This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates about the religion or religion brought up in of the usual resident population of Northern Ireland, by broad age bands. The estimates are as at census day, 21 March 2021.

The census collected information on the usually resident population of Northern Ireland on census day (21 March 2021). Initial contact letters or questionnaire packs were delivered to every household and communal establishment, and residents were asked to complete online or return the questionnaire with information as correct on census day. Special arrangements were made to enumerate special groups such as students, members of the Travellers Community, HM Forces personnel etc. The Census Coverage Survey (an independent doorstep survey) followed between 12 May and 29 June 2021 and was used to adjust the census counts for under-enumeration.

'Religion' indicates religion, religious denomination or body.

'Age' is age at last birthday.

'Catholic' includes those who gave their religion or their religion brought up in as Catholic or Roman Catholic.

Quality assurance report can be found here

This project examines the long term historical perspective of Protestant-Catholic conflict to contextualise current interest in religion as a major factor in international security. Indeed, local and regional tensions between Catholics and Protestants continue, notably in Ireland and the United States. Elsewhere Protestant-Catholic conflict declined or more positively, was resolved. The implications of this process for understanding and addressing other contemporary conflicts in which religion is implicated will be explored. The following specific tasks will be undertaken: Comparative analysis of anti-Catholic movements in the English-speaking world; Research on the role of religion in local sectarian conflict, in English cities and in Northern Ireland; A PhD thesis examining British perceptions of Roman Catholicism and national security between the mid-nineteenth and the mid-twentieth centuries; A symposium and collaborative book publication by a team of experts, providing an overview of Protestant-Catholic conflict since the Reformation; The compilation of an annotated on-line bibliography of relevant literature; A sole-authored book providing a synthesis of the work done, and exploring its implications for contemporary security concerns. The programme will culminate in 2012 with a series of seminars and a concluding conference in Belfast for both academic and non-academic stakeholders. Semi-structured Interviews conducted in Northern Ireland between mid 2010 and mid 2012

This table provides Census 2021 estimates that classify people by National identity (8 categories) by Religion (8 categories) for Northern Ireland. The table contains 64 counts.

The census collected information on the usually resident population of Northern Ireland on census day (21 March 2021). Initial contact letters or questionnaire packs were delivered to every household and communal establishment, and residents were asked to complete online or return the questionnaire with information as correct on census day. Special arrangements were made to enumerate special groups such as students, members of the Travellers Community, HM Forces personnel etc. The Census Coverage Survey (an independent doorstep survey) followed between 12 May and 29 June 2021 and was used to adjust the census counts for under-enumeration.

'Religion' indicates religion, religious denomination or body. 'Catholic' includes those who gave their current religion as Catholic or Roman Catholic.

Quality assurance report can be found here

This table provides Census 2021 estimates that classify people by Country of birth (12 categories) by Religion or religion brought up in for Northern Ireland. The table contains 48 counts.

The census collected information on the usually resident population of Northern Ireland on census day (21 March 2021). Initial contact letters or questionnaire packs were delivered to every household and communal establishment, and residents were asked to complete online or return the questionnaire with information as correct on census day. Special arrangements were made to enumerate special groups such as students, members of the Travellers Community, HM Forces personnel etc. The Census Coverage Survey (an independent doorstep survey) followed between 12 May and 29 June 2021 and was used to adjust the census counts for under-enumeration.

notes

1. 'EU' is the European Union and is as defined on census day (21 March 2021).
2. People who gave 'Cyprus' as their country of birth are included within the 'Europe: Other EU countries' category.
3. 'Europe: Other Non-EU countries' includes United Kingdom (part not specified) and Ireland (part not specified).
4. 'Religion' indicates religion, religious denomination or body.
5. 'Catholic' includes those who gave their current religion as Catholic or Roman Catholic.

Quality assurance report can be found here

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner. This dataset comprises the results of a survey of a cross section of the Northern Ireland population. Respondents were asked questions on a range of political attitudes and behaviour. The survey was conducted directly after the Northern Ireland Assembly Election 2016 and asks the following: full voting information as gathered via a mock ballot paper, full set of demographic questions including social class, religion, education, gender and suchlike, battery of political attitude questions on ethnonational, economic and moral themes, question on voting behaviour in the EU referendum, questions on political accountability, ethnic representation, candidate traits and other politically relevant questions. Background information on the Power-Sharing and Voting: Conflict, Accountability and Electoral Behaviour at the 2015 Northern Ireland Assembly Election project: When citizens in Northern Ireland cast their vote in the 2015 Northern Ireland Assembly election, almost two decades had passed since the Good Friday/ Belfast Agreement of 1998 established devolution and power-sharing. Thus, a rigorous analysis of the 2015 Assembly election allows careful consideration of the impact of the 'peace process' and the associated implementation of power-sharing governing structures. The project investigates whether power-sharing has actually led to good quality electoral democracy for the people of Northern Ireland or has instead merely cemented and strengthened ethnic divisions. In the investigation, a number of specific questions are addressed.1) Have the power-sharing institutions maintained or reduced the importance of ethno-national (Protestant British versus Catholic Irish) campaigning and voting at election time? The study compares the strength of ethno-national voting over the 1998-2015 period by linking the 2015 study to earlier ESRC funded studies in 1998 and 2003. The project assesses whether there has been an increase over time in 'cross bloc' voting (Protestants giving lower preference votes to nationalist parties, or Catholics giving lower preference votes to unionist parties). Also, it assesses whether the importance of ethno-national ideology (voting on the basis of nationalist versus unionist beliefs) has become more or less important over time. Furthermore, it compares ethno-national ideology to non-conflict ideologies (such as economic left-right views or moral liberal-conservative views).2) Is electoral accountability possible? If there is only one party in government, it is easy for voters to identify who to hold responsible for government performance. In coalition governments it is harder for voters to clearly see which party to blame if things are going badly (or reward if things are going well). This difficulty is particularly acute when all of the parties are in Government and none are in Opposition, as is the case in Northern Ireland. We assess whether it is actually possible for voters to hold decision-makers to account in such a context.3) Is there an emotional basis to voting? Following on from questions 1 and 2 the project assesses the conditions under which voters rely on either ethno-national voting or peformance-based voting. It investigates the role of emotions and assess whether anger is associated with voting on the basis of the ethno-national conflict while fear is associated with performance-based voting.4) Does power-sharing discourage participation? Does the absence of a clear Opposition lead to reluctance to engage in politics? Also, does the sense that powersharing benefits one community over the other lead to alienation from politics, or non-electoral forms of political protest?5) What are Northern Ireland citizens' attitudes to political reform (such as developing a strong Opposition that would hold the Government to account, or the regulation of sensitive cultural matters such as flag flying and parades)? How do citizens form such attitudes? Why is it that disagreement with suggested reform can spiral into violent street protest?Answering these questions is important for understanding how democracy operates in the sensitive setting of Northern Ireland. The answers are also important for broader understanding of how to respond to violent ethnic conflict around the world. The 'Northern Ireland Model' is often held up as an impressive example of successful power-sharing and peace building. This analysis will provide a detailed critique of the quality of electoral democracy in the Northern Ireland example that will be important for peace builders around the world (including organisations such as the United Nations). The project will also maximise the relevance of the work for ordinary citizens in Northern Ireland, second level school teachers and students, Northern Ireland newspapers, documentary makers, and the Northern Ireland Assembly. Information about further research by the same team is available on the Queen's University Belfast Northern Ireland Assembly Election Study 2016 webpages. Multi-stage stratified random sample The survey was conducted by Ipsos MORI, who employed a two-stage approach to implementing a stratified random location design, based on randomly selected Output Areas (OAs), with demographic quotas to reflect the profile of each OA within each area of interest. The quotas set ensured that a representative sample of the Northern Ireland population aged 18+ was achieved, in terms of gender, age and social class and with the 250 sample points across Northern Ireland, a representative geographic spread was achieved. Face-to-face, in-home, CAPI Interviewing commenced on Friday 6 May, the day immediately following the 2016 Northern Ireland Assembly Election. Over two thirds of the target number of interviews (2,817) were completed before the end of June, with the remaining interviews (1,226) completed in July. The large number of respondents in the survey allows unprecedented ability to analyse lower preference voting, hence providing a unique insight into the use of Single Transferable Vote (STV) in Northern Ireland. Consistent with previous survey research, this survey somewhat over-represents voters rather than non-voters (66% stated that they voted compared to the real turnout of 55%). Also, in line with previous Northern Ireland surveys, Sinn Fein support is somewhat underrepresented (17% compared to 24%) and support for Alliance is slightly over-represented.

Die European Values Study ist ein groß angelegtes, länderübergreifendes und längsschnittliches Umfrageforschungsprogramm darüber, wie die Europäer über Familie, Arbeit, Religion, Politik und Gesellschaft denken. Die Umfrage wird alle neun Jahre in einer wachsenden Anzahl von Ländern wiederholt und gibt Einblicke in die Ideen, Überzeugungen, Präferenzen, Einstellungen, Werte und Meinungen der Bürger in ganz Europa.

Das EVS Trend File 1981-2017 wird aus den fünf EVS-Wellen erstellt und deckt fast 40 Jahre ab. In insgesamt 160 Umfragen wurden mehr als 224.000 Befragte aus 48 Ländern/Regionen befragt. Es basiert auf den aktualisierten Daten des EVS Longitudinal Data File 1981-2008 (v.3.1.0) und dem aktuellen EVS 2017 Integrated Dataset (v.5.0.0).

Für das EVS Trend File ist neben dem (faktisch anonymisierten) Scientific-Use File (ZA7503) auch ein Restricted-Use File (ZA7504) verfügbar. Das EVS Trend File - Sensitive Dataset (ZA7504) wird als Zusatzdatei angeboten. Zusätzlich zu einem kleinen Satz von Verwaltungs- und Protokollvariablen, die für die Zusammenführung mit den SUF-Daten benötigt werden, enthält der Sensitive Datensatz folgende Variablen, die aufgrund ihrer sensiblen Natur nicht in die Scientific-Use-File aufgenommen werden konnten:

W005_3 Job profession/industry (3-digit ISCO88) - spouse/partner EVS 2008
W005_3_01 Job profession/industry (3-digit ISCO08) - spouse/partner EVS 2017
W005_4 Job profession/industry (4-digit ISCO88) - spouse/partner EVS 2008
X035_3 Job profession/industry (3-digit ISCO88) – respondent EVS 1999, EVS 2008
X035_3_01 Job profession/industry (3-digit ISCO08) - respondent EVS 2017
X035_4 Job profession/industry (4-digit ISCO88) – respondent EVS 1999, EVS 2008
x048c_n3 Region where the interview was conducted (NUTS-3): NUTS version 2006 EVS 2008
X048J_N3 Region where the interview was conducted (NUTS-3): NUTS version 2016 EVS 2017
X049 Size of town (8 categories) EVS 2008, EVS 2017

Detailierte information über den Anonymisierungsprozedere im EVS Trend File ist im Variablen Report enthalten.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner. The purpose of the study was to explore the ways in which potential identity shifts in Northern Ireland might be tracked across time by focusing on interactional discourse as it relates to issues of devolution and peace. The approach is broadly influenced by discursive psychology. Transcriptions of focus group recordings from East Belfast and West Belfast were analysed both within a macro frame of the linguistic realisation of political identity in content and historical context and within a micro frame of the structural and interactional realisation of identity positions in talk. The discussions centred around a series of 'critical social incidents', i.e. major news events which impacted generally on the community and may have caused reflection on identity positions. Northern Ireland operates in a different context to other devolved regions of the United Kingdom, in that not only has it suffered from many years of conflict, but the very nature of the conflict relates to potential identities as they draw upon the concept of devolution for divergent purposes. This is one of the major dimensions of identity talk in the data; Protestants/Unionists and Catholics/Nationalists may see the process of devolution as having competing and mutually exclusive ends. This suggests that devolution, a process assumed by both British and Irish governments to be a positive step in achieving 'parity of esteem', may actually work to promote single-identity politics. Overall, the analysis of the research revealed a range of key discursive patterns that were utilised to maintain division, but at the same time, construct different patterns of interpretation within a socio-political context. Hence, it may be seen how discourse is a tool for dealing with different socio-political events and circumstances and also how it would be a useful resource for policy analysts, who tend to focus on the macro quantitative frame, thereby missing the subtle flexibility of talk and identity. Such analyses still assume dualities in Northern Ireland, whereas the research conducted for this project revealed that underneath such differences also lie a set of concerns and commonalities reflected at the micro level of talk. This data collection contains verbatim transcriptions of eight focus group discussions held with community members in East and West Belfast on the theme of political devolution and its impact on their lives, as discussed above.