In 2023, California had the highest Hispanic population in the United States, with over 15.76 million people claiming Hispanic heritage. Texas, Florida, New York, and Illinois rounded out the top five states for Hispanic residents in that year. History of Hispanic people Hispanic people are those whose heritage stems from a former Spanish colony. The Spanish Empire colonized most of Central and Latin America in the 15th century, which began when Christopher Columbus arrived in the Americas in 1492. The Spanish Empire expanded its territory throughout Central America and South America, but the colonization of the United States did not include the Northeastern part of the United States. Despite the number of Hispanic people living in the United States having increased, the median income of Hispanic households has fluctuated slightly since 1990. Hispanic population in the United States Hispanic people are the second-largest ethnic group in the United States, making Spanish the second most common language spoken in the country. In 2021, about one-fifth of Hispanic households in the United States made between 50,000 to 74,999 U.S. dollars. The unemployment rate of Hispanic Americans has fluctuated significantly since 1990, but has been on the decline since 2010, with the exception of 2020 and 2021, due to the impact of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic.

Annual Resident Population Estimates by Age Group, Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin; for the United States, States, Counties; and for Puerto Rico and its Municipios: April 1, 2010 to July 1, 2019 // Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Population Division // The contents of this file are released on a rolling basis from December through June. // Note: 'In combination' means in combination with one or more other races. The sum of the five race-in-combination groups adds to more than the total population because individuals may report more than one race. Hispanic origin is considered an ethnicity, not a race. Hispanics may be of any race. Responses of 'Some Other Race' from the 2010 Census are modified. This results in differences between the population for specific race categories shown for the 2010 Census population in this file versus those in the original 2010 Census data. The estimates are based on the 2010 Census and reflect changes to the April 1, 2010 population due to the Count Question Resolution program and geographic program revisions. // Current data on births, deaths, and migration are used to calculate population change since the 2010 Census. An annual time series of estimates is produced, beginning with the census and extending to the vintage year. The vintage year (e.g., Vintage 2019) refers to the final year of the time series. The reference date for all estimates is July 1, unless otherwise specified. With each new issue of estimates, the entire estimates series is revised. Additional information, including historical and intercensal estimates, evaluation estimates, demographic analysis, research papers, and methodology is available on website: https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/popest.html.

Users can download data and reports regarding the experience of Latinos in the United States. Users can also interact with maps to view population trends over time. Background The Pew Hispanic Center website contains reports and datasets regarding the experience of Latinos in the United States. Topics include, but are not limited to: homeownership, elections, criminal justice system, and education. User Functionality Users can view and download reports. Users can also interact with maps to obtain demographic information and view population trends from 1980 to 2010. Datasets are also available to download directly into SPSS stat istical software. Surveys administered by the Pew Hispanic Center include: Hispanic Health Care Survey, National Survey of Latinos, Hispanic Religion Survey, Survey of Mexicans Living in the U.S. on Absentee Voting in Mexican Elections, Survey o f Mexican Migrants, and the Survey of Latinos on the News Media. Demographic information is available by race/ethnicity. Data Notes Report information is available on a national and county level and is indicated with the report or dataset. Demographic trends in population growth and dispersion are available for 1980 through 2010. Each report and dataset indicate years in which the data were collected and the geographic unit.

Users can download data regarding absentee voting in Mexican elections among Mexicans residing in the United States. Background The Survey of Mexicans Living in the U.S. on Absentee Voting in Mexican Elections was conducted by the Pew Hispanic Center and International Communications Research. This survey explores absentee voting in Mexican elections among Mexicans residing in the United States. User Functionality Users can download the dataset into SPSS statistical software. Data Notes A nationally representative sample of Mexican adults (age 18 and older) comple ted the telephone survey in 2006. The geographic unit is indicated in the dataset.

Graph and download economic data for Unemployment Rate - Hispanic or Latino (LNS14000009) from Mar 1973 to Jun 2025 about 16 years +, latino, hispanic, household survey, unemployment, rate, and USA.

Data from a survey held in the United States in late 2023 found that the preferred language for news among Latino immigrants was Spanish, with ** percent saying they would rather get news this way than from English-language news media. Meanwhile, more than ** percent of all respondents, whether immigrants or U.S. born, said that they consumed their news in a mix of Spanish and English.

This article reviews evidence on the labor market performance of Hispanics in the United States, with a particular focus on the US-born segment of this population. After discussing critical issues that arise in the US data sources commonly used to study Hispanics, we document how Hispanics currently compare with other Americans in terms of education, earnings, and labor supply, and then we discuss long-term trends in these outcomes. Relative to non-Hispanic Whites, US-born Hispanics from most national origin groups possess sizeable deficits in earnings, which in large part reflect corresponding educational deficits. Over time, rates of high school completion by US-born Hispanics have almost converged to those of non-Hispanic Whites, but the large Hispanic deficits in college completion have instead widened. Finally, from the perspective of immigrant generations, Hispanics experience substantial improvements in education and earnings between first-generation immigrants and the second-generation consisting of the US-born children of immigrants. Continued progress beyond the second generation is obscured by measurement issues arising from high rates of Hispanic intermarriage and the fact that later-generation descendants of Hispanic immigrants often do not self-identify as Hispanic when they come from families with mixed ethnic origins.

Graph and download economic data for Employment Level - Hispanic or Latino (LNS12000009) from Mar 1973 to Jun 2025 about 16 years +, latino, hispanic, household survey, employment, and USA.

The Hispanic EPESE provides data on risk factors for mortality and morbidity in older Mexican Americans in order to contrast how these factors operate differently than in non-Hispanic Whites, African Americans, and other major ethnic groups.The Wave 9 dataset comprises the eighth follow-up of the baseline Hispanic Established Populations for the Epidemiologic Studies of the Elderly, 1993-1994: Arizona, California, Colorado, New Mexico, and Texas. The baseline Hispanic EPESE collected data on a representative sample of community-dwelling Mexican Americans, aged 65 years and older, residing in the five Southwestern states of Arizona, California, Colorado, New Mexico, and Texas.The public-use data covers demographic characteristics (age, sex, type of Hispanic race, income, education, marital status, number of children, employment, and religion), height, weight, social and physical functioning, chronic conditions, related health problems, health behaviors, self-reported use of dental, hospital, and nursing home services, and depression. Subsequent follow-ups allow examination of the predictors of mortality, changes in health outcomes, institutionalization, changes in living arrangements, as well as changes in life situations and quality of life.During this 9th Wave (Dataset 1), 2016, 480 re-interviews were conducted either in person or by proxy, with 283 of the original respondents interviewed in 1993-1994. This Wave also includes 197 re-interviews from the 902 new respondents added at Wave 5 in 2004-2005. All respondents were aged 85 and over at Wave 9.The Wave 9 Informant Interviews dataset (Dataset 2) includes data from interviews with 460 respondents who provided information on themselves as well as the older respondents. The older respondents were asked to provide the name and contact information of the person they are "closer to" or they "depend on the most for help." These INFORMANTS, many of whom provide caregiving support to the older respondents, were contacted, and interviewed regarding the health, function, social situation, finances, and general well-being of the older Hispanic EPESE respondents. Information was also collected on the informant's health, function, and caregiver responsibilities and burden. This dataset includes information from the 460 informants, more than two-thirds of whom were children of the respective respondents. Thus, there are 460 respondent-informant dyads that provide opportunities for caregiving research.

This data collection consists of modified records from CENSUS OF POPULATION AND HOUSING, 1970 [UNITED STATES]: PUBLIC USE SAMPLES (ICPSR 0018). The original records consisted of 120-character household records and 120-character person records, whereas the new modified records are rectangular (each person record is combined with the corresponding household record) with a length of 188, after the deletion of some items. Additional information was added to the data records, including typical educational requirement for current occupation, occupational prestige score, and group identification code. This version also differs from the original public use census samples in other ways: all ages for all respondents were included, 1 percent of the majority from each 1970 file was included, 10 percent of the Black population in each file was included, and Mexican Americans outside the five southwestern states of Arizona, California, Colorado, New Mexico, and Texas were included, but were identified as "other Hispanics." Other variables provide information on the housing unit, such as occupancy and vacancy status of house, tenure, value of property, commercial use, rent, ratio of property value to family income, availability of plumbing facilities, sewage disposal, complete kitchen facilities, flush toilet, water, and telephone. Data are also provided on household characteristics such as the size of family, the presence of roomers, boarders, or lodgers, and household relationships. Other demographic variables specify age, sex, place of birth, income, marital status, race, citizenship, and ratio of family income to poverty cutoff level. This collection was made available by the National Chicano Research Network of the Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan. See the related collections, CENSUS OF POPULATION AND HOUSING [UNITED STATES], 1970 PUBLIC USE SAMPLE: MODIFIED 1/1000 15% STATE SAMPLES (ICPSR 7923), and CENSUS OF POPULATION AND HOUSING [UNITED STATES], 1970 PUBLIC USE SAMPLE: MERGED FAMILY HOUSEHOLD DATA RECORDS FOR 42 SMSAS (ICPSR 7759).

Many U.S.-born descendants of Mexican immigrants do not identify as Mexican or Hispanic in response to the Hispanic origin question asked in the Census and other government surveys. Analyzing microdata from the 2000 U.S. Census and the 2001-2019 American Community Surveys, we show that the age at arrival of Mexican immigrants exerts an important influence on ethnic identification not only for these immigrants themselves but also for their U.S.-born children. Among Mexican immigrants who arrived as children, the rate of “ethnic attrition”—i.e., not self-identifying as Mexican or Hispanic—is higher for those who migrated at a younger age. Moreover, the children of these immigrants exhibit a similar pattern: greater ethnic attrition among children whose parents moved to the United States at a younger age. We unpack the relative importance of several key mechanisms—parental English proficiency, parental education, family structure, intermarriage, and geographic location—through which the age at arrival of immigrant parents influences the ethnic identification of their children. Intermarriage turns out to be the primary mechanism: Mexican immigrants who arrived at a very young age are more likely to marry non-Hispanics, and the rate of ethnic attrition is dramatically higher among children with mixed ethnic backgrounds. Prior research demonstrates that arriving at an early age hastens and furthers the integration of immigrants. We show here that this pattern also holds for ethnic identification and that the resulting differences in ethnic attrition among first-generation immigrants are transmitted to their second-generation children.

The graph provides data on preferred news sources among Hispanics in the United States in 2017. According to the collected data, ** percent of respondents used social media to learn about current events.

U.S. Census Bureau QuickFacts statistics for Nevada. QuickFacts data are derived from: Population Estimates, American Community Survey, Census of Population and Housing, Current Population Survey, Small Area Health Insurance Estimates, Small Area Income and Poverty Estimates, State and County Housing Unit Estimates, County Business Patterns, Nonemployer Statistics, Economic Census, Survey of Business Owners, Building Permits.

We examined the relationship between continental-level genetic ancestry and racial and ethnic identity in an admixed population in New Mexico with the goal of increasing our understanding of how racial and ethnic identity influence genetic substructure in admixed populations. Our sample consists of 98 New Mexicans who self-identified as Hispanic or Latino (NM-HL) and who further categorized themselves by race and ethnic subgroup membership. The genetic data consist of 270 newly-published autosomal microsatellites from the NM-HL sample and previously published data from 57 globally distributed populations, including 13 admixed samples from Central and South America. For these data, we 1) summarized the major axes of genetic variation using principal component analyses, 2) performed tests of Hardy Weinberg equilibrium, 3) compared empirical genetic ancestry distributions to those predicted under a model of admixture that lacked substructure, 4) tested the hypotheses that individuals in each sample had 100%, 0%, and the sample-mean percentage of African, European, and Native American ancestry. We found that most NM-HL identify themselves and their parents as belonging to one of two groups, conforming to a region-specific narrative that distinguishes recent immigrants from Mexico from individuals whose families have resided in New Mexico for generations and who emphasize their Spanish heritage. The “Spanish” group had significantly lower Native American ancestry and higher European ancestry than the “Mexican” group. Positive FIS values, PCA plots, and heterogeneous ancestry distributions suggest that most Central and South America admixed samples also contain substructure, and that this substructure may be related to variation in social identity. Genetic substructure appears to be common in admixed populations in the Americas and may confound attempts to identify disease-causing genes and to understand the social causes of variation in health outcomes and social inequality.

This project examined economic differences in the neighborhoods where whites, blacks, Hispanics, and Asians live in the U.S. Although it is commonly believed that blacks and Hispanics generally live in neighborhoods where poverty rates are higher than they are in the neighborhoods where whites and Asians live, very little research has tracked the change in racial disparities in neighborhood conditions over time. In prior research, this project's investigators found that racial differences in neighborhood economic conditions have diminished in the U.S. Since 1980 the decline in racial neighborhood inequality has been much faster than the decline in racial residential segregation. Because prior research on neighborhoods has focused on change in the residential segregation of different racial and ethnic groups, the trend in racial neighborhood inequality has been largely overlooked, and its causes are unknown. The objective of this project is to account for the decline in racial neighborhood inequality by investigating why it has declined faster in some metropolitan areas than in others.

The statistic presents data on the frequency of Hulu with live TV usage in the United States as of 2017, by ethnicity. During a survey, 18 percent of Hispanic respondents stated that they watched Hulu with live TV several times a day.

This data collection contains information from the SURVEY OF INCOME AND EDUCATION, 1976 (ICPSR 7634), conducted during the months of April through July of 1976 by the Census Bureau for the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. The survey served as a supplement to the yearly Current Population Survey and was conducted to obtain reliable state-by-state data on the numbers of children in local areas with family incomes below the federal poverty level. The information was used to facilitate Title 1 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act by the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. The survey includes questions used in the Current Population Survey and also contains additional exclusive questions covering school enrollment, disability, health insurance, bilingualism, food stamp recipiency, assets, and housing costs. This extract was created by subsetting from the original files only those persons who said they were not born in the United States. The data were provided by the National Chicano Research Network, which was located at the Survey Research Center of the Institute of Social Research, University of Michigan.

IIMMLA was supported by the Russell Sage Foundation. Since 1991, the Russell Sage Foundation has funded a program of research aimed at assessing how well the young adult offspring of recent immigrants are faring as they move through American schools and into the labor market. Two previous major studies have begun to tell us about the paths to incorporation of the children of contemporary immigrants: The Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS), and the Immigrant Second Generation in New York study. The Immigration and Intergenerational Mobility in Metropolitan Los Angeles study is the third major initiative analyzing the progress of the new second generation in the United States. The Immigration and Intergenerational Mobility in Metropolitan Los Angeles (IIMMLA) study focused on young adult children of immigrants (1.5- and second-generation) in greater Los Angeles. IIMMLA investigated mobility among young adult (ages 20-39) children of immigrants in metropolitan Los Angeles and, in the case of the Mexican-origin population there, among young adult members of the third- or later generations. The five-county Los Angeles metropolitan area (Los Angeles, Orange, Ventura, Riverside and San Bernardino counties) contains the largest concentrations of Mexicans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Filipinos, Chinese, Vietnamese, Koreans, and other nationalities in the United States. The diverse migration histories and modes of incorporation of these groups made the Los Angeles metropolitan area a strategic choice for a comparison study of the pathways of immigrant incorporation and mobility from one generation to the next. The IIMMLA study compared six foreign-born (1.5-generation) and foreign-parentage (second-generation) groups (Mexicans, Vietnamese, Filipinos, Koreans, Chinese, and Central Americans from Guatemala and El Salvador) with three native-born and native-parentage comparison groups (third- or later-generation Mexican Americans, and non-Hispanic Whites and Blacks). The targeted groups represent both the diversity of modes of incorporation in the United States and the range of occupational backgrounds and immigration status among contemporary immigrants (from professionals and entrepreneurs to laborers, refugees, and unauthorized migrants). The surveys provide basic demographic information as well as extensive data about socio-cultural orientation and mobility (e.g., language use, ethnic identity, religion, remittances, intermarriage, experiences of discrimination), economic mobility (e.g., parents' background, respondents' education, first and current job, wealth and income, encounters with the law), geographic mobility (childhood and present neighborhood of residence), and civic engagement and politics (political attitudes, voting behavior, as well as naturalization and transnational ties).

This study was designed to systematically examine the similarities and differences of experience among four groups of adolescents: Mexicans (born of Mexican parents and residing in Mexico), Mexican immigrants (born of Mexican parents in Mexico and now residing in the United States), second-generation Mexican Americans (born and raised in the United States of Mexican immigrant parents), and White Americans (born and raised in the United States of white, non-Hispanic, U.S.-born parents). Specifically, the study explores how family orientation (i.e., familism and family conflict) and achievement orientation differ among these groups. The participants were 189 adolescents (96 girls and 93 boys) between the ages of 13 and 18 who were attending public middle and high schools. The participants were equally divided among the four groups. Data for the Mexican sample were gathered in 1991 and 1992 in Guanajuato, one of three Mexican states from which a majority of emigrants to the United States originate. Data for the other three groups were gathered in 1992 from public schools in California. The data collection methods consisted of classroom observations, ethnographic interviews, and tests which were conducted in either English, Spanish, or both according to the students' preference and proficiency. The interviews covered demographic, life-history, and migration-related information as well as issues related to their experiences at school and with their families and peers. The interview included a number of psychological tests: Familism Scale (Sabogal et al.,1987), Family Conflict Scale (Beavers, Hampson, and Hulgus, 1985), Sentence Completion Test (De Vos, 1973), Problem Situation Test (De Vos, 1973), and Thematic Apperception Tests (Murray, 1943). The Murray Research Archive holds the completed interview booklets as well as audiotapes of interviews. A follow-up of the study is possible with the collaboration of the contributor. Audio Data Availability Note: This study contains audio data that have been digitized. There are 284 audio files available.

Over the past 500 years, North America has been the site of ongoing mixing of...