In 2023, the FBI reported that there were 9,284 Black murder victims in the United States and 7,289 white murder victims. In comparison, there were 554 murder victims of unknown race and 586 victims of another race. Victims of inequality? In recent years, the role of racial inequality in violent crimes such as robberies, assaults, and homicides has gained public attention. In particular, the issue of police brutality has led to increasing attention following the murder of George Floyd, an African American who was killed by a Minneapolis police officer. Studies show that the rate of fatal police shootings for Black Americans was more than double the rate reported of other races. Crime reporting National crime data in the United States is based off the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s new crime reporting system, which requires law enforcement agencies to self-report their data in detail. Due to the recent implementation of this system, less crime data has been reported, with some states such as Delaware and Pennsylvania declining to report any data to the FBI at all in the last few years, suggesting that the Bureau's data may not fully reflect accurate information on crime in the United States.

Context

COVID-19 Cases and Deaths by Race

Content

Columns:

State Data Source Total positive cases in state Total deaths in state Percentage of Black people represented in total cases Percentage of Black people represented in total deaths Percentage of total population that identify as Black (census) Updated Notes

Acknowledgements

Data shared under an open data policy at Data for Black Lives (d4bl.org)

Banner Photo by Vince Fleming on Unsplash

Number, percentage and rate (per 100,000 population) of homicide victims, by racialized identity group (total, by racialized identity group; racialized identity group; South Asian; Chinese; Black; Filipino; Arab; Latin American; Southeast Asian; West Asian; Korean; Japanese; other racialized identity group; multiple racialized identity; racialized identity, but racialized identity group is unknown; rest of the population; unknown racialized identity group), gender (all genders; male; female; gender unknown) and region (Canada; Atlantic region; Quebec; Ontario; Prairies region; British Columbia; territories), 2019 to 2024.

Sadly, the trend of fatal police shootings in the United States seems to only be increasing, with a total 1,173 civilians having been shot, 248 of whom were Black, as of December 2024. In 2023, there were 1,164 fatal police shootings. Additionally, the rate of fatal police shootings among Black Americans was much higher than that for any other ethnicity, standing at 6.1 fatal shootings per million of the population per year between 2015 and 2024. Police brutality in the U.S. In recent years, particularly since the fatal shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri in 2014, police brutality has become a hot button issue in the United States. The number of homicides committed by police in the United States is often compared to those in countries such as England, where the number is significantly lower. Black Lives Matter The Black Lives Matter Movement, formed in 2013, has been a vocal part of the movement against police brutality in the U.S. by organizing “die-ins”, marches, and demonstrations in response to the killings of black men and women by police. While Black Lives Matter has become a controversial movement within the U.S., it has brought more attention to the number and frequency of police shootings of civilians.

In 2023, 8,842 murderers in the United States were white, while 6,405 were Black. A further 461 murderers were of another race, including American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, and Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander. However, not all law enforcement agencies submitted homicide data to the FBI in 2023, meaning there may be more murder offenders of each race than depicted. While the majority of circumstances behind murders in the U.S. are unknown, narcotics, robberies, and gang killings are most commonly identified.

THIS DATASET WAS LAST UPDATED AT 7:11 AM EASTERN ON DEC. 1

OVERVIEW

2019 had the most mass killings since at least the 1970s, according to the Associated Press/USA TODAY/Northeastern University Mass Killings Database.

In all, there were 45 mass killings, defined as when four or more people are killed excluding the perpetrator. Of those, 33 were mass shootings . This summer was especially violent, with three high-profile public mass shootings occurring in the span of just four weeks, leaving 38 killed and 66 injured.

A total of 229 people died in mass killings in 2019.

The AP's analysis found that more than 50% of the incidents were family annihilations, which is similar to prior years. Although they are far less common, the 9 public mass shootings during the year were the most deadly type of mass murder, resulting in 73 people's deaths, not including the assailants.

One-third of the offenders died at the scene of the killing or soon after, half from suicides.

About this Dataset

The Associated Press/USA TODAY/Northeastern University Mass Killings database tracks all U.S. homicides since 2006 involving four or more people killed (not including the offender) over a short period of time (24 hours) regardless of weapon, location, victim-offender relationship or motive. The database includes information on these and other characteristics concerning the incidents, offenders, and victims.

The AP/USA TODAY/Northeastern database represents the most complete tracking of mass murders by the above definition currently available. Other efforts, such as the Gun Violence Archive or Everytown for Gun Safety may include events that do not meet our criteria, but a review of these sites and others indicates that this database contains every event that matches the definition, including some not tracked by other organizations.

This data will be updated periodically and can be used as an ongoing resource to help cover these events.

Using this Dataset

To get basic counts of incidents of mass killings and mass shootings by year nationwide, use these queries:

Mass killings by year

Mass shootings by year

To get these counts just for your state:

Filter killings by state

Definition of "mass murder"

Mass murder is defined as the intentional killing of four or more victims by any means within a 24-hour period, excluding the deaths of unborn children and the offender(s). The standard of four or more dead was initially set by the FBI.

This definition does not exclude cases based on method (e.g., shootings only), type or motivation (e.g., public only), victim-offender relationship (e.g., strangers only), or number of locations (e.g., one). The time frame of 24 hours was chosen to eliminate conflation with spree killers, who kill multiple victims in quick succession in different locations or incidents, and to satisfy the traditional requirement of occurring in a “single incident.”

Offenders who commit mass murder during a spree (before or after committing additional homicides) are included in the database, and all victims within seven days of the mass murder are included in the victim count. Negligent homicides related to driving under the influence or accidental fires are excluded due to the lack of offender intent. Only incidents occurring within the 50 states and Washington D.C. are considered.

Methodology

Project researchers first identified potential incidents using the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHR). Homicide incidents in the SHR were flagged as potential mass murder cases if four or more victims were reported on the same record, and the type of death was murder or non-negligent manslaughter.

Cases were subsequently verified utilizing media accounts, court documents, academic journal articles, books, and local law enforcement records obtained through Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests. Each data point was corroborated by multiple sources, which were compiled into a single document to assess the quality of information.

In case(s) of contradiction among sources, official law enforcement or court records were used, when available, followed by the most recent media or academic source.

Case information was subsequently compared with every other known mass murder database to ensure reliability and validity. Incidents listed in the SHR that could not be independently verified were excluded from the database.

Project researchers also conducted extensive searches for incidents not reported in the SHR during the time period, utilizing internet search engines, Lexis-Nexis, and Newspapers.com. Search terms include: [number] dead, [number] killed, [number] slain, [number] murdered, [number] homicide, mass murder, mass shooting, massacre, rampage, family killing, familicide, and arson murder. Offender, victim, and location names were also directly searched when available.

This project started at USA TODAY in 2012.

Contacts

Contact AP Data Editor Justin Myers with questions, suggestions or comments about this dataset at jmyers@ap.org. The Northeastern University researcher working with AP and USA TODAY is Professor James Alan Fox, who can be reached at j.fox@northeastern.edu or 617-416-4400.

Note: DPH is updating and streamlining the COVID-19 cases, deaths, and testing data. As of 6/27/2022, the data will be published in four tables instead of twelve. The COVID-19 Cases, Deaths, and Tests by Day dataset contains cases and test data by date of sample submission. The death data are by date of death. This dataset is updated daily and contains information back to the beginning of the pandemic. The data can be found at https://data.ct.gov/Health-and-Human-Services/COVID-19-Cases-Deaths-and-Tests-by-Day/g9vi-2ahj. The COVID-19 State Metrics dataset contains over 93 columns of data. This dataset is updated daily and currently contains information starting June 21, 2022 to the present. The data can be found at https://data.ct.gov/Health-and-Human-Services/COVID-19-State-Level-Data/qmgw-5kp6 . The COVID-19 County Metrics dataset contains 25 columns of data. This dataset is updated daily and currently contains information starting June 16, 2022 to the present. The data can be found at https://data.ct.gov/Health-and-Human-Services/COVID-19-County-Level-Data/ujiq-dy22 . The COVID-19 Town Metrics dataset contains 16 columns of data. This dataset is updated daily and currently contains information starting June 16, 2022 to the present. The data can be found at https://data.ct.gov/Health-and-Human-Services/COVID-19-Town-Level-Data/icxw-cada . To protect confidentiality, if a town has fewer than 5 cases or positive NAAT tests over the past 7 days, those data will be suppressed. COVID-19 cases and associated deaths that have been reported among Connecticut residents, broken down by race and ethnicity. All data in this report are preliminary; data for previous dates will be updated as new reports are received and data errors are corrected. Deaths reported to the either the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner (OCME) or Department of Public Health (DPH) are included in the COVID-19 update. The following data show the number of COVID-19 cases and associated deaths per 100,000 population by race and ethnicity. Crude rates represent the total cases or deaths per 100,000 people. Age-adjusted rates consider the age of the person at diagnosis or death when estimating the rate and use a standardized population to provide a fair comparison between population groups with different age distributions. Age-adjustment is important in Connecticut as the median age of among the non-Hispanic white population is 47 years, whereas it is 34 years among non-Hispanic blacks, and 29 years among Hispanics. Because most non-Hispanic white residents who died were over 75 years of age, the age-adjusted rates are lower than the unadjusted rates. In contrast, Hispanic residents who died tend to be younger than 75 years of age which results in higher age-adjusted rates. The population data used to calculate rates is based on the CT DPH population statistics for 2019, which is available online here: https://portal.ct.gov/DPH/Health-Information-Systems--Reporting/Population/Population-Statistics. Prior to 5/10/2021, the population estimates from 2018 were used. Rates are standardized to the 2000 US Millions Standard population (data available here: https://seer.cancer.gov/stdpopulations/). Standardization was done using 19 age groups (0, 1-4, 5-9, 10-14, ..., 80-84, 85 years and older). More information about direct standardization for age adjustment is available here: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/statnt/statnt06rv.pdf Categories are mutually exclusive. The category “multiracial” includes people who answered ‘yes’ to more than one race category. Counts may not add up to total case counts as data on race and ethnicity may be missing. Age adjusted rates calculated only for groups with more than 20 deaths. Abbreviation: NH=Non-Hispanic. Data on Connecticut deaths were obtained from the Connecticut Deaths Registry maintained by the DPH Office of Vital Records. Cause of death was determined by a death certifier (e.g., physician, APRN, medical

Since 2013, protests opposing police violence against Black people have occurred across a number of American cities under the banner of “Black Lives Matter.” We develop a new dataset of Black Lives Matter protests that took place in 2014–2015 and explore the contexts in which they emerged. We find that Black Lives Matter protests are more likely to occur in localities where more Black people have previously been killed by police. We discuss the implications of our findings in light of the literature on the development of social movements and recent scholarship on the carceral state’s impact on political engagement.

A geographically-resolved, multi-level Bayesian model is used to analyze the data presented in the U.S. Police-Shooting Database (USPSD) in order to investigate the extent of racial bias in the shooting of American civilians by police officers in recent years. In contrast to previous work that relied on the FBI’s Supplemental Homicide Reports that were constructed from self-reported cases of police-involved homicide, this data set is less likely to be biased by police reporting practices. County-specific relative risk outcomes of being shot by police are estimated as a function of the interaction of: 1) whether suspects/civilians were armed or unarmed, and 2) the race/ethnicity of the suspects/civilians. The results provide evidence of a significant bias in the killing of unarmed black Americans relative to unarmed white Americans, in that the probability of being {black, unarmed, and shot by police} is about 3.49 times the probability of being {white, unarmed, and shot by police} on average. Furthermore, the results of multi-level modeling show that there exists significant heterogeneity across counties in the extent of racial bias in police shootings, with some counties showing relative risk ratios of 20 to 1 or more. Finally, analysis of police shooting data as a function of county-level predictors suggests that racial bias in police shootings is most likely to emerge in police departments in larger metropolitan counties with low median incomes and a sizable portion of black residents, especially when there is high financial inequality in that county. There is no relationship between county-level racial bias in police shootings and crime rates (even race-specific crime rates), meaning that the racial bias observed in police shootings in this data set is not explainable as a response to local-level crime rates.

Victims of gang-related homicides (total number of homicide victims; number of homicide victims - unknown gang-relation; number of homicide victims - known gang relation; number of gang-related homicide victims; percentage of gang-related homicide victims; rate (per 100,000 population) of gang-related homicide victims), Canada and regions, 1999 to 2024.

The Black Death was the largest and deadliest pandemic of Yersinia pestis recorded in human history, and likely the most infamous individual pandemic ever documented. The plague originated in the Eurasian Steppes, before moving with Mongol hordes to the Black Sea, where it was then brought by Italian merchants to the Mediterranean. From here, the Black Death then spread to almost all corners of Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa. While it was never endemic to these regions, it was constantly re-introduced via trade routes from Asia (such as the Silk Road), and plague was present in Western Europe until the seventeenth century, and the other regions until the nineteenth century. Impact on Europe In Europe, the major port cities and metropolitan areas were hit the hardest. The plague spread through south-western Europe, following the arrival of Italian galleys in Sicily, Genoa, Venice, and Marseilles, at the beginning of 1347. It is claimed that Venice, Florence, and Siena lost up to two thirds of their total population during epidemic's peak, while London, which was hit in 1348, is said to have lost at least half of its population. The plague then made its way around the west of Europe, and arrived in Germany and Scandinavia in 1348, before travelling along the Baltic coast to Russia by 1351 (although data relating to the death tolls east of Germany is scarce). Some areas of Europe remained untouched by the plague for decades; for example, plague did not arrive in Iceland until 1402, however it swept across the island with devastating effect, causing the population to drop from 120,000 to 40,000 within two years. Reliability While the Black Death affected three continents, there is little recorded evidence of its impact outside of Southern or Western Europe. In Europe, however, many sources conflict and contrast with one another, often giving death tolls exceeding the estimated population at the time (such as London, where the death toll is said to be three times larger than the total population). Therefore, the precise death tolls remain uncertain, and any figures given should be treated tentatively.

Find violent death data in Massachusetts, inluding homicide and suicide.

Context

"The U.S. has now passed the grim milestone of 150,000 coronavirus deaths with Califoria, Florida and Texas all recently setting single-day records for deaths from the pandemic. On July 29, one American was dying from Covid-19 every minute with the total number of infections approaching 4.4 million. Studies have found that men are dying at nearly twice the rate of women in the U.S. while the pandemic is proving especially devastating for black Americans who are dying at nearly three times the rate of white people." https://www.statista.com/chart/22430/coronavirus-deaths-by-race-in-the-us/

Content

"That's according to The COVID Tracking Project who state that 30,648 black lives have been lost to the coronavirus to date, accounting for 23 percent of all U.S. deaths where race is known. The deaths were broken down by race or ethnicity with 74 black Americans dying per 100,000 people compared to 30 white Americans per 100,000 people as of July 30, 2020."

Acknowledgements

Niall McCarthy, Data Journalist https://www.statista.com/chart/22430/coronavirus-deaths-by-race-in-the-us/ Photo United Nations COVID-19 Response on Unsplash

Inspiration

Covid-19

Context

This dataset of U.S. mortality trends since 1900 highlights the differences in age-adjusted death rates and life expectancy at birth by race and sex. Age-adjusted death rates (deaths per 100,000) after 1998 are calculated based on the 2000 U.S. standard population. Populations used for computing death rates for 2011–2015 are postcensal estimates based on the 2010 census, estimated as of July 1, 2010. Rates for census years are based on populations enumerated in the corresponding censuses. Rates for noncensus years between 2000 and 2010 are revised using updated intercensal population estimates and may differ from rates previously published. Data on age-adjusted death rates prior to 1999 are taken from historical data (see References below). Life expectancy data are available up to 2014. Due to changes in categories of race used in publications, data are not available for the black population consistently before 1968, and not at all before 1960

License

This dataset is based on Open Database license

Inspiration

The dataset can be used to understand life expectancy and death rates. To identify trends and relationships that may exist.

This dataset is no longer being updated as of 5/11/2023. It is being retained on the Open Data Portal for its potential historical interest.

This table displays the number of COVID-19 deaths among Cambridge residents by race and ethnicity. The count reflects total deaths among Cambridge COVID-19 cases.

The rate column shows the rate of COVID-19 deaths among Cambridge residents by race and ethnicity. The rates in this chart were calculated by dividing the total number of deaths among Cambridge COVID-19 cases for each racial or ethnic category by the total number of Cambridge residents in that racial or ethnic category, and multiplying by 10,000. The rates are considered “crude rates” because they are not age-adjusted. Population data are from the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2014–2018 American Community Survey estimates and may differ from actual population counts.

Of note:

This chart reflects the time period of March 25 (first known Cambridge death) through present.

It is important to note that race and ethnicity data are collected and reported by multiple entities and may or may not reflect self-reporting by the individual case. The Cambridge Public Health Department (CPHD) is actively reaching out to cases to collect this information. Due to these efforts, race and ethnicity information have been confirmed for over 80% of Cambridge cases, as of June 2020.

Race/Ethnicity Category Definitions: “White” indicates “White, not of Hispanic origin.” “Black” indicates “Black, not of Hispanic origin.” “Hispanic” refers to a person having Hispanic origin. A person having Hispanic origin may be of any race. “Asian” indicates “Asian, not of Hispanic origin.” To protect individual privacy, a category is suppressed when it has one to four people. Categories with zero cases are reported as zero. "Other" indicates multiple races, another race that is not listed above, and cases who have reported nationality in lieu of a race category recognized by the US Census. Population data are from the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2014–2018 American Community Survey estimates and may differ from actual population counts. "Other" also includes a small number of people who identify as Native American or Native Hawaiian/Pacific islander. Because the count for Native Americans or Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islanders is currently < 5 people, these categories have been combined with “Other” to protect individual privacy.

BackgroundAccording to one USA Renal Data System report, 57% of end-stage renal disease (ESRD) cases are attributed to hypertensive and diabetic nephropathy. Yet, trends in hypertension related ESRD mortality rates in adults ≥ 35 years of age have not been studied.ObjectivesThe aim of this retrospective study was to analyze the different trends hypertension related ESRD death rates among adults in the United States.MethodsDeath records from the CDC (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Wide-Ranging OnLine Data for Epidemiologic Research) database were analyzed from 1999 to 2020 for hypertension related ESRD mortality in adults ≥ 35 years of age. Age-Adjusted mortality rates (AAMRs) per 100,000 persons and annual percent change (APC) were calculated and stratified by year, sex, race/ethnicity, place of death, and geographic location.ResultsHypertension-related ESRD caused a total of 721,511 deaths among adults (aged ≥ 35 years) between 1999 and 2020. The overall AAMR for hypertension related ESRD deaths in adults was 9.70 in 1999 and increased all the way up to 43.7 in 2020 (APC: 9.02; 95% CI: 8.19-11.04). Men had consistently higher AAMRs than woman during the analyzed years from 1999 (AAMR men: 10.8 vs women: 9) to 2020 (AAMR men: 52.2 vs women: 37.2). Overall AAMRs were highest in Non-Hispanic (NH) Black or African American patients (45.7), followed by NH American Indian or Alaska Natives (24.7), Hispanic or Latinos (23.4), NH Asian or Pacific Islanders (19.3), and NH White patients (15.4). Region-wise analysis also showed significant variations in AAMRs (overall AAMR: West 21.2; South: 21; Midwest: 18.3; Northeast: 14.2). Metropolitan areas had slightly higher AAMRs (19.1) than nonmetropolitan areas (19). States with AAMRs in 90th percentile: District of Columbia, Oklahoma, Mississippi, Tennessee, Texas, and South Carolina, had roughly double rates compared to states in 10th percentile.ConclusionsOverall hypertension related ESRD AAMRs among adults were seen to increase in almost all stratified data. The groups associated with the highest death rates were NH Black or African Americans, men, and populations in the West and metropolitan areas of the United States. Strategies and policies targeting these at-risk groups are required to control the rising hypertension related ESRD mortality.

Abstract:This text, from the theoretical perspective of Pêcheux's Discourse Analysis, examines some posts published on Marcha das Vadias (The SlutWalk) Facebook pages on the murder of Cláudia da Silva Ferreira after being dragged by a military police vehicle on March 16th, 2014, in Rio de Janeiro. Making use of the notion of discursive event, we clarify how a memory about both black people and the police in Brazil is updated, portraying the latter as guilty for the murder of black people and the former as victims of a segregationist society. Also, we elucidate how there is, in the posts, an attempt to break away from the violence produced and legitimized by the state.

BackgroundCOVID-19 has had a disproportionate impact on racial and ethnic minorities compared to White people. Studies have not sufficiently examined how sex and age interact with race/ethnicity, and potentially shape COVID-19 outcomes. We sought to examine disparities in COVID-19 outcomes by race, sex and age over time, leveraging data from Michigan, the only state whose Department of Health and Human Services (DHSS) publishes cross-sectional race, sex and age data on COVID-19.MethodsThis is an observational study using publicly available COVID-19 data (weekly cases, deaths, and vaccinations) from August 31 2020 to June 9 2021. Outcomes for descriptive analysis were age-standardized COVID-19 incidence and mortality rates, case-fatality rates by race, sex, and age, and within-gender and within-race incidence rate ratios and mortality rate ratios. We used descriptive statistics and linear regressions with age, race, and sex as independent variables.ResultsThe within-sex Black-White racial gap in COVID-19 incidence and mortality decreased at a similar rate among men and women but the remained wider among men. As of June 2021, compared to White people, incidence was lower among Asian American and Pacific Islander people by 2644 cases per 100,000 people and higher among Black people by 1464 cases per 100,000 people. Mortality was higher among those aged 60 or greater by 743.6 deaths per 100,000 people vs those 0–39. The interaction between race and age was significant between Black race and age 60 or greater, with an additional 708.5 deaths per 100,000 people vs White people aged 60 or greater. Black people had a higher case fatality rate than White people.ConclusionCOVID-19 incidence, mortality and vaccination patterns varied over time by race, age and sex. Black-White disparities decreased over time, with a larger effect on Black men, and Older Black people were particularly more vulnerable to COVID-19 in terms of mortality. Considering different individual characteristics such as age may further help elucidate the mechanisms behind racial and gender health disparities.

The "Enslaved People in the African American National Biography, 1508-1865" dataset builds on the complete print and online collection of the African American National Biography (AANB), edited by Henry Louis Gates, Jr. and Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham. The full collection contains over 6,000 biographical entries of named historical individuals, including 1,304 for subjects born before 1865 and the abolition of slavery in the United States. In making a subset of biographical entries from the multivolume work, the goal was to extract life details from those biographies into an easy-to-view database form that details whether a subject was enslaved for some or all of their lives and to provide the main biographical details of each subject for contextual analysis and comparison. 52 fields covering location data; gender; names, alternate names and suffixes; dates and places of birth and death; and up to 8 occupations were included. We also added 13 unique fields that provide biographical details on each subject: Free born in North America; Free before 13th Amendment; Ever Enslaved; How was freedom attained; Other/uncertain status; African born; Parent information; Runaways and rebels; Education/literacy; Religion; Slave narrative or memoir author; Notes; and Images.

This multi-scale map shows life expectancy - a widely-used measure of health and mortality. From the 2020 County Health Rankings page about Life Expectancy:"Life Expectancy is an AverageLife Expectancy measures the average number of years from birth a person can expect to live, according to the current mortality experience (age-specific death rates) of the population. Life Expectancy takes into account the number of deaths in a given time period and the average number of people at risk of dying during that period, allowing us to compare data across counties with different population sizes.Life Expectancy is Age-AdjustedAge is a non-modifiable risk factor, and as age increases, poor health outcomes are more likely. Life Expectancy is age-adjusted in order to fairly compare counties with differing age structures.What Deaths Count Toward Life Expectancy?Deaths are counted in the county where the individual lived. So, even if an individual dies in a car crash on the other side of the state, that death is attributed to his/her home county.Some Data are SuppressedA missing value is reported for counties with fewer than 5,000 population-years-at-risk in the time frame.Measure LimitationsLife Expectancy includes mortality of all age groups in a population instead of focusing just on premature deaths and thus can be dominated by deaths of the elderly.[1] This could draw attention to areas with higher mortality rates among the oldest segment of the population, where there may be little that can be done to change chronic health problems that have developed over many years. However, this captures the burden of chronic disease in a population better than premature death measures.[2]Furthermore, the calculation of life expectancy is complex and not easy to communicate. Methodologically, it can produce misleading results caused by hidden differences in age structure, is sensitive to infant and child mortality, and tends to be overestimated in small populations."Click on the map to see a breakdown by race/ethnicity in the pop-up: Full details about this measureThere are many factors that play into life expectancy: rates of noncommunicable diseases such as cancer, diabetes, and obesity, prevalence of tobacco use, prevalence of domestic violence, and many more.Data from County Health Rankings 2020 (in this layer and referenced below), available for nation, state, and county, and available in ArcGIS Living Atlas of the World