Texas was the state with the highest number of registered weapons in the United States in 2024, with 1,136,732 firearms. Rhode Island, on the other hand, had the least, with 4,895 registered firearms. Gun laws in the United States Gun ownership in the U.S. is protected by the 2nd Amendment of the Constitution, which allows citizens to own firearms and form a militia if necessary. Outside of the 2nd Amendment, gun laws in the U.S. vary from state to state, and gun owners are subject to the laws of the state they are currently in, not necessarily the state they live in. For example, if concealed carry is allowed in a gun owner’s state of residence but not in the state they are traveling in, the owner is subject to the law of the state they are traveling in. Civilian-owned firearms The United States is estimated to have the highest rate of civilian-owned firearms in the world, more than double that of Yemen, which has the second-highest gun ownership rate. Unfortunately, along with high gun ownership rates comes a higher number of homicides by firearm, which was about 13,529 homicides in 2023.

In the United States, gun laws vary from one state to the next; whether residents need a permit or a background check to purchase a firearm, whether residents must undergo firearm training before making this purchase, and whether residents can openly carry their guns in public is dependent upon state legislation. As of January 15, 2025, ** U.S. states required background checks and/or permits for the purchase of a handgun. A further ** states had regulations on openly carrying firearms in public; however, only California, Connecticut, Florida, and Illinois had completely prohibited open carry for all firearms. In comparison, Maryland, New Jersey, and New York prohibited open carry for handguns but either did not have regulations in place or required a permit for other types of guns. A constitutional right The Second Amendment of the Constitution, which states that citizens have the right to bear arms, has made it difficult for any gun control legislation to be passed on a national level in the United States. As a result, gun control laws in the U.S. are state-based, and often differ based on political perspectives. States with strong gun laws in place, such as Massachusetts, generally experience less gun violence, however, some states with strong gun laws, such as Maryland, continue to face high rates of gun violence, which has largely been attributed to gun trafficking activity found throughout the nation. A culture of gun owners In comparison to other high-income countries with stricter gun control laws, the United States has the highest gun homicide rate at **** gun homicides per 100,000 residents. However, despite increasing evidence that easy access to firearms, whether legal or illegal, encourages higher rates of gun violence, the United States continues to foster an environment in which owning a firearm is seen as personal freedom. Almost **** of U.S. households have reported owning at least one firearm and ** percent of registered voters in the U.S. were found to believe that it was more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns, compared to ** percent who said it was more important to limit gun ownership.

This study was undertaken to obtain information on the characteristics of gun ownership, gun-carrying practices, and weapons-related incidents in the United States -- specifically, gun use and other weapons used in self-defense against humans and animals. Data were gathered using a national random-digit-dial telephone survey. The respondents were comprised of 1,905 randomly-selected adults aged 18 and older living in the 50 United States. All interviews were completed between May 28 and July 2, 1996. The sample was designed to be a representative sample of households, not of individuals, so researchers did not interview more than one adult from each household. To start the interview, six qualifying questions were asked, dealing with (1) gun ownership, (2) gun-carrying practices, (3) gun display against the respondent, (4) gun use in self-defense against animals, (5) gun use in self-defense against people, and (6) other weapons used in self-defense. A "yes" response to a qualifying question led to a series of additional questions on the same topic as the qualifying question. Part 1, Survey Data, contains the coded data obtained during the interviews, and Part 2, Open-Ended-Verbatim Responses, consists of the answers to open-ended questions provided by the respondents. Information collected for Part 1 covers how many firearms were owned by household members, types of firearms owned (handguns, revolvers, pistols, fully automatic weapons, and assault weapons), whether the respondent personally owned a gun, reasons for owning a gun, type of gun carried, whether the gun was ever kept loaded, kept concealed, used for personal protection, or used for work, and whether the respondent had a permit to carry the gun. Additional questions focused on incidents in which a gun was displayed in a hostile manner against the respondent, including the number of times such an incident took place, the _location of the event in which the gun was displayed against the respondent, whether the police were contacted, whether the individual displaying the gun was known to the respondent, whether the incident was a burglary, robbery, or other planned assault, and the number of shots fired during the incident. Variables concerning gun use by the respondent in self-defense against an animal include the number of times the respondent used a gun in this manner and whether the respondent was hunting at the time of the incident. Other variables in Part 1 deal with gun use in self-defense against people, such as the _location of the event, if the other individual knew the respondent had a gun, the type of gun used, any injuries to the respondent or to the individual that required medical attention or hospitalization, whether the incident was reported to the police, whether there were any arrests, whether other weapons were used in self-defense, the type of other weapon used, _location of the incident in which the other weapon was used, and whether the respondent was working as a police officer or security guard or was in the military at the time of the event. Demographic variables in Part 1 include the gender, race, age, household income, and type of community (city, suburb, or rural) in which the respondent lived. Open-ended questions asked during the interview comprise the variables in Part 2. Responses include descriptions of where the respondent was when he or she displayed a gun (in self-defense or otherwise), specific reasons why the respondent displayed a gun, how the other individual reacted when the respondent displayed the gun, how the individual knew the respondent had a gun, whether the police were contacted for specific self-defense events, and if not, why not.

Dataset

This dataset was created by Datastuffplus

Contents

The share of American households owning at least one firearm has remained relatively steady since 1972, hovering between ** percent and ** percent. In 2024, about ** percent of U.S. households had at least one gun in their possession. Additional information on firearms in the United States Firearms command a higher degree of cultural significance in the United States than any other country in the world. Since the inclusion of the right to bear arms in the Second Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, firearms have held symbolic power beyond their already obvious material power. Despite many Americans being proud gun-owners, a large movement exists within the country in opposition to the freedom afforded to those in possession of these potentially deadly weapons. Those opposed to current gun regulation have sourced their anger from the large number of deaths due to firearms in the country, as well as the high frequency of gun violence apparent in comparison to other developed countries. Furthermore, the United States has fallen victim to a number of mass shootings in the last two decades, most of which have raised questions over the ease at which a person can obtain a firearm. Although this movement holds a significant position in the public political discourse of the United States, meaningful change regarding the legislation dictating the ownership of firearms has not occurred. Critics have pointed to the influence possessed by the National Rifle Association through their lobbying of public officials. The National Rifle Association also lobbies for the interests of firearm manufacturing in the United States, which has continued to rise since a fall in the early 2000s.

The State Firearm Database catalogs the presence or absence of 134 firearm safety laws in 14 categories covering the 26-year period from 1991 to 2019. The classification system categorizes state firearm provisions using a methodology that both captures differences and maintains a level of comparability between states. Because of this, the database is not the most detailed nor the most comprehensive record of all state firearm policies. Other resources may provide users with a deeper understanding of individual provisions, while this database serves as an efficient way to compare the broad scope of state firearm laws across the country. These provisions covered 14 aspects of state policies, including regulation of the process by which firearm transfers take place, ammunition, firearm possession, firearm storage, firearm trafficking, and liability of firearm manufacturers. In addition, descriptions of the criteria used to code each provision have been provided so that there is transparency in how various law exemptions, exceptions, and other nuances were addressed.

This data collection consists of a survey of private ownership of firearms by adults in the United States. Respondents who both did and did not own firearms were included. The variables cover topics such as the number and type of guns owned privately, methods of, and reasons for, firearms acquisition, the storage and carrying of guns, the defensive use of firearms against criminal attackers, and reasons for and against firearm ownership. Basic demographic variables include sex, age, education, and employment.

The statistic shows the percentage of population in the United States owning one or more firearms in 2017, by region. In 2017, about ** percent of the respondents living in the South owned a gun personally.

Context

This dataset is comprised of a single response variable: state-level estimates of household gun ownership from the Behavior Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) surveys, averaged over years 2001-2002; and two covariates: (1) FS/S and (2) state-level hunting license rates (HLR).

Sheet 1 contains the training data; sheet 2 contains the BFRSS data used for validation.

Acknowledgements

Gomez, David (2020), “Training and Validation Dataset for the Development of Improved Proxy Measures of State-level Household Gun Ownership”, Mendeley Data, V1, doi: 10.17632/bxsm39hsc9.1

Introduction: Firearm legality and ownership have been contentious topics in American culture, due to the well-documented, yet preventable, health and safety risks. States vary in the amount of firearm ownership, as well as firearm mortality and injury rates. Objectives: The primary aim of this project is to compare two states, New Jersey and Texas, on the likelihood of firearm violence occurring to each state's citizens. The variables of gun ownership, firearm mortalities, and firearm injuries are compared and visualized to understand if living in one state is safer than living in the other. Methods: Data analysis focused on connecting and comparing the two states with variables pointing to firearm safety/danger. Line graphs compare the two states and firearm injuries and mortalities over a sixteen-year period as well as number of firearms per state. Scatterplots show a correlation, if any, between number of firearms and injuries/mortalities in the two states. Results: Texas had a consistently higher mortality rate by firearms (excluding suicides) for each year of the seventeen years. Texas also led in firearm injuries from the years 2000-2010, 2012, and 2014-2016, but not in 2011 and 2013. New Jersey consistently has a lower mortality rate (3.5 and under per 100,000) and lower gun ownership (.11 and under per household). Texas’ data has both a higher mortality rate (between 3.8 and 4.8 per 100,000) and a higher gun ownership rate (.34 to .40 per household). With a few exceptions from the years 2011 and 2013, the state data points are clustered to show the relationship between gun ownership and firearm injuries to be high/high for Texas and low/low for New Jersey. Conclusions: From the years 2000-2016 it is, on average, 20% less likely that one will be injured by a firearm and 30% less likely that one will be killed by a firearm if one were to live in New Jersey instead of Texas, causing the conclusion that it is safer to live in New Jersey than in Texas.

The National Lawful Use of Guns Survey is a baseline internet-based survey of 2,086 gun owners who were surveyed in 2019 and again one year later. The survey measured a wide range of variables, including: (a) psychographics; (b) firearm-related knowledge, beliefs, attitudes, practices, and norms; (c) a wide range of personal values; (d) level of engagement with guns (emotional and moral attachment to guns); (e) association between firearms and personal values; (f) mindset towards firearm and other public health policies; (g) level of inclusion in or alienation from the gun control movement; and (h) level of civic engagement with gun violence prevention. The National Lawful Use of Guns Follow-Up Survey was conducted in 2020 and sampled the same 2,086 gun owners who responded to the baseline survey. This survey tested several communication messages intended to try to increase the willingness of gun owners to participate in gun violence prevention activities.

According to a survey conducted in the United States in 2023, men were more likely than women to either personally own a gun or live in a gun owning household. At this time, ** percent of American men personally owned a firearm, compared to ** percent of women.

The State Firearm Laws project aims to provide researchers with the data necessary to evaluate the effectiveness of various firearm laws. By carefully monitoring how gun legislation impacts firearm-related violence, we can provide policymakers with the evidence they need to make gun ownership safer for everyone.

Dr. Michael Siegel is the principal investigator on the State Firearm Law project. He is a professor in the Community Health Sciences Department at Boston University School of Public Health.

Molly Pahn, M.P.H., is the research manager on the State Firearm Law project.

Jane McClenathan, M.P.H., is a research assistant on the State Firearm Law project.

The State Firearm Laws team is headquartered in Boston, Massachusetts. For more information, contact:

Michael Siegel, MD, MPH
Boston University School of Public Health
801 Massachusetts Avenue, 4th Floor
Boston, MA 02118
Phone: 617-638-5167
Fax: 617-638-4483
Email: mbsiegel@bu.edu

This nationally representative, anonymous, household telephone survey was conducted to explore the distribution of privately owned firearms in the United States, as well as firearm acquisition, disposal, and storage in households with guns. The study updates an earlier (1994) study by Cook and Ludwig that examined household firearm ownership in the United States (Cook P.J., Ludwig J. Guns in America: Results of a comprehensive national survey of firearms ownership and use. Washington DC: Police Foundation 1997.) Other domains of the survey included (1) past year firearm use both by respondents with firearms in their households and those without (e.g., "In the past 12 months, have you handled any gun"); (2) guns and youth (e.g., "In the last 12 months, have you ever asked another parent whether their home contains guns?"); (3) awareness of and opinions regarding state and federal firearm laws (e.g., "To the best of your knowledge, does your state have a law that holds adults liable for misuse of their guns by children or minors"; "Do you favor or oppose the sale of military style firearms?"); (4) depression and suicide (e.g., "If the Golden Gate Bridge had a barrier to prevent suicide, about how many of the 1,000 jumpers (who have committed suicide by jumping off the bridge since 1937) do you think would have found some other way to kill themselves?") and (5) aggressive driving (e.g., "In the past 12 months, have you made obscene or rude gestures at another motorist"). The survey also included extensive demographic information about the respondent and his or her family. The demographic information that was collected includes respondents' sex, age, race, education level, household income, criminal arrest history, armed forces membership status, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), and political philosophy.

The United States is ranked first in gun possession globally and is among the countries suffering the most from firearm violence. Several aspects of the US firearm ecosystem have been detailed over the years, mostly focusing on nation- or state-level phenomena. Systematic, high-resolution studies that compare US cities are largely lacking, leaving several questions open. For example, how does firearm violence vary with the population size of a US city? Are guns more prevalent and accessible in larger cities? In search of answers to these questions, we apply urban scaling theory, which has been instrumental in understanding the present and future of urbanization for the past 15 years. We collate a dataset about firearm violence, accessibility and ownership in 929 cities, ranging from 10,000 to 20,000,000 people. We discover superlinear scaling of firearm violence (measured through the incidence of firearm homicides and armed robberies) and sublinear scaling of both firearm ownership (inferred from the percentage of suicides that are committed with firearm) and firearm accessibility (measured as the prevalence of federal firearm-selling licenses). To investigate the mechanism underlying the US firearm ecosystem, we establish a novel information-theoretic methodology that infers associations from the variance of urban features about scaling laws. We unveil influence of violence and firearm accessibility on firearm ownership, which we model through a Cobb–Douglas function. Such an influence suggests that self-protection could be a critical driver of firearm ownership in US cities, whose extent is moderated by access to firearms.

State-level firearm suicide proxy (FSS) for household gun ownership 1949-2020. Unlike most gun prevalence measures that are representative at the national or regional level, this proxy represents household gun ownership trends at the state level and is not reliant on self-reported data that are prone to social desirability bias. This extended proxy represents the longest-ranging dataset of state-level gun ownership rates to date. This dataset also includes historic data on firearm homicide and homicide counts and rates per 100,000 residents.

According to a survey conducted in the United States in 2023, Americans aged 55 years old and above were more likely to personally own a gun than their counterparts in other age groups. At this time, ** percent of Americans aged 55 years old and over personally owned a firearm, compared to ** percent of those aged 18 to 34 years old, and ** percent of those aged between 35 and 54 years old.

There was a large spike in gun purchases and gun violence during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States. We used an online U.S. national survey (N = 1036) to examine the characteristics of people who purchased a gun between March 2020 and October 2021 (n = 103) and compared them to non-gun owners (n = 763) and people who own a gun but did not purchase a gun during the COVID-19 pandemic (n = 170). Compared to non-gun owners, pandemic gun buyers were younger and more likely to be male, White race, and to affiliate with the Republican party. Compared to non-gun owners and pre-pandemic gun owners, pandemic gun buyers exhibited extreme elevations on a constellation of political (QAnon beliefs, pro-gun attitudes, Christian Nationalism, approval of former President Donald Trump, anti-vax beliefs, COVID-19 skepticism; mean Cohen’s d = 1.15), behavioral (intimate partner violence, antisocial behavior; mean d = 1.38), mental health (suicidality, depression, anxiety, substance use; mean d = 1.21), and personality (desire for power, belief in a dangerous world, low agreeableness, low conscientiousness; mean d = 0.95) characteristics. In contrast, pre-pandemic gun owners only endorsed more pro-gun attitudes (d = 0.67), lower approval of President Joe Biden (d = -0.41) and were more likely to be male and affiliate with the Republican party relative to non-gun owners. Pandemic gun buyers represent an extreme group in terms of political and psychological characteristics including several risk-factors for violence and self-harm.

According to a survey conducted in the United States in 2023, white respondents were more likely to either personally own a gun or live in a gun owning household than their non-white counterparts. During the survey, ** percent of white Americans reported that they personally owned a firearm, compared to ** percent of non-white respondents.

One-hundred of the 133 provisions were coded by Michael Siegel, MD, MPH, Boston University School of Public Health, with funding from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, Evidence for Action: Investigator-Initiated Research to Build a Culture of Health program (grant #73337), using data derived from the Thomson Reuters Westlaw legislative database. The other 33 provisions were coded using a database created by Everytown for Gun Safety and Legal Science, LLC. Shared in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution-4.0 International License, which is incorporated herein by this reference. No changes were made to the original coding, but the data were adapted for use in this database. See the codebook for a list of which provisions were coded by which source.