Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner. The aims of the project were: to consider how far the basic housing and financial needs of refugees and asylum seekers are being adequately met; to explore the strategies used by asylum seekers and refugees in order to meet their needs in relation to housing and social security; to explore the role of the formal and informal welfare agencies and actors in meeting such needs; to engage in some preliminary scoping of the appropriateness of a policy that would allow asylum seekers to engage in paid work in order to meet their needs. Main Topics: This data collection consists of two related sets of transcribed semi-structured qualitative interviews. The first set comprises interviews with eleven key respondents involved in the provision of welfare services to forced migrants. The second set includes interviews with 23 forced migrants, including five refugees, seven asylum seekers, six people with humanitarian protection status (leave to remain), five failed asylum seekers/'overstayers', and one migrant classified as 'other'. Users should note that some of the interviews are combined, and one is a focus group interview. Thirteen of the forced migrants were male and ten female. Ages ranged between 21 and 57 years. Nine countries of origin were identified: Afghanistan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Iran, Iraq, Iraqi Kurdistan, Kosovo, Pakistan, Somalia and Zimbabwe. The countries of origin of individual respondents are not included in the interview transcripts, for confidentiality reasons. Topics covered include: Set one (providers): background statistics; position of organisation and organisational role; key issues for welfare and housing provision to forced migrants; perceptions of the effects of formal immigration status on welfare; coping strategies of forced migrants, including welfare rights, informal provision, migrant behaviour, migrant employment; ways forward for the future improvement of migrant welfare. Set two (migrants): arrival and length of stay in United Kingdom; housing provision and conditions; whether basic needs are being met by current provision; how migrants 'manage'; coping strategies; legal and illegal employment; ways forward for future improvement of provision. Purposive selection/case studies Face-to-face interview

This table contains 25 series, with data for years 1955 - 2013 (not all combinations necessarily have data for all years). This table contains data described by the following dimensions (Not all combinations are available): Geography (1 items: Canada ...) Last permanent residence (25 items: Total immigrants; France; Great Britain; Total Europe ...).

The UK's decision to leave the EU has necessitated a wholesale rethink of UK immigration policy with the ending of free movement of workers. The motivations for this work then were to examine the immigration/worker protection boundary from a number of perspectives, with particular emphasis on the legal dimension. While understanding the developing EU and domestic (macro) perspective our aims at a micro level were to understand the legal problems EU citizens in low paid work in the UK were facing and how they resolve those problems. These legal problems were at times exacerbated by Brexit, particularly with the advent of the new digital EUSS (EU Settlement Scheme)- our research followed this in real time and recorded issues. One of our key findings and covered by the book published as a result of the dataset here is that of Pragmatic Law and the role of everyday community advice in the wider legal advice eco-system. This is an element of legal advice which to date had been little researched. Another key outcome was the contribution to literature on both EU free movement and citizenship studies, particularly in the context of vulnerable EU citizens.Our aim was to chart the experience and perceptions of EU migrants in the UK before, during and after Brexit to enable us to analyse the experience of EU migrants in seeking access to the social welfare system in the UK, the issues they have with immigration law and employment law, specifically the relationship between race and nationality discrimination and the Brexit process. We will seek to collect robust empirical evidence to establish whether the fact of Brexit, together with the policy changes, media pronouncements and political rhetoric, have an impact on both the experience of, and perceptions surrounding, the experience of EU migrants. This data collection consists of qualitative data, specifically interviews and focus groups. The data is place based: in a small town in the East of England called Great Yarmouth. Interviews were undertaken with EU citizens who had moved to the UK to work in low paid work- particularly in poultry factories. Interviews were semi structured to allow for conversations to flow organically. The data includes qualitative interviews with people (professionals) working in Great Yarmouth- particularly those providing frontline services such as health, debt advice, housing advice etc. It includes a mixture of transcripts or notes recorded. The accompanying excel file notes the date and the location where the interview/ focus group took place. Every effort has been made to anonymise the data. A snowball technique was used to recruit participants to interview, as well as in some instances a targeted approach to approaching relevant service providers we wanted to include e.g. health, housing etc. The data also includes focus groups undertaken with EU citizens living in the UK. Again every effort has been made to anonymise the data. Some focus groups were occupation based- for example only those working in poultry factories and some were nationality based for example Portuguese citizens only. All participants for focus groups were recruited by an advice agency working in Great Yarmouth which we were working with on this research. The data includes interviews with residents and the landlord of an HMO (house of multiple occupation) in Great Yarmouth. Again, every effort has been made to anonymise the participants and the location of the house. Participants were chosen based on their residency in the house. This was to help us understand housing conditions/ the private rent sector for migrant workers in the town.

This table contains 32 series, with data for years 1956 - 1976 (not all combinations necessarily have data for all years), and was last released on 2012-02-16. This table contains data described by the following dimensions (Not all combinations are available): Unit of measure (1 items: Persons ...) Geography (32 items: Outside Canada; Great Britain; France; Europe ...).

The Children Caring on the Move project has generated knowledge that both analyses and provides ways to address one of the greatest global challenges of our time: the care and well-being of children affected by transnational displacement and migration. This project offers insights into the care of unaccompanied migrant young people in England, starting from the premise that care is not necessarily limited to that provided by an adult or the state. Little is known about separated children’s care for each other as they navigate contradictory, complex, and changeable immigration and welfare systems. Nor has it been well understood how separated children’s care for each other is understood and treated by relevant adult stakeholder. We carried out a total of 75 interviews with 38 unaccompanied young people in two major cities. The interviews were led by a group of Young Researchers who were trained by the university research team with participatory and interview methods. For each interview the Young Research was accompanied by a member of the university research team. Each young person was invited to 2-3 interviews over a 6-12 month period. These included (i) object-based interviews where participants were asked to bring an object that represents care; (ii) photo elicitation focused on a ‘day in the life’ of the participant; and (iii) walking interviews to see places of (un)caring. We conducted 63 semi-structured interviews with adult participants about their understandings practices of and perspectives on care. They include Project Coordinators (in Education/Charity), Project Managers (in Education/Charity, State Social Work, Arts in Charity, NGO sectors) and ‘Direct workers’ (e.g., Charity advocates, state and independent social workers, foster carers, educators, paediatricians and educators), mental health/therapy (working in NGO settings), interpreters, immigration lawyers and border force. A further series of interviews focused on (semi-)independent accommodation: 15 interviews with company directors or managers. For ethical reasons, some transcripts were redacted from this data collection.The promise of this project lies in generating knowledge that both analyses and provides ways to address one of the greatest global challenges of our time: the care and well-being of children affected by transnational displacement and migration. It will offer insights into the care of separated migrant children in England, starting from the premise that care is not necessarily limited to that provided by an adult or the state. Our pilot studies demonstrate that a crucial way separated migrant children survive the challenges of migration and settlement is through the care they provide and receive from other migrant children. Using creative research methods designed to involve separated migrant children and adult stakeholders in reflecting on their understandings and experiences of care, this project will not only point to 'cracks in the system' (Rosen et al., 2017) but offer insights into what constitutes good practice and how to develop it. This project sits against the backdrop of the displacement of over 65.6 million people globally, many of whom are children. Whilst some have moved with adult family members, the number who have been separated from primary carers at some point during their migration journeys has risen dramatically (Unicef, 2016). Often referred to as 'unaccompanied minors' in legal and policy contexts, we use the term 'separated child migrants' to highlight that many children maintain transnational relationships or reunite with parents at various points in the migration process, and are often accompanied by other kin and non-kin adults and children (Rosen, forthcoming). When separated migrant children arrive in the UK, they face conflicting treatment. They are protected as 'children' and entitled to the same rights to care as all other children. But, they are often treated as 'suspect' and excluded from welfare provision because of their status as 'migrants' (Crafter, forthcoming). Previous research has highlighted that the tension between immigration control and protection has led to significant differences in the quality of care provided for separated migrant children. New policy and guidance about separated migrant children is both responding to and changing the way these tensions are handled in the UK with, as yet, unknown consequences. In any case, they do not take children's care for each other into account. Little is known about separated children's care for each other as they navigate contradictory, complex, and changeable immigration and welfare systems. Nor do we know how separated children's care for each other is understood and treated by relevant adult stakeholders, including social workers, foster carers, educators, youth workers, religious leaders, legal professionals, and policy makers. Our pilot studies indicate this neglect means that policies and practices designed to support separated child migrants can end up harming, excluding or discriminating against them. For instance, children who care for each other may be forcibly separated in foster care placements, go 'missing' trying to reunite, or have their 'child' status questioned. In response, this project makes a needed and timely intervention. Placing separated children at its heart, this study asks: What are separated child migrants' experiences of care and caring for others? How do various economic, social and political factors shape the care priorities of relevant stakeholders? What are the theoretical, policy, and practice implications of varying understandings and practices of care? This project has been designed by a multidisciplinary research team in collaboration with a range of local and national charities including Refugee Youth and MEENA (for migrant children and women in Birmingham), and involves the Refugee Council, Coram Children's Legal Project, and Barnardo's in an Advisory Group. This broad-based team ensures that the project will have meaningful impact on the lives of separated migrant children.

This dataset contains information (in form of text) on residence status policies, labour market policies, welfare policies, language and employment facilitation policies targeting humanitarian migrants (refugees, asylum seekers, individuals with alternative protection statuses).It covers the period from 1990 till 2008. It covers Germany, Austria, Sweden, Netherlands, Norway, Greece and the United Kingdom.

Our research methodology is informed by structuration theory, practice theory and ethnographic methodology. An online survey was distributed to expatriate organisations and individual contacts and the sample was achieved through simple snowball techniques. The survey was ‘live’ through April to November 2012, and obtained 112 responses (57 from Malaysia, 54 from Thailand, and one who did not specify where he lived). Using the survey we were able to gather interesting demographic information. We also asked about migration histories, social lives, social networks and uses of technology for maintaining social ties, personal values and goals, and relationships with other ethnic groups. We understand this survey as contributing to the task of immersing oneself in the context – a key principle of ethnographic work. The fieldwork in Malaysia and Thailand took place between July and November 2012 during which time we undertook a total of 65 recorded interviews (Malaysia: 31; Thailand: 34). We used a variety of interview methods, including face-to-face, email, skype and telephone interviewing. Most of the interviews were conducted with British lifestyle migrants in Penang, Malaysia and in Hua Hin, Thailand. The rest were conducted through digital channels with respondents in other parts of Thailand and Malaysia. These included ‘expert’ interviews with consular staff and migration intermediaries, such as property developers and ‘expat’ magazine publishers. Not all interviews are archivable. Many other interviews were also undertaken within participant observation.This project examined the motivations, experiences and outcomes of Lifestyle Migration, as a contemporary form of social mobility, in South-East Asian contexts. The main research questions were: How are mobility and quality of life understood within eastern and western migrants’ everyday lives and with what consequences for the ways in which they make sense of themselves and their relationships with others? How, in the light of the above, can a more integrated and informed understanding of lifestyle migration and flexible citizenship be developed and how might this set an agenda for further research? These were addressed through an empirical study of British migrants to Malaysia, Thailand and Hong Kong, and Hong Kong migrants to mainland China. The project was informed by strong structuration theory and employed virtual and visual ethnographic methods and life history interviews with migrant men and women. The research aimed to: increase the effectiveness of services and public policy (in UK, China, Hong Kong, Thailand and Malaysia); enhance UK economic competitiveness by encouraging effective help for, and mobilising resources of, British abroad; enhance quality of life through improved health and social welfare; to enhance mutual understanding in lifestyle destinations. Online survey distributed to expatriate organisations and individual migrants who live in Asia. Sample was achieved through simple snowball techniques. The survey obtained 112 responses. Fieldwork in Malaysia and Thailand between July and November 2012. Total of 65 recorded interviews (Malaysia: 31; Thailand: 34). We used a variety of interview methods, including face-to-face, email, skype and telephone interviewing. Most of the interviews were conducted with British lifestyle migrants in Penang, Malaysia and in Hua Hin, Thailand. The rest were conducted through digital channels with respondents in other parts of Thailand and Malaysia. These included ‘expert’ interviews with consular staff and migration intermediaries, such as property developers and ‘expat’ magazine publishers. The study also included analysis of online forums and of visual data. Many further interviews were conducted as part of participant observation. These are not included in the archive.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner. The aims of this project were to:understand the demographic changes that United Kingdom local ethnic populations are presently experiencing and are likely to experience in the remainder of the 21st century understand the impact that international migration is having on the size and ethnic composition of UK local populationsunderstand the role that differences in fertility between the UK's ethnic groups plays in shaping current and future trendsunderstand the role that mortality differences between ethnic groups is playing in the changing demography of the UK's local populationsunderstand how the ethnic diversity of UK local populations is changing and likely to change in the futuredeliver the projections as a resource for use by social science in the UKbuild capacity in the analysis of demographic change through the development of young and middle career researcherstap into the best practice internationally to benefit the UK social science community.To achieve the project aims, the objectives were to:build projections of the populations of ethnic groups for UK local areasuse the population projection model to explore alternative futures.The project built a model for projecting the ethnic group populations of UK Local Authorities (LAs), which handles 352 LAs, 16 ethnic groups, 102 ages and 2 sexes. To drive the projections, estimates of the components of ethnic change were prepared for 2001-7. A new method produced UK estimates of ethnic life expectancy, ranging from 82 years for Chinese women to 77 for Pakistani. A future 2% decline in mortality per annum was assumed. Ethnic fertility estimates showed that only Indians, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis had total fertility rates above replacement. Small declines in fertility were forecast. New estimates of the local distribution of immigration were made, using administrative data, because of concerns about official figures. The ethnicity of both immigrants and emigrants for local areas was projected. Estimates were constructed of the ethnic group probabilities for internal in- and out-migration for LAs using 2001 Census data. These probabilities were assumed constant in the future, as migration was stable between 2001 and 2008. Five projections were produced. Two benchmark projections, using constant inputs from 2001-2, forecast the UK population would be 62 and 56 million in 2051.The official projection reports 77 million. The Trend projection, aligned to ONS assumptions projected 78 million for 2051. Using revised assumptions 80 million was projected in a fourth projection. When the model for emigration was changed the projected population was only 71 million. All projections showed ageing and dispersion of ethnic minorities. By 2051 the UK will have a larger, more diverse and integrated population. For further information about the project, see documentation and the What happens when international migrants settle? Ethnic group population trends and projections for UK local areas under alternative scenarios ESRC award page.