Quarterly and annual statistics relating to information on border control and visas, asylum, managed migration, and enforcement and compliance. A new format for these statistics was introduced from second quarter 2011. See separate entry under immigration statistics at: http://data.gov.uk/dataset/immigration-statistics.

Nationality of migrants. containing estimates of Long-Term International Migration, International Passenger survey and pre 1975 archived data. annual table.

This release replaces the previous annual and quarterly publications Control of Immigration Statistics and the annual British Citizenship, following a public consultation. Each topic now has its own entry, links to these related reports can be found under the "additional links" section. There are a number of different measures that can be used to monitor numbers of people coming to the United Kingdom for study.

For those students who are subject to immigration control, administrative information is available on student visas and visa extensions, as well as records of students admitted. The International Passenger Survey (IPS), run by the Office for National Statistics (ONS), provides estimates of all students arriving in the UK, with the ONS migration statistics focussing on those who intend to stay for a year or more. Research into students has also been published, for example Migrant Journey Analysis that involved linking records to give a more complete picture as to what happened to a group of students over a five year period.

These various statistics and research can appear to give different pictures of student immigration. Often this is because the latest data for different measures cover different time periods. In addition, they also count different aspects of the immigration process, with some showing intentions or permissions, whilst others show actual events.

Database on research participants in the BRAD project. The Personal Data have been removed in order to make the identification of the research participants impossible. For Polish migrants in the UK, the database contains the information about the application to European Union Settlement Scheme.

Number of migrants by decade of arrival to the United Kingdom. Includes all decades since 1970. Data shown for years 2004 to 2016.

Numbers are rounded to nearest thousand.

Figures are based on surveys and 95% confidence intervals are provided.

Special Licence Access data to the Annual Population Survey. Approved ONS Researchers only.

The UK's decision to leave the EU has necessitated a wholesale rethink of UK immigration policy with the ending of free movement of workers. The motivations for this work then were to examine the immigration/worker protection boundary from a number of perspectives, with particular emphasis on the legal dimension. While understanding the developing EU and domestic (macro) perspective our aims at a micro level were to understand the legal problems EU citizens in low paid work in the UK were facing and how they resolve those problems. These legal problems were at times exacerbated by Brexit, particularly with the advent of the new digital EUSS (EU Settlement Scheme)- our research followed this in real time and recorded issues. One of our key findings and covered by the book published as a result of the dataset here is that of Pragmatic Law and the role of everyday community advice in the wider legal advice eco-system. This is an element of legal advice which to date had been little researched. Another key outcome was the contribution to literature on both EU free movement and citizenship studies, particularly in the context of vulnerable EU citizens.Our aim was to chart the experience and perceptions of EU migrants in the UK before, during and after Brexit to enable us to analyse the experience of EU migrants in seeking access to the social welfare system in the UK, the issues they have with immigration law and employment law, specifically the relationship between race and nationality discrimination and the Brexit process. We will seek to collect robust empirical evidence to establish whether the fact of Brexit, together with the policy changes, media pronouncements and political rhetoric, have an impact on both the experience of, and perceptions surrounding, the experience of EU migrants. This data collection consists of qualitative data, specifically interviews and focus groups. The data is place based: in a small town in the East of England called Great Yarmouth. Interviews were undertaken with EU citizens who had moved to the UK to work in low paid work- particularly in poultry factories. Interviews were semi structured to allow for conversations to flow organically. The data includes qualitative interviews with people (professionals) working in Great Yarmouth- particularly those providing frontline services such as health, debt advice, housing advice etc. It includes a mixture of transcripts or notes recorded. The accompanying excel file notes the date and the location where the interview/ focus group took place. Every effort has been made to anonymise the data. A snowball technique was used to recruit participants to interview, as well as in some instances a targeted approach to approaching relevant service providers we wanted to include e.g. health, housing etc. The data also includes focus groups undertaken with EU citizens living in the UK. Again every effort has been made to anonymise the data. Some focus groups were occupation based- for example only those working in poultry factories and some were nationality based for example Portuguese citizens only. All participants for focus groups were recruited by an advice agency working in Great Yarmouth which we were working with on this research. The data includes interviews with residents and the landlord of an HMO (house of multiple occupation) in Great Yarmouth. Again, every effort has been made to anonymise the participants and the location of the house. Participants were chosen based on their residency in the house. This was to help us understand housing conditions/ the private rent sector for migrant workers in the town.

This research examines the ways in which recent East European migration to the UK has been racialised. 48 in-depth face-to-face interviews were carried out with 25 individual Hungarian (among the first of 'A8' migrants to the UK) and 23 individual Romanian (among the second wave of 'A2' migrants to the UK) migrants in Bristol. Focus groups were also conducted with groups of Hungarian migrants (5 groups) and Romanian migrants (5 groups). These were done to understand the main differences in the racialisation of A8 and A2 migration, to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the migrants' experiences of exclusion and marginalisation, and to question the usefulness of the 'colour paradigm' for understanding and investigating racial phenomena. A self-completion follow-up questionnaire was used to also gain demographic data. Over the past several years, more than a million East Europeans have come to the UK. Most of these migrants have been channelled into low-skilled jobs (despite their higher qualifications). Most of them who stick around until 2011 will also likely tick 'white other' on the UK census form. But does being 'white' provide them any protections against the sorts of racism that previous immigrants to the UK have faced? The history of migration to the UK and elsewhere suggests that shared 'whiteness' offers few such protections. In many parts of the world, grievances associated with disadvantages are often experienced and described as 'racial' grievances, even when migrant and host nominally share the same 'race'. This research is thus interested in how, if at all, 'race' has been a factor in these recent migrations. The role of the government and media in disseminating (and legitimating) racialised understandings of migration has already received significant attention. Missing, however, is the perspective of the migrants themselves. This study aims to fill this gap with an in-depth investigation of the migrant perspective by comparing two understudied groups of migrants: Hungarians (representing those who arrived in 2004) and Romanians (representing those who arrived in 2007). 48 face-to-face in-depth interviews and 10 focus groups were carried out with Hungarian and Romanian migrants separately. A self-completion follow-up questionnaire was used to gain demographic data. Convenience sampling was used for this cross sectional (one-time) study.

Data exploring the overview of migrants in the UK labour market by region.

This strand of research was carried out between January 2010 and October 2010 and focused on 61 interviews with the providers and users of East-Central European migrant labour. The fieldwork concentrated on the hospitality and food production and processing sectors and on case study areas in urban and rural England and Scotland. The aim of this part of the research was to gain an understating of employers’ and labour providers’ experiences of recruiting and employing East-Central European labour migrants. These sectors were selected as the focus of analysis because the Worker Registration Scheme indicates that A8 migrants predominantly engage in these parts of the economy. The project also investigated spatial, sectoral and temporal data from the Worker Registration Scheme. This showed that A8 migrants serve particular ‘functions’ in the UK, producing distinctive geographies of immigration. Explaining the uneven pattern of demand pointed to the differences, for example, between migrant labour deployed in the intensification of agricultural production and migrants used as flexible labour in construction. Analysis of the research evidence resulted in a new typology of recruitment and employment practices and a dynamic model of their spatial impacts. The research also shed light on how migrant labour is perceived and represented by UK employers. Theorisation of the knowledge practices of recruiters sheds new light on how cultural and social processes ‘produce’ and ‘reproduce’ migration geographies. This project explored labour market aspects of immigration flows , specifically A8 recruitment and employment patterns and how these changed between 2004 and the current recession. The research involved 70 interviews with labour providers (recruitment agencies) and users (employers) of migrant labour in the hospitality, food production and processing sectors across four UK study sites. This was complemented with a suite of interviews with policymakers, recruitment agencies and employers in Latvia. Since the accession of the A8 countries (Poland, Czech Republic, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Hungary and Estonia) to the European Union citizens from these countries have had the right to freely participate in the British labour market. As a consequence of significant disparities in earning potential, large numbers of A8 migrants have come to the UK, with nationals from these states constituting some of the largest foreign-born populations in the country. This cross-sectional (one-time) study consists of 61 transcripts from face-to-face interviews with organisations who supply (recruitment agencies) and employ (employers) in the hospitality and food production and processing sectors which were carried out across four rural and urban case study sites in England and Scotland between January and October 2010. Observation units were therefore 61 individual members of organisations that supply (recruitment companies) or use (employers) East-Central European migrant labour in the UK.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner. The OECD International Migration database presents data showcasing flows and stocks of the total immigrant population and immigrant labour force, together with data on acquisition of nationality. This database contains annual data from 1980 onwards. Main Topics: The database covers: • international and population migration • immigration and immigrants • emigration and emigrants • asylum seekers by nationality • nationalities • educational attainment • employment and unemployment

The UK's decision to leave the EU has necessitated a wholesale rethink of UK immigration policy with the ending of free movement of workers. The motivations for this work then were to examine the immigration/worker protection boundary from a number of perspectives, with particular emphasis on the legal dimension. While understanding the developing EU and domestic (macro) perspective our aims at a micro level were to understand the legal problems EU citizens in low paid work in the UK were facing and how they resolve those problems. These legal problems were at times exacerbated by Brexit, particularly with the advent of the new digital EUSS (EU Settlement Scheme)- our research followed this in real time and recorded issues. One of our key findings and covered by the book published as a result of the dataset here is that of Pragmatic Law and the role of everyday community advice in the wider legal advice eco-system. This is an element of legal advice which to date had been little researched. Another key outcome was the contribution to literature on both EU free movement and citizenship studies, particularly in the context of vulnerable EU citizens.

In 2019, there were approximately 302,020 British citizens living in Spain, with a further 293,061 in Ireland and 176,672 in France. By comparison, there were only 604 British people living in Slovenia, the fewest of any European Union member state. As a member of the European Union, British citizens had the right to live and work in any EU member state. Although these rights were lost for most British citizens after the UK left the EU in 2020, Britons already living in EU states were able to largely retain their previous rights of residence. EU citizens living in the UK EU citizens living in the UK face the same dilemma that British nationals did regarding their legal status after Brexit. In the same year, there were 902,000 Polish citizens, 404,000 Romanians, and 322,000 people from the Republic of Ireland living in the UK in that year, along with almost two million EU citizens from the other 24 EU member states. To retain their rights after Brexit, EU citizens living in the UK were able to apply for the EU settlement scheme. As of 2025, there have been around 8.4 million applications to this scheme, with Romanian and Polish nationals the most common nationality at 1.87 million applications, and 1.27 million applications respectively. Is support for Brexit waning in 2024? As of 2025, the share of people in the UK who think leaving the EU was the wrong decision stood at 56 percent, compared with 31 percent who think it was the correct choice. In general, support for Brexit has declined since April 2021, when 46 percent of people supported Brexit, compared with 43 percent who regretted it. What people think Britain's relationship with the EU should be is, however, still unclear. A survey from November 2023 indicated that just 31 percent thought the UK should rejoin the EU, with a further 11 percent supporting rejoining the single market but not the EU. Only ten percent of respondents were satisfied with the current relationship, while nine percent wished to reduce ties even further.

The dataset deposited include 83 in-depth interviews that were conducted with refugees across the UK: Glasgow, Cardiff, Manchester and London. Detailed migration histories were collected from 83 refugees living in the UK and explored issues including arrival to the UK, experiences of the dispersal process, opinions and experiences of place, integration and citizenship. There are 81 word files of individual interviews and one word file which contains the transcripts of a joint interview with two different individuals.Since 2000 the UK has operated compulsory dispersal, a policy designed to ‘spread the burden’ of housing asylum seekers who require accommodation across the UK and discourage long-term settlement in London and the South East. To enhance understanding of refugee integration in the UK, this research focuses on the onward migration decisions of those who were dispersed and later granted refugee or humanitarian protection status. To date, much of the dispersal literature has critiqued the policy and focused on the negative outcomes for individuals removed from their networks. This project fills a knowledge gap surrounding the onward migration decisions and integration outcomes of refugees who were dispersed as asylum seekers in the UK. In this two-year (2012-2014), ESRC-funded project, we mapped the geography of onward migration amongst refugees dispersed across the UK as asylum seekers. We then explored the main factors that influence refugees' decision to stay in a town or city or move on and considered how this affects the process of integration. And finally we examined policy implications for different levels of governance, service providers and the voluntary sector, in terms of the long-term impact of UK dispersal policy upon refugee onward migration and integration. The dataset deposited include 83 in-depth interviews that were conducted with refugees across the UK: Glasgow, Cardiff, Manchester and London. One-third of the sample was recruited through snowballing techniques with the rest recruited through Refugee Councils, Refugee Action and several different refugee community organisations (RCOs). Interviews typically lasted one to two hours and were transcribed verbatim. Interviews were anonymous and pseudonyms are employed. In the transcripts deposited, certain data has been redacted to protect vulnerable individuals and anonymity (e.g. detailed locational information). The project Principal Investigator (Emma Stewart) had the main responsibility for the development of the dataset. The project Research Associate (Marnie Shaffer) conducted all of the in-depth interviews and transcriptions.

This research examines the ways in which recent East European migration to the UK has been racialised. 48 in-depth face-to-face interviews were carried out with 25 individual Hungarian (among the first of 'A8' migrants to the UK) and 23 individual Romanian (among the second wave of 'A2' migrants to the UK) migrants in Bristol. Focus groups were also conducted with groups of Hungarian migrants (5 groups) and Romanian migrants (5 groups). These were done to understand the main differences in the racialisation of A8 and A2 migration, to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the migrants' experiences of exclusion and marginalisation, and to question the usefulness of the 'colour paradigm' for understanding and investigating racial phenomena. A self-completion follow-up questionnaire was used to also gain demographic data.

A research report which presents an improved method for estimating short-term immigration to local authorities (LAs) within England and Wales as well as experimental short-term migration inflow estimates for each local authority.

Source agency: Office for National Statistics

Designation: Experimental Official Statistics

Language: English

Alternative title: STIM

Introduction

The 2023 mid-year estimate (MYE) is the current official estimate of the population for local authorities in England and Wales. Estimates are produced annually by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) and the 2023 MYE was published on 15 July 2024.

Comparison to previous MYE data

The previous MYE series (for the period 2012-2020) starts with the 2011 census estimate. Each subsequent year’s population is calculated by adding estimates of births, deaths and migration to the previous year’s population. The 2021 MYE represents a break in this series as it uses the 2021 census as its base.

The ONS revised the 2012-2020 MYE series to bring it in line with the 2021 MYE, so that comparisons could be made between between this series and the previous series. The values plotted on the chart are the revised values of the previously published estimates for 2011 to 2022, together with the estimates for 2023.

Key Points

• London’s mid-2023 population was 8.945 million
• London’s population increased by 76,300 persons compared to the previous mid-year value
• Components of change were as follows:
• 105,100 births and 53,500 deaths (natural change of 51,600)
• Net domestic migration was an outflow of 129,200
• Net international migration was an inflow of 154,100

Population Change

London’s 2023 population was 8,945,310. The first chart below shows the 2023 MYE in the context of previous estimates. There is an uptick after a temporary decrease in population which we attribute to the COVID-19 pandemic.

https://cdn.datapress.cloud/london/img/dataset/763802e7-af17-4b77-995d-44c494fb68af/2025-06-09T20%3A56%3A29/666cd938678c5361c953cb608e532416.webp" width="1152" alt="Embedded Image" />

Components of Change

Births, deaths and migration form the components of population change.

The 2023 MYE value for births was 4% lower than that in 2022, and for deaths 3% higher. The consequent value for natural change (births - deaths) was 10% lower than in 2022.

At -129,000, the value for domestic migration (migration within the UK) was nearly 3% higher than the 2022 value, so still significantly lower than the peak net outflow during the COVID-19 pandemic of -186,000. An outflow of domestic migrants from London is normal and this has been the case each year for the last two decades. This flow is partly because many international in-migrants initially settle in London before moving out to other parts of the UK. The second move in this sequence is counted as a domestic migration.

There has been a marked change in immigration since 2021. This can be attributed to the end of free movement for EU nationals, easing of travel restrictions following the COVID 19 pandemic, and the war in Ukraine. At over 150,000, the 2023 MYE value for London’s net international migration was more than 18% higher than 2022, and represents a considerable increase from 78,000 in 2021.

https://cdn.datapress.cloud/london/img/dataset/763802e7-af17-4b77-995d-44c494fb68af/2025-06-09T20%3A56%3A29/cb537d44954e11f7f7b7e2189ae74629.webp" width="1152" alt="Embedded Image" />

Age structure of the population

https://cdn.datapress.cloud/london/img/dataset/763802e7-af17-4b77-995d-44c494fb68af/2025-06-09T20%3A56%3A29/6d4cf55b96888dbc3aacfc1de5c664ec.webp" width="1152" alt="Embedded Image" />

Future Updates

The release of the next mid-year estimates is expected in July 2025.

The full ONS mid-year population estimates release and back series can be found on the ONS website: https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/populationestimates.

For information relating to London’s population see the demography pages of the London Datastore: https://data.london.gov.uk/demography/ or email demography@london.gov.uk.

An in-depth review of the available evidence for population change in London since the start of the coronavirus pandemic has been produced by GLA Demography: https://data.london.gov.uk/dataset/population-change-in-london-during-the-pandemic.

This documented contains the surveys implemented in the pilot phase of the HOME app study, as per 4th Oct 2020.

The projected number of internal migrants and international and cross border migrants moving into and out of the area between 2005 and 2029 Source: Office for National Statistics (ONS) Publisher: Office for National Statistics (ONS) Geographies: Local Authority District (LAD), County/Unitary Authority, Government Office Region (GOR), National, Strategic Health Authority (SHA) Geographic coverage: England Time coverage: 2005-2029 Type of data: Modelled data

Description

The MIGR-TWIT Corpus is a multilingual corpus of tweets about the topic of migration in Europe. Within the framework of the collaborative research project OLiNDiNUM (Observatoire LINguistique du DIscours NUMérique, Linguistic Observatory of Online Debate) the MIGR-TWIT Corpus is created with the aim of developing language databases of online debate. Considering the global issue of migration in line with British and French political contexts of last dozen years from 2011 to 2022, the corpus consists of two sub-corpora:

• FR-R-MIGR-TWIT-2011-2022 Corpus for French language data (1 January 2011 - 30 June 2022) and

• UK-R-MIGR-RA-TWIT-2012-2022 Corpus for English language data (1 January 2012 - 5 September 2022)

Using the Twitter API v2 Academic Research, tweets containing at least one occurrence of migration or refugee related words are retrieved automatically from 28 right and far-right political figures and parties. The whole corpus contains 18,233 tweets and 533,198 words.

Scientific reference:

Pietrandrea, P., Battaglia, E. (2022). “Migrants and the EU”. The diachronic construction of ad hoc categories in French far-right discourse. Journal of Pragmatics 192, 139-157.

Blandino, G. (2023). 10 years of public debate on immigration: combining topic modeling and corpus linguistics to examine the British (far-)right discourse on Twitter, MA University of Wolverhampton

Jeon, S. (2025). Le discours numérique sur l'immigration en France entre 2011 et 2022. Une analyse de corpus (Online Discourse on Immigration in France between 2011 and 2022. A Corpus Analysis), PhD Thesis, Université de Lille, France.

Contents

The whole corpus contains two CSV Zip files (tabular format) corresponding to each sub-corpus. The complete corpus is presented in two versions, one version with the tweet identifier (data_id) and the text of the tweet (data_text) as a header (folders named FR-R-MIGR-TWIT-2011-2022_textonly and UK-R-MIGR-RA-TWIT-2012-2022_textonly, respectively composed of 12 and 11 Zip files of every single year), and the other version with all tweet fields information included as a header, such as the posting date (data_created_at), the username (author_name), the number of retweets (data_public_metrics_retweet_count), etc., with two folders named FR-R-MIGR-TWIT-2011-2022_meta and UK-R-MIGR-RA-TWIT-2012-2022_meta. Detailed information for each sub-corpus is illustrated below.

1. FR-R-MIGR-TWIT-2011-2022

• Created at: 2022-08-08

• Language: FR

• Coverage: 16 user accounts; 11,761 tweets; 358,491 words

• Time of data collection: start=2011-01-01; end=2022-06-30

• Keywords: words derived from a latin root “migr” of migrare

• Corpus composition:

• Political figures and parties of table above are listed in chronological order according to the dates on which they posted their first tweet.

• *Before the launching of Twitter API v2 Academic Research, migr-tweets were collected from the database of Europresse.com including 1,453 tweets of Jean Messiha as part of the reference study (Pietrandrea & Battaglia 2022). However, the Twitter account in question has been permanently banned since July 2021. For our data collection using the Twitter API started in September 2021, we could not access this account. Therefore, we decided not to include his tweets in the FR-R-MIGR-TWIT-2011-2022 for the sake of consistency with the rest of twitter data that are automatically retrieved.

• The sub-corpus FR-R-MIGR-TWIT-2017-2022 is developed, annotated and analyzed as part of a doctoral thesis in progress (Jeon, 2025) with the aim of studying the semantic construction of migr-lexicon over the period between 2011 and 2022.

2. UK-R-MIGR-RA-TWIT-2012-2022

• Created at: 2022-09-06

• Language: EN

• Coverage: 12 user accounts; 6,472 tweets; 174,707 words

• Time of data collection: start=2012-01-01; end=2022-09-05

• Keywords: words derived from a latin root “migr” of migrare in addition to the keywords “refugee(s)” and “asylum”.

• Corpus composition:

• 2 out of 12 accounts are official accounts belonging to the” UK Home Office” department and the “UKIP” (United Kingdom Independence Party) party. 10 out of 12 accounts are political figures’ accounts.

• The corpus UK-R-MIGR-RA-TWIT-2012-2022 will be exploited for the following master’s thesis: Blandino, G. (2023). 10 years of public debate on immigration: combining topic modeling and corpus linguistics to examine the British (far-)right discourse on Twitter, MA University of Wolverhampton.