study.Was it their disproportionate presence in flexible employment or in shut-down occupations that made some ethnic minority groups vulnerable to adverse labour market outcomes during the COVID–19 recession? Using the COVID–19 recession in the UK as a case study, we employ weighted linear probability models with 2021 data from the Evidence for Equality National Survey (EVENS) to look at changes in economic indicators across ethnic groups and gender. We report heterogeneity in flexible employment rates within the non-White group and between the non-White and the White British group. By using a conditional decomposition method, we conclude that those ethnic minority groups who were disproportionately on flexible contracts experienced worse economic effects than the White British group. EVENS used web-based interviews and computer-assisted (CATI) telephone interviews. EVENS aimed to better represent ethnic minorities compared to existing data sets regarding the range of represented minority population groups. To cite from the online Abstract of EVENS: "....EVENS survey used an 'open' survey approach, which requires participants to opt-in to the survey instead of probability-based approaches that invite individuals to participate following their identification within a pre-defined sampling frame. This 'open' approach sought to overcome some of the limitations of probability-based methods in order to reach a large number and diverse mix of people from religious and ethnic minorities." (UK Data Service: SN-9116)