This statistic shows the share of people in select European countries and the United States that thought global economic engagement was a bad thing in 2017. At the time of survey in March and April 2017, ** percent of people in Greece believed that economic globalization was a negative thing.

This study is part of a quadrennial series designed to investigate the opinions and attitudes of the general public on matters related to foreign policy, and to define the parameters of public opinion within which decision-makers must operate. This public opinion study of the United States focused on respondents' opinions of the United States leadership role in the world and the challenges the country faces internationally and is comprised of two parts, the July 2008 and the September 2008 surveys. In particular, the July 2008 survey covers United States foreign policy, globalization, trade and immigration, the rise of China, and the United States-Japan relationship. Regarding United States foreign policy, respondents were asked to give their views on whether the United States should take an active part in world affairs, threats to vital interests in the next ten years, foreign policy goals, treaties and agreements, the United Nations and the United Nations Security Council, conflict between Christians and Muslims, and combating terrorism. Additional questions included whether respondents favored the United States having military bases in other countries, their opinions about justifications for the use of United States troops abroad, the Iraq War, nuclear weapons and nuclear fuel, and participants' views on several countries and world organizations. Regarding globalization, trade, and immigration, respondents gave their opinions on whether globalization is good or bad for the United States, lowering trade barriers, the trade practices of various countries, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), economic competitiveness of the United States economy, and the future of United States power and the next generation of Americans. In addition, on the topic of globalization and immigration, queries included the importance of Asia and Europe, the pace of globalization, fairness of income distribution, foreign investments in American companies, the level of legal immigration into the United States and whether or not immigration is good. Concerning the rise of China, respondents were asked to compare the size and potential of the United States and China economies and their implications, loans between the countries, how to deal with China's increase in power, and whether China or Japan is more important to the United States. On the subject of the United States-Japan relationship, participants gave their opinions regarding the amending of Japan's constitution to allow for a wider range of military activities, Japan's development of nuclear weapons, and what factors contribute to Japan's global influence. Part 2, the September 2008 survey, commissioned to gauge whether any substantial changes in attitudes occurred due to the financial crisis, repeated a subset of questions from the July 2008 survey and focused on respondents' attitudes toward trade and globalization. Demographic and other background information includes age, race, gender, marital status, religious affiliation, political party affiliation, employment status, education, household composition, type of housing, state of residence, and access to the Internet.

Globalization translates into important flows of people, merchandise, capital, and information. Public opinion on globalization in Belgium was quite contrasted in 2022. In June and July of 2022, roughly six percent of the respondents in Belgium did not consider globalization to be an opportunity for economic growth at all, and a further 26 percent tended to feel the same way. On the other hand, 12 percent of the respondents considered globalization as an economic opportunity, and approximately 54 percent of respondents shared this sentiment, although to a lesser degree.

The negative aspects of globalization

Globalization has many faces, it touches topics such as politics, the economy, culture, society, and information. This phenomenon is characterized by the openness of a country’s borders, international commerce, delocalization, and free trade. Globalization, as we know it today, is said to have many consequences on our environment and our societies. Indeed, globalization is deemed to play a part in climate change, the depletion of natural resources, and deforestation. Globalization is also pointed out for creating a global culture that alienates local cultures. Finally, this phenomenon is allegedly linked to increasing poverty and economic inequalities. To this day views on the matter can be negative in Belgium, or the Benelux in general.

The positive aspects of globalization

Positive and negative aspects are often two sides of the same coin: although increasing poverty is denounced, it is believed that globalization is linked to the rise of quality of life, especially in well-developed countries. Globalization is said to be providing economic growth and to widen the variety of goods for consumers. It is discussed that globalization favors international competition which encourages innovations and creativity. When it comes to free trade, the Belgian respondent’s views were mostly positive. A survey revealed that nearly 82 percent of the Belgian respondents saw free trade as something fairly positive or very positive. In comparison, only 18 percent of the respondents answered that they think free trade is something fairly negative or very negative.

In the 2023 edition of the globalization index, Switzerland had the highest index score at 90.75. Belgium followed behind, with the Netherlands in third. Overall, globalization declined in 2020 due to the COVID-19 outbreak, but increased somewhat in 2021, even though it was still below pre-pandemic levels.

About the index

The KOF Index of Globalization aims to measure the rate of globalization in countries around the world. Data used to construct the 2023 edition of the index was from 2021. The index is based on three dimensions, or core sets of indicators: economic, social, and political. Via these three dimensions, the overall index of globalization tries to assess current economic flows, economic restrictions, data on information flows, data on personal contact, and data on cultural proximity within surveyed countries.

Defining globalization

Globalization is defined for this index as the process of creating networks of connections among actors at multi-continental distances, mediated through a variety of flows including people, information and ideas, capital and goods. It is a process that erodes national boundaries, integrates national economies, cultures, technologies and governance and produces complex relations of mutual interdependence.

The data file pools surveys from ten separately administered, nationally-representative public opinion surveys. Countries represented are Australia, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, and the United States. Topics addressed in these studies pertain to economic globalization, the room to maneuver, performance evaluations, preferences over policy and political issues, and participation in elections.

This Voice of the People poll seeks the opinions of Canadians, on predominantly economic, political, and social issues. The questions ask opinions of globalization, countries of the world, foreign investment in Canada, and the role of the United States in world issues such as fighting terrorism, and protecting the environment. The respondents were also asked questions so that they could be grouped according to geographic and social variables. Topics of interest include: terrorism; US; foreign investment; opinion of Russia; opinion of China; opinion of Canada; opinion of Italy; and opinion of Germany. Basic demographic variables are also included.

The Eurobarometer series is a unique cross-national and cross-temporal survey program conducted on behalf of the European Commission. These surveys regularly monitor public opinion in the European Union (EU) member countries and consist of standard modules and special topic modules. The standard modules address attitudes towards European unification, institutions and policies, measurements for general socio-political orientations, as well as respondent and household demographics. The special topic modules address such topics as agriculture, education, natural environment and resources, public health, public safety and crime, and science and technology. This round of Eurobarometer surveys includes the standard modules and covers the following special topics: (1) globalization, (2) the financial and economic crisis, (3) social change and values in the EU, (4) the representation of regional and local public authorities in the EU, (5) competitiveness and decision making in the EU, (6) EU policy priorities, and (7) global challenges. Questions pertain to household financial situation, opinions on performance of the EU economy, national currency and the euro, taxation, unemployment, actions taken by the EU in response to the financial crisis, and attitudes towards globalization. Other questions address country identification, opinions of various EU policies, the economic recovery, important values for the EU and society, global threats, and climate change. Demographic and other background information includes age, gender, nationality, marital status, occupation, age when stopped full-time education, left-right political self-placement, household composition, ownership of a fixed or mobile telephone, difficulties in paying bills, level in society, and Internet use. In addition, country-specific data includes type and size of locality, region of residence, and language of interview (select countries).

This statistic shows the share of people with and without populist views who stated that they trust news media in eight Western European countries in a survey from October to December 2017. Based on the survey in late 2017, ** percent of people with populist views in Germany trusted the news media. By way of comparison, the corresponding figure for those with non-populist views was ** percent.

This article tests the hypothesis that higher women’s economic and social rights in foreign countries with which a country is connected via trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) spill-over into higher rights among the laggards—a phenomenon known as spatial dependence. Analyzing women’s rights over the period 1981–2007 in a global sample and samples of countries at different stages of economic development, we find consistent evidence for spill-over effects via trade links, with the exception of a sample of low-income countries. We also find some evidence for similar effects via FDI, but only for economic rights and only in middle-income countries.

Among the Latin American countries included in a survey by IPSOS, Peruvian respondents were the most optimistic about the development of the global economy in 2022. Up to 74 percent of the people surveyed in Peru said the global economy would be stronger in 2022 than it was in 2021. The most skeptical in the region about this happening were Argentinian respondents, with 52 percent. Meanwhile, Mexican respondents were the most optimistic about what 2022 would bring for them personally.

The study examined the effect of different forces on property prices for G7 countries by incorporating the economic globalization in the model for the period 1991-2013. Moreover, the study utilizes the regression of group mean dynamic common correlated estimator (DCCE) to analyze the relation between long property prices (LPP), population (POP), urbanization (URB), and extended the model using KOF economic globalization measure as common effect contributor. By using the data set from world development indicators, Bank for International Settlements (BIS) and KOF globalization index, a number of models are investigated. Results of the study suggest that population, old property prices, and economic globalization are main determinants of current property prices for G7, while urbanization has a negative impact on house prices level in short run and positive significant impact in long run. Furthermore, results of DCCE show that while controlling the other factors, with 1% increase in population 1.13% property prices increases in the short run. Similarly increase in 1% level of urbanization will lead to increase 1.69% in property prices in long run and likewise, 1% increase in economic globalization will drive property prices up by 0.12% in long run. The policymakers can use these results to develop appropriate policies for the development of property markets and economic growth in G7 countries.

The Eurobarometer series is a unique cross-national and cross-temporal survey program conducted on behalf of the European Commission. These surveys regularly monitor public opinion in the European Union (EU) member countries and consist of standard modules and special topic modules. The standard modules address attitudes towards European unification, institutions and policies, measurements for general socio-political orientations, as well as respondent and household demographics. The special topic modules address such topics as agriculture, education, natural environment and resources, public health, public safety and crime, and science and technology. This round of Eurobarometer surveys includes the standard modules and covers the following special topics: (1) the financial and economic crisis, (2) the future of the European Union, (3) globalization, and (4) European citizenship. Questions pertain to household financial situation, opinions on performance of the EU economy, reformation of the financial system, national currency and the Euro, public debt, the EU exiting present crisis and preparing for the next decade, and attitudes towards globalization. Other questions address country identification, opinions of European citizenship, the EU achievements for citizens, representation and democracy, the European Citizens' Initiative, and participation of citizens in society. Demographic and other background information collected includes age, gender, nationality, origin of birth (personal and parental), marital status, age when stopped full-time education, occupation, left-right political self-placement, household composition, ownership of a fixed or mobile telephone, difficulties in paying bills, level in society, and Internet use. In addition, country-specific data includes type and size of locality, region of residence, and language of interview (select countries).

The Great Recession undoubtedly reduced the electoral prospects of incumbent parties, coherently with the expectations of the economic vote theory. Yet, the exceptionality of the period may have displaced other elements of that theory, such as, for instance, the moderating impact that globalization is supposed to have on the retrospective mechanism. By using an original dataset comparing 168 elections in 38 democratic countries in the period 2000–2015, we detail how the crisis modified and even reversed that conditional effect. Furthermore, we differentiate our results by separating the impact of economic openness from that of political globalization. In so doing, we improve our understanding of the mechanisms that trigger the conditional effect on the economic vote in normal and exceptional times.

Half the world's population was optimistic that the global economy would be better in 2024 than in 2023. This was highest in emerging economies such as India, Indonesia, and China. On the other hand, in developed countries such as Japan, Portugal, France, and South Korea, only about ********* of the respondents thought the global economy would be better in 2024 than in 2023.

This is a conjoint experiment, carried out by IPSOS on behalf of an international team based at INAPP (IT), at the University of Amsterdam (NL), of Gent (BE), of Konstanz (DE) and at the Politecnico of Torino (IT). The conjoint experiment aims at testing attitudes towards alternative schemes to balance or counter-act the effects of economic changes, such as automation and globalization. We model the different schemes as varying across seven dimensions. There are two conjoint experiments: one on globalization and one on automation. These are introduced with nearly identical introductory texts. The dimensions are also nearly identical, with minor linguistic differences contained to the term “globalization” or “automation”, when relevant. The survey is carried out in 8 countries: IT, NL, UK, DE, PL, SE, USA and JAP. The countries have been selected to ensure variation in (1) welfare state models and industrial structure, (2) economic performance in the past 10 years (3) geographical location. A pre-test of the experiment has been carried out in July on a sample of 420 individuals. The full survey includes 2500 respondents in each country. The survey is administered through IPSOS’ online platform. While IPSOS panels are already quite representative of the population of each country, we further strengthen the representativeness of the sample by setting hard and soft quotas on 6 different indicators. At the moment of this pre-registration, data collection is completed by IPSOS, but data are embargoed and no-one in the research team has had any access to them in any form. The downloadable file contains the full text of the pre-registration, including details of the dimensions, of the sample, as well as the full list of pre-registered hypotheses and expectations.

The 2004 Mexico Global Views Survey is the first ever comprehensive study of Mexican public and leadership opinion on international affairs. The study is designed to measure general attitudes and values concerning Mexico's relationship with the world rather than opinions on specific foreign policies or issues. This year's survey was conducted in cooperation with the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations' (CCFR) study GLOBAL VIEWS 2004: AMERICAN PUBLIC OPINION AND FOREIGN POLICY (ICPSR 4137). Approximately one-third of the questions on the Mexican and American surveys were asked of the general public in both countries. The thematic emphases of the surveys are the rules and norms of foreign policy interaction between nations and within international organizations and the bilateral relationship between Mexico and the United States. The Mexico survey also emphasizes Mexico's foreign policy decision-making processes as well as its relations with other countries and regions. Part 1 contains data pertaining to a survey conducted to interview members of Consejo Mexicano de Asuntos Internacionales, A.C. (The Mexican Council on Foreign Relations - COMEXI). Part 2 is a survey of the general public. In particular, this study covers (1) Mexicans, Mexican identity, and the world, (2) Mexico's role in the world, (3) global governance, the use of force, and international institutions, (4) foreign relations, and (5) relations with the United States. Regarding Mexicans, Mexican identity, and the world, respondents were asked the importance they placed on various government activities, their interest in the news, their contact with the world, their sense of self-identity, and whether Mexico should have its own foreign policy or follow the United States' lead. On the topic of Mexico's role in the world, respondents were asked their views on the direction of the world, critical threats to Mexico's vital interests, and Mexico's role against terrorism and in world affairs. Concerning global governance, the use of force, and international institutions, respondents rated several international organizations, and commented on the impact of globalization, and foreign investment. On the subject of foreign relations, respondents provided their views on why it was important for Mexico to diversify its relations with the countries of Europe, Latin America, and Asia, the importance of other regions in the world, how to handle disputes in Latin American countries, and their feelings on several individual countries. Regarding relations with the United States, respondents were asked how they felt toward the United States, how much cooperation they favored between the United States and Mexico, who was more responsible for handling common United States-Mexico problems, and their feeling on the North American Free Trade Agreement. A set of influential policy leaders was asked their attitudes in order to assess whether the attitudes of the leaders aligned with those of the general public. Background information on respondents includes gender, age, education, employment status, income, religion, and political party affiliation.

Globalisation critics are concerned that increased trade openness and foreign direct investment exacerbate existing economic disadvantages of women and foster conditions for forced labour. Defenders of globalisation argue instead that as countries become more open and competition intensifies, discrimination against any group, including women, becomes more difficult to sustain and is therefore likely to recede. The same is argued with respect to forced labour. This article puts these competing claims to an empirical test. We find that countries that are more open to trade provide better economic rights to women and have a lower incidence of forced labour. This effect holds in a global sample as well as in a developing country sub-sample and holds also when potential feedback effects are controlled via instrumental variable regression. The extent of an economy's ‘penetration’ by foreign direct investment by and large has no statistically significant impact. Globalisation might weaken the general bargaining position of labour such that outcome-related labour standards might suffer. However, being more open toward trade is likely to promote rather than hinder the realisation of two labour rights considered as core or fundamental by the International Labour Organisation, namely the elimination of economic discrimination and of forced labour.

The average for 2023 based on 193 countries was -0.07 points. The highest value was in Liechtenstein: 1.61 points and the lowest value was in Syria: -2.75 points. The indicator is available from 1996 to 2023. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.

Does globalization affect the demand-side of politics, and if so, how? This paper builds on new developments in trade theory to argue that globalization matters, but that its effects on individuals’ perceptions of labor market risk and policy preferences are more heterogenous than previous research has acknowledged. Globalization-exposure increases risk perceptions and demands for social protection among low-skilled individuals, but decreases them among high skilled individuals. This conditional effect is observationally distinct from classic trade models as well as arguments that deindustrialization or ideology predominantly drive such perceptions and preferences. Analyzing cross-national survey data from 16 European countries and focusing both on trade and offshoring, the empirical analyses support the prediction that exposure to globalization affects high-and low-skilled individuals differently, leading to variation in labor market risk perceptions and policy preferences.

Does economic globalization influence the positioning of parties and, as a consequence, the ideological characteristics of party systems? Answering this question is important because we need to understand the constraints that parties face in formulating policies from which voters have to choose. In our paper, we take a systemic perspective and conceptualize a party system’s ideological center of gravity as the outcome of interest. We define the center of gravity as the weighted mean position of all parliamentary parties in a country that represents the position to which parties gravitate. We start by formulating static hypotheses on the effect of imports and exports on the center of gravity and derive their underlying mechanisms. We further derive dynamic hypotheses stipulating varying effects over time based on the premise that partisan attitudes toward globalization have undergone multiple changes over the last decades. A time-series cross-section analysis of 129 elections in 15 Western European countries from 1974 to 2015 finds evidence for opposite effects of exports and imports in the pooled data. Additionally, a moving-window analysis indicates that the relationship between globalization and the center of gravity varies over time. This is a significant finding because it suggests that economic globalization has an influence on party systems and that it is important to test for time-varying effects.