In 2023, the rate of forcible rapes in the United States stood at 38 per 100,000 inhabitants. As the FBI revised the definition of rape in 2013, the 2023 rate is a slight decrease from 1990, when there were 41.2 forcible rapes per 100,000 inhabitants. What is forcible rape? According to the FBI, forcible rape is defined as “sexual penetration, no matter how slight, with a body part or object without the consent of the victim.” This definition changed in 2013 from the previous definition, which specified “carnal knowledge of a female victim forcibly and against her will.” Attempted rape was included in the previous definition, but statutory rape and other sexual offenses were excluded. The old definition was seen as problematic, as people of any gender can be raped. Since the revision of the definition of rape, reported rapes increased, although it is not clear if this is due to the revised definition or if the rate itself has increased. Rape in the United States While rape and sexual assault have been extensively talked about in the U.S. in recent years, especially since the start of the #metoo movement, there is still a large number of sexual offences committed each year. Sadly, the majority of sex offences in the U.S. are carried out against individuals age 20 and under. Astoundingly, the Anchorage, Alaska metropolitan area had the highest rape rate in the United States in 2023, followed by St Joseph in Missouri and Kansas. Since rape and sexual assault continue to be underreported in the United States, it is important to find a solution to this devastating problem.

In the United States, significantly more women than men are sexually assaulted. In 2023, about ******* women were raped or sexually assaulted in the U.S. - a decrease from the previous year. In comparison, ******* men were raped or sexually assaulted in 2023, which was an increase compared to the year before.

In 2022, the total number of rape cases reported in India amounted to over 31 thousand. This was a slight decrease in rape cases compared to the previous year. Even though many rapes are not reported in the country, it is an issue that continuously makes news headlines, some leading to public protests. Although reports of rape have increased in recent years, it was still associated with shame for the victim, rather than the perpetrator. The justice system  A victim of rape in India not only experiences social stigmatization but what is more, her fight for justice is not made easy due to the system that often faults the victim for their misfortune. Instances have been reported where victims are confronted with hostile conditions at police stations and have been often pressured to withdraw their cases. However, once a case goes to trial, it can take decades before anything is resolved. Rape cases in particular, face huge backlog where the number of new cases supersede the number of cases disposed every year. The process is arduous and could add so much trauma to the victim’s life that they often buckle under pressure from family of their own or that of the perpetrator.  Women in India India is known to be one of the most dangerous countries in the world for women. Indian women are constantly in a state of high alert when alone on the streets, at work or in the markets. Due to India’s predominantly patriarchal nature, domestic violence is known to be culturally acceptable. Studies reveal that even a majority of working women suffer domestic abuse from their husbands. A non-earning woman’s position further exacerbates vulnerability and dependence on their male partner as opposed to a woman who contributors financially to the household. Rampant poverty across the country is the main driver for low literacy rates and consequently, disempowerment and abuse among women.

This survey was conducted by the Center for Urban Affairs and Policy Research at Northwestern University to gather information for two projects that analyzed the impact of crime on the lives of city dwellers. These projects were the Reactions to Crime (RTC) Project, which was supported by the United States Department of Justice's National Institute of Justice as part of its Research Agreements Program, and the Rape Project, supported by the National Center for the Prevention and Control of Rape, a subdivision of the National Institute of Mental Health. Both investigations were concerned with individual behavior and collective reactions to crime. The Rape Project was specifically concerned with sexual assault and its consequences for the lives of women. The three cities selected for study were Chicago, Philadelphia, and San Francisco. A total of ten neighborhoods were chosen from these cities along a number of dimensions -- ethnicity, class, crime, and levels of organizational activity. In addition, a small city-wide sample was drawn from each city. Reactions to crime topics covered how individuals band together to deal with crime problems, individual responses to crime such as property marking or the installation of locks and bars, and the impact of fear of crime on day-to-day behavior -- for example, shopping and recreational patterns. Respondents were asked several questions that called for self-reports of behavior, including events and conditions in their home areas, their relationship to their neighbors, who they knew and visited around their homes, and what they watched on TV and read in the newspapers. Also included were a number of questions measuring respondents' perceptions of the extent of crime in their communities, whether they knew someone who had been a victim, and what they had done to reduce their own chances of being victimized. Questions on sexual assault/rape included whether the respondent thought this was a neighborhood problem, if the number of rapes in the neighborhood were increasing or decreasing, how many women they thought had been sexually assaulted or raped in the neighborhood in the previous year, and how they felt about various rape prevention measures, such as increasing home security, women not going out alone at night, women dressing more modestly, learning self-defense techniques, carrying weapons, increasing men's respect of women, and newspapers publishing the names of known rapists. Female respondents were asked whether they thought it likely that they would be sexually assaulted in the next year, how much they feared sexual assault when going out alone after dark in the neighborhood, whether they knew a sexual assault victim, whether they had reported any sexual assaults to police, and where and when sexual assaults took place that they were aware of. Demographic information collected on respondents includes age, race, ethnicity, education, occupation, income, and whether the respondent owned or rented their home.

Alaska saw the highest rape rate in the United States in 2023, with 118.4 rapes per 100,000 inhabitants. The lowest rate was found in New Jersey, with 17.9 rapes per 100,000 inhabitants. Sexual assault in Alaska Fighting sexual assault in Alaska is particularly difficult due to small, isolated, close-knit communities who can be wary of airing their dirty laundry to outsiders, as well as a low number of law enforcement employees in the state. In addition, Alaska’s low population is spread out over a large land area, meaning that in the event of an assault being reported to police, it can take law enforcement hours, or even days, to reach the most isolated communities. The victims of sexual assault There tends to be more reported female victims of sexual assault than male victims. However, since sexual assault is typically an underreported crime, especially among males, these figures could be, and probably are, much higher. In addition, many victims of sexual offenses tend to be young, although sexual assault can occur at any age.

The number of rape and sexual assault cases reported to the police in Germany peaked at ****** in 2024 during the period shown here. Previously, the highest number of cases, ******, had been recorded the year before. Based on the definition in criminal law, sexual assault includes rape, as well as other sexually driven physical attacks. Rape is defined as forcing a person to have sex. Increased crime clearance rate The question remains how high the number of unreported cases is. Reasons for not reporting a sexual assault vary among victims. In recent years, the German police reported increasing clearance rates for sexual crimes. In 2022, **** percent of rape and sexual assault cases were solved, compared to **** percent in 2016. In 2023, however this figure dropped to **** percent, perhaps due to the increase in the number of cases. Among males suspected of committing such crimes, over ** percent were young adults aged 18 to 21 years. Types of German police forces German police forces are divided into several different types, which all have clearly established tasks regulated by law. The Federal Criminal Police Office (Bundeskriminalamt, BKA) is often compared to the FBI in the U.S. and investigates federal crimes, such as kidnapping. The Federal Police (Bundespolizei), works in railway stations, at airports, and seaports. They also protect borders, government buildings, and deal with organized crime and terrorism. The criminal police (Kriminalpolizei, Kripo), the only policemen not wearing in uniform in Germany, handle assault, murder, and rape cases, as well as theft. The uniformed police (Schutzpolizei, SchuPo), or beat police, are regularly visible in streets, as they are responsible for traffic safety, among other tasks, and may be approached directly by people in need of assistance or help.

Over the last two years, awareness about the sexual mistreatment of women has stunned the world. According to analysis by the New York Times, the defeat of Hilary Clinton and election of Donald Trump spurred a women’s movement in the US that began in November of 2016 and resulted in protests across the country, including the largest single-day protest in history on January 21, 2017. Later that year, the #MeToo movement (starting in October 2017) and subsequent #TimesUp movement (starting in January 2018) galvanized women to unite against sexual assault and sexual harassment, which has become the hallmark of the current women’s movement. But has anything changed over this time period in regard to the sexual harassment of women? We examine data from over 500 women at two points in time (September 2016 and September 2018) and found reduced levels of the most egregious forms of sexual harassment (unwanted sexual attention and sexual coercion) but increased levels of gender harassment in 2018 compared to data collected in 2016. More importantly, sexual harassment had a weaker relationship with women’s negative self-views (lower self-esteem, higher self-doubt) in 2018 compared to 2016. Qualitative interviews collected from women in the fall of 2016 and in the fall of 2018 from the same women, support the quantitative data. They suggest that the decrease in the more egregious forms of sexual harassment is due to the increased scrutiny on the topic and the increase in gender harassment is the result of backlash against women. The interviewees also suggest that the diminished relationship between sexual harassment and negative self-views was the result of reduced shame and increased support and empowerment.

Over the last two years, awareness about the sexual mistreatment of women has stunned the world. According to analysis by the New York Times, the defeat of Hilary Clinton and election of Donald Trump spurred a women’s movement in the US that began in November of 2016 and resulted in protests across the country, including the largest single-day protest in history on January 21, 2017. Later that year, the #MeToo movement (starting in October 2017) and subsequent #TimesUp movement (starting in January 2018) galvanized women to unite against sexual assault and sexual harassment, which has become the hallmark of the current women’s movement. But has anything changed over this time period in regard to the sexual harassment of women? Using a repeat cross-sectional survey from over 500 women collected at two points in time (September 2016 and September 2018), we found reduced levels of the most egregious forms of sexual harassment (unwanted sexual attention and sexual coercion) but increased levels of gender harassment in 2018. More importantly, sexual harassment had a weaker relationship with women’s negative self-views (lower self-esteem, higher self-doubt) in 2018 compared to 2016. Qualitative interviews collected from women in the fall of 2016 and in the fall of 2018 from the same women, support the quantitative data. They suggest that the changes in sexual harassment are due to the increased scrutiny on the topic. The interviewees also emphasize that they feel better supported and empowered and are not ashamed to speak up about sexual harassment.

In 2023, there were 127,216 reported rape cases in the United States. This figure also includes attempts and assaults to commit rape, but unforced statutory rape and other sex offenses are excluded. Sexual assault in the U.S. What is particularly common when it comes to sexual assault, is that many victims know their assailant. A rapist being a stranger lurking in the shadows is less likely than people may like to think. Additionally, most cases of rape or sexual assault in the United States often report the fact that the assailant did not have a weapon on them. These are frightening thoughts for anyone, which has led the U.S. to take a deeper look at what exactly is happening.

metoo

Sexual assault, in any form, has been a long simmering problem in the U.S.; one which has only recently begun to be addressed in the public spotlight. The #metoo movement began to go viral in October 2017 in response to sexual assault allegations against movie producer Harvey Weinstein. The movement aims to show just how widespread sexual assault is, and over half of Americans support the movement.

These data are part of NACJD's Fast Track Release and are distributed as they there received from the data depositor. The files have been zipped by NACJD for release, but not checked or processed except of the removal of direct identifiers. Users should refer to the accompany readme file for a brief description of the files available with this collections and consult the investigator(s) if further information is needed. This study tested a model of individual, familial, and peer variables that additively and synergistically increased or decreased the risk for sexual and teen dating violence based on bullying experiences in early adolescence. The study surveyed 1,162 students from three cohorts in four Midwestern middle schools, who were then followed into three high schools. Five waves of surveys collected information about the level of violence in student homes with parents and siblings or with other children, physical abuse, sexual abuse, exposure to domestic violence, frequency of bullying, self-reported delinquency, and exposure to delinquent friends during the middle school years. Waves six and seven were collected during high school and sexual violence and teen dating violence measures were added to the surveys.

In 2023, the number of sexual crimes had decreased from the previous year by more than a hundred cases. 2013 had the largest number of violations, with 724 such reported crimes.

Introduction: Recurrent exposure to childhood sexual abuse (CSA) seems to be higher among victims of sexual abuse. In this sense, experiences related to sexual violence can perpetuate within the family context itself in various ways. Here, we investigate the association between being exposed to CSA and having a child victim of sexual abuse.Method: We used a sample with 123 mothers, who were divided into 2 groups: one consisting of 41 mothers of sexually abused children and another consisting of 82 mothers of non-sexually abused children. History of exposure to CSA was evaluated by means of the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire - Short Form (CTQ) and we used a logistic regression model to estimate the prediction values regarding having or not a child exposed to sexual violence.Results: Mothers of sexually abused children had significantly higher scores on CTQ, especially on the sexual abuse subscale (SA). According to our logistic regression model, higher scores on the CTQ significantly predicted the status of being a mother of children exposed to sexual violence in our sample (Wald = 7.074; p = 0.008; Exp(B) = 1.681). Years of formal education reduced the likelihood of having a child victim of sexual violence (Wald = 18.994; p = 0.001; Exp(B) = 0.497).Conclusion: Our findings highlight the importance of a possible intergenerational effect of sexual abuse. Family intervention and prevention against childhood maltreatment should take this issue in account.

Rape offences have increased dramatically in England and Wales since 2012/13 when there were 16,038 offences. After this year, rape offences increased substantially, reaching a high of 69,973 offences in the 2021/22 reporting year, before falling slightly to 68,949 in 2022/23, and to 67,928 in 2023/24. When 2023/24 is compared with the 2002/03 reporting year, there was an almost sixfold increase in the number of rape offences recorded by the police in England and Wales. Similar patterns in Scotland and Northern Ireland While there has also been an increase in the number of rape and attempted rape offences in Scotland, the increase has not been quite as steep, with offences reaching 2,459 in 2022/23 compared with 924 in 2002/03. In Northern Ireland there has been a sharp rise in overall sexual offences, rising from 1,438 in 2002/03, to 4,232 by 2022/23. This rise in overall sexual offences is also observable in Scotland, with 15,049 offences in 2022/23, compared with 6,623 in 2002/03. Explaining the increase Although overall crime has shown a noticeable uptick recently, the rise in sexual offences has been much more pronounced. Rather than falling in the mid-2010s and then rising again towards the end of the decade, like overall crime, sexual offences remained at a relatively stable figure, until 2013/14 when it increased dramatically, a pattern mirrored in both Scotland and Northern Ireland. This is possibly due to better reporting practices by the police as well as an increasing willingness of victims to come forward, including historic victims of sexual violence.

Gender-based violence (GBV) is increasingly recognized as a critical global public health issue (WHO, 2021). According to UN Women (2020), GBV refers to any harm inflicted on an individual or group due to their actual or perceived sex, gender, sexual orientation, or gender identity (Council of Europe, 2011). This broad definition encompasses various forms of violence—non-verbal, verbal, sexual, physical, economic, and psychological—impacting women, men, and the LGBTQIA+ community. The consequences of GBV are devastating and can result in long-term physical, mental, and emotional health problems, educational setbacks, job difficulties, or even death (Hazel, Kleyman, 2020; Riger et al., 2000). While both men and women may experience GBV, the majority of its burden falls on women and girls. Indeed, men and boys can be victims of GBV and so too can those who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) (Carlton et al., 2016). However, it is widely acknowledged that most people affected by GBV are women and girls (Council of Europe, 2011). Thus, this highlights that violence against women is a significant part of the broader issue of GBV (Bloom, 2008). Italy is not exempt from the challenges posed by GBV. Violence against women and girls remains a long-standing issue that shows little sign of abating (Amnesty International Italia, 2021a; 2021b; EIGE, 2021a; 2021b; Istat, 2021; Eures, 2021). In recent years, Italians witnessed many high-profile cases of gender violence and femicides that attracted public attention. The forms of violence, however, are diverse, and traditional metrics of abuse have evolved due to the rise of the Internet and social media, which have created new vectors for violence against women (Amnesty International Italia, 2020; 2021b). Furthermore, during the COVID-19 pandemic, women’s rights NGOs reported a significant increase in domestic violence, with national helplines experiencing a surge in calls—from approximately 13,400 in 2019 to over 23,000 in 2020 (Amnesty International, 2021b). In recent years, violence against LGBTQIA+ individuals has also garnered significant attention, highlighted by ongoing public discussions regarding homotransphobia and related legislation. The latest statistics from ISTAT indicate that, in 2014, 1 in 3 women aged 16-70 (31.5%) have experienced some form of physical or sexual violence during their lifetime. Specifically, 20.2% have suffered physical violence, 21% sexual violence, and 5.4% the most severe forms (e.g., rape and attempted rape). Data also reveals that the most severe forms of violence are often perpetrated by partners, relatives, or friends. As of October 24, 2024, the Ministero dell’Interno documented 249 recorded homicides in Italy since January 1, with 89 female victims. Of these women, 77 were killed in family or intimate contexts, and 48 were murdered by their partner or ex-partner. Compared to the same period in 2023, there has been a 12% decrease in overall homicides (from 282 to 249) and a 15% decrease in female victims (from 100 to 89). In response, the Italian government has adopted several proactive legal measures aimed at combating violence against women and girls (VAWG) and supporting victims. This rise suggests that awareness efforts, particularly through traditional media and the Internet, are becoming more effective. Furthermore, media narratives have played a crucial role in shaping societal attitudes towards GBV. According to Capecchi and Gius (2023), discussions have shifted from framing violence as isolated acts of brutality—often attributed to psychologically unstable individuals—to a more nuanced, gender-aware framework that recognizes social disparities in power. High-profile cases have ignited public outrage and drawn attention to the severity of GBV. It is in such context that this article explores the perception and acceptance of GBV in Italy. More specifically, the study explores the perception of GBV, extending the definition of violence to include both men and women while examining less commonly discussed and more subtle forms of violence. While previous research has primarily focused on physical and psychological violence, this study expands the scope to include 'grey zone' areas such as subtle non-verbal, verbal, and physical acts. The study argues that the acceptance of subtle acts is the first steps leading to wider normalization of violence. The study thus seeks to: 1. Examine the perceived normality and acceptance of violence 2. Study the role of the gender in the assessment of violence 3. Analyze the how the nature of the relationships between people and the social context where they are embedded influence the perceived normality and acceptance of violence and moderate the role of gender for the assessment. 4. Investigate the willingness to intervene against violence 5. Assess whether the perceived normality and the willingness to intervene varies according to respondents' gender and their previous experiences or related incidents of violence. The study uniquely examines various forms of GBV (non-verbal, verbal, physical) and the dynamics involved (e.g., the gender of the victim and offender, and their relationship), potentially expanding the discourse beyond the traditional focus on physical and psychological violence in male-offender and female-victim scenarios. Also, it tests the acceptance of violence on both men and women in Italy. This is particularly relevant in understanding male intervention, aligning with the growing recognition that men can serve as bystanders and advocates for gender transformation (Flood, 2018; Bolton et al., 2024). The study relies on a factorial survey (vignette) experiment that is administrated in the fall 2024 in Italy by Dynata.

(This study is part of a broader project titled "Inequality between reality and perception: socio-economic status, gender and immigration in Italy (IneqPer)" which is funded by the Italian competitive grant PRIN-PNRR 2022 (P2022TWZN3).)

The number of reported sexual offences in Denmark increased significantly since 2015. That year, less than 3,000 sexual offences were reported, a number that had increased to over 9,500 as of 2022. A vast majority of the victims are women. In December 2020, the Danish parliament passed a law based on sexual consent, following the example of the neighboring country Sweden.

Victims of criminal offences  In 2021, the number of reported victims of crime in Denmark dropped below 60,000. The most common crime experienced by Danes was violent crimes. The number of male victims was higher than female victims.

Safe country  In general, Denmark is considered a safe and peaceful country. In 2022, it ranked sixth in the ranking of the most peaceful countries in the world. Its Global Peace Index was 1.3. The following applies here: the lower the index value, the higher the peacefulness. This index measures the level of safety, the extent of current domestic and international conflicts, as well as the extent of militarization.

In 2022, more than 2,800 convictions for sexual assault of persons under 18 years of age were pronounced in France. However, this figure is low compared to the number of sexual harassment and other assaults against minors. Only between January and August 2022, the police and gendarmerie recorded almost 19,000 sexual harassment and other assaults on minors.

In 2022, the most common self-reported type of crime in Sweden was threats. 7.8 percent of Swedes reported that they had been victims of threats that year, which was slightly less than the year before. Moreover, the share of Swedes who reported that they had been victims of sexual abuse increased by over four percentage points from 2014 to 2018, but decreased in the following years, dropping to 4.5 percent in 2022.

Crime in the United States, by Region, Geographic Division, and State, 2015–2016

The FBI collects these data through the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program.

FBI link

Important note about rape data

In 2013, the FBI UCR Program initiated the collection of rape data under a revised definition and removed the term “forcible” from the offense name. The UCR Program now defines rape as follows:

Rape (revised definition): Penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina or anus with any body part or object, or oral penetration by a sex organ of another person, without the consent of the victim. (This includes the offenses of rape, sodomy, and sexual assault with an object as converted from data submitted via the National Incident-Based Reporting System [NIBRS].)

Rape (legacy definition): The carnal knowledge of a female forcibly and against her will.

General comments

• This table provides the estimated number of offenses and the rate (per 100,000 inhabitants) of crime in each region, geographic division, and state in 2015 and 2016, and the 2-year percent change in each.
• Violent crime includes the offenses of murder and nonnegligent manslaughter, rape (revised definition), robbery, and aggravated assault. Property crime includes the offenses of burglary, larceny-theft, and motor vehicle theft.
• The UCR Program does not have sufficient data to estimate for arson.

Caution against ranking

Any comparisons of crime among different locales should take into consideration relevant factors in addition to the area’s crime statistics. UCR Statistics: Their Proper Use provides more details concerning the proper use of UCR statistics.

Methodology

• The data used in creating this table were from all law enforcement agencies in the UCR Program (including those submitting less than 12 months of data).
• Crime statistics include estimated offense totals (except arson) for agencies submitting less than 12 months of offense reports for each year.
• The FBI derives state totals by estimating for nonreporting and partially reporting agencies within each state. The UCR Program aggregates a state total using the state’s individual agency estimates.

Offense estimation

These tables contain statistics for the entire United States. Because not all law enforcement agencies provide data for complete reporting periods, the FBI includes estimated crime numbers in these presentations. The FBI computes estimates for participating agencies not providing 12 months of complete data. For agencies supplying 3 to 11 months of data, the national UCR Program estimates for the missing data by following a standard estimation procedure using the data provided by the agency. If an agency has supplied less than 3 months of data, the FBI computes estimates by using the known crime figures of similar areas within a state and assigning the same proportion of crime volumes to nonreporting agencies. The estimation process considers the following: population size covered by the agency; type of jurisdiction, e.g., police department versus sheriff’s office; and geographic location.

In response to various circumstances, the FBI has estimated offense totals for some states. For example, problems at the state level (e.g., noncompliance with UCR guidelines, technological difficulties) have, at times, resulted in data that cannot be used for publication, and estimation was necessary. Also, efforts by an agency to convert to NIBRS have contributed to the need for unique estimation procedures.

A summary of state-specific and offense-specific estimation procedures is available in the “Estimation of state-level data” section of the Methodology.

Rape estimation

This table contains estimates based on both the legacy and revised definitions of rape. Agencies submit data based on only one of these definitions. Within each population group size, the proportion of female rape victims was calculated from all NIBRS reports of rape, sodomy, and sexual assault with an object. For agencies that reported using the revised definition, the actual number of reported rapes was decreased by the calculated proportion to arrive at an estimate for the number of rapes using the legacy definition. Conversely, for agencies that reported using the legacy definition, the actual number of reported rapes was increased by the inverse of the proportion to arrive at an estimate for the number of rapes using the revised definition.

Population estimation

For the 2016 population estimates used in this table, the FBI computed individual rates of growth from one year to the next for every city/town and county using 2010 decennial population counts and 2011 through 2015 population estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau. Each agency’s rates of growth were averaged; that average was then applied and added to its 2015 Census population estimate to derive the agency’s 2016 population estimate.