France FR: Net Migration data was reported at 400,002.000 Person in 2017. This records an increase from the previous number of 361,722.000 Person for 2012. France FR: Net Migration data is updated yearly, averaging 408,109.500 Person from Dec 1962 (Median) to 2017, with 12 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 1,466,682.000 Person in 1962 and a record low of 146,855.000 Person in 1977. France FR: Net Migration data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s France – Table FR.World Bank.WDI: Population and Urbanization Statistics. Net migration is the net total of migrants during the period, that is, the total number of immigrants less the annual number of emigrants, including both citizens and noncitizens. Data are five-year estimates.; ; United Nations Population Division. World Population Prospects: 2017 Revision.; Sum;

To what extent does exposure to immigration condition the types of immigrants citizens are willing to admit? Extending the conjoint approach adopted by Hainmueller and Hopkins (2015), this study investigates whether the admission preferences of French natives vary based on personal exposure to immigration, as proxied by local demographics and self-reported social contact. Methodologically, we propose and apply new methods to compare attribute salience across different subgroups of respondents. We find that although an inflow of immigrants into respondents' municipalities has a limited influence on how French natives evaluate prospective immigrants, social contact with immigrants matters. Specifically, French natives who do not frequently interact with immigrants are significantly less favorable toward immigrants from non-western countries, and more favorable toward immigrants from western countries. In contrast, natives who report frequent social interactions with immigrants place less weight on nationality as a criterion for immigrant admission. Although scholars have noted an increasing consensus in immigration attitudes across developed democracies, our findings suggest that individual experiences with immigration condition preferences for immigration policy at the national level.

This table contains 25 series, with data for years 1955 - 2013 (not all combinations necessarily have data for all years). This table contains data described by the following dimensions (Not all combinations are available): Geography (1 items: Canada ...) Last permanent residence (25 items: Total immigrants; France; Great Britain; Total Europe ...).

Description

The MIGR-TWIT Corpus is a multilingual corpus of tweets about the topic of migration in Europe. Within the framework of the collaborative research project OLiNDiNUM (Observatoire LINguistique du DIscours NUMérique, Linguistic Observatory of Online Debate) the MIGR-TWIT Corpus is created with the aim of developing language databases of online debate. Considering the global issue of migration in line with British and French political contexts of last dozen years from 2011 to 2022, the corpus consists of two sub-corpora:

• FR-R-MIGR-TWIT-2011-2022 Corpus for French language data (1 January 2011 - 30 June 2022) and

• UK-R-MIGR-RA-TWIT-2012-2022 Corpus for English language data (1 January 2012 - 5 September 2022)

Using the Twitter API v2 Academic Research, tweets containing at least one occurrence of migration or refugee related words are retrieved automatically from 28 right and far-right political figures and parties. The whole corpus contains 18,233 tweets and 533,198 words.

Scientific reference:

Pietrandrea, P., Battaglia, E. (2022). “Migrants and the EU”. The diachronic construction of ad hoc categories in French far-right discourse. Journal of Pragmatics 192, 139-157.

Blandino, G. (2023). 10 years of public debate on immigration: combining topic modeling and corpus linguistics to examine the British (far-)right discourse on Twitter, MA University of Wolverhampton

Jeon, S. (2025). Le discours numérique sur l'immigration en France entre 2011 et 2022. Une analyse de corpus (Online Discourse on Immigration in France between 2011 and 2022. A Corpus Analysis), PhD Thesis, Université de Lille, France.

Contents

The whole corpus contains two CSV Zip files (tabular format) corresponding to each sub-corpus. The complete corpus is presented in two versions, one version with the tweet identifier (data_id) and the text of the tweet (data_text) as a header (folders named FR-R-MIGR-TWIT-2011-2022_textonly and UK-R-MIGR-RA-TWIT-2012-2022_textonly, respectively composed of 12 and 11 Zip files of every single year), and the other version with all tweet fields information included as a header, such as the posting date (data_created_at), the username (author_name), the number of retweets (data_public_metrics_retweet_count), etc., with two folders named FR-R-MIGR-TWIT-2011-2022_meta and UK-R-MIGR-RA-TWIT-2012-2022_meta. Detailed information for each sub-corpus is illustrated below.

1. FR-R-MIGR-TWIT-2011-2022

• Created at: 2022-08-08

• Language: FR

• Coverage: 16 user accounts; 11,761 tweets; 358,491 words

• Time of data collection: start=2011-01-01; end=2022-06-30

• Keywords: words derived from a latin root “migr” of migrare

• Corpus composition:

• Political figures and parties of table above are listed in chronological order according to the dates on which they posted their first tweet.

• *Before the launching of Twitter API v2 Academic Research, migr-tweets were collected from the database of Europresse.com including 1,453 tweets of Jean Messiha as part of the reference study (Pietrandrea & Battaglia 2022). However, the Twitter account in question has been permanently banned since July 2021. For our data collection using the Twitter API started in September 2021, we could not access this account. Therefore, we decided not to include his tweets in the FR-R-MIGR-TWIT-2011-2022 for the sake of consistency with the rest of twitter data that are automatically retrieved.

• The sub-corpus FR-R-MIGR-TWIT-2017-2022 is developed, annotated and analyzed as part of a doctoral thesis in progress (Jeon, 2025) with the aim of studying the semantic construction of migr-lexicon over the period between 2011 and 2022.

2. UK-R-MIGR-RA-TWIT-2012-2022

• Created at: 2022-09-06

• Language: EN

• Coverage: 12 user accounts; 6,472 tweets; 174,707 words

• Time of data collection: start=2012-01-01; end=2022-09-05

• Keywords: words derived from a latin root “migr” of migrare in addition to the keywords “refugee(s)” and “asylum”.

• Corpus composition:

• 2 out of 12 accounts are official accounts belonging to the” UK Home Office” department and the “UKIP” (United Kingdom Independence Party) party. 10 out of 12 accounts are political figures’ accounts.

• The corpus UK-R-MIGR-RA-TWIT-2012-2022 will be exploited for the following master’s thesis: Blandino, G. (2023). 10 years of public debate on immigration: combining topic modeling and corpus linguistics to examine the British (far-)right discourse on Twitter, MA University of Wolverhampton.

Large migrant inflows have spurred anti-immigrant sentiment, but can small inflows have a different impact? We exploit the redistribution of migrants after the dismantling of the "Calais Jungle" in France to study the impact of the exposure to few migrants, which we estimate using difference-in-differences and instrumental variables. We find that in the presence of a migrant center (CAO), the growth rate of vote shares for the main far-right party (Front National (FN), our proxy for anti-immigrant sentiment) between 2012 and 2017 is reduced by about 12 percentage points. This effect, which crucially depends on the inflow’s size, points towards the contact hypothesis (Allport 1954).

This ethnographic project aims to examine criminalizing and illegalizing processes targeting pro-migration activists and other citizens (e.g. volunteers, practitioners) in Morocco and France. The study investigates the competing ways in which ‘crimes of solidarity’ mobilise discourses and practices of solidarity, citizenship, and illegality in Morocco and France. The data collection examines how state repression of pro-migration activists and other ‘citizens’, who are often conflated with smugglers and accused of aiding irregular migrants, sheds light on the shifting and contested legal, moral and political boundaries between ‘irregular migrants’ and ‘citizens’. The recent focus on the figure and experience of ‘the migrant’ has enriched scholarly engagements with the construction of migrant illegality, irregular migrant political agency, and the entanglements of humanitarianism and security. Our project expands these conversations by exploring how migration politics target and affect not just migrants but also citizens. This shift is necessary in order to examine the far-reaching bordering practices and contested politics of exclusion beyond inter-state boundaries and the precarious lives of irregular migrants. We investigate how migration politics in France and Morocco are shifting the political agency and subjectivity of citizens who face (the threat of) prosecution from state authorities at the border and beyond. This has been achieved through participant observation and informal interviews with activists, artists, community leaders, NGO practitioners, funders, and other relevant professionals in Morocco and France. Themes discussed during conversations included : participants’ opinions about the politics of migration in Morocco/France; their history of activism and other engagement around migration; the motivations behind their engagement; the difficulties and obstacles they have faced in their activities and engagement over migration etc. The project has generated original insights into how hostile migration politics that selectively manage, stop, deter, and control forms of mobility also target individuals and organisations providing forms of support, assistance, aid to migrant people. The project has shed light on how state authorities in France and Morocco deploy indirect, opaque, and insidious forms of harassment to intimidate ‘subversive solidarity actors’: citizens engaging in acts of solidarity with migrant people who publicly or covertly engage in a critical stance on migration control policies and practices. This research emphasises the importance of taking the policing of solidarity actors into account to understand the policing of migration more broadly, detailing how the racist and gendered policing of migrant people bleeds into the disciplining of those who support them. While attention to citizen solidarity has focused on European countries, the phenomenon is also visible in countries south of the Mediterranean. Spectacular trials have made the headlines. Our research findings shed light on the workings of less spectacular modes of criminalisation that target solidarity workers in the intimacy of their everyday lives, threatening their sense of security through opaque surveillance, attacks on their emotions, employment prospects and family life. We conceptualise this mode of criminalisation as ‘insidious harassment’, examining the entanglement of geopolitics, emotions, and the intimate at these migration pressure points. Without decentring migrants as the primary targets of violent bordering, it broadens our understanding of these regimes by drawing attention to the ways in which they viscerally target those who work to protect the rights of migrant people. The project’s findings highlight how forms of criminalisation range widely, from the explicit and physical to the intimate and psychological; from the formal to the informal, the banal to the spectacular. The findings reveal that states invest considerable resources - money, human resources (official & unofficial) and time - in seeking to inflict a sense of constant surveillance and discomfort on solidarity actors. Many of the people we spoke to suspected that these indirect and opaque forms of state violence represent a way to protect the appearance and reputation of these states as rights-respecting, while in fact they pursue a dedicated campaign of trying to harass migrant people and those who support them into submission. The effects of insidious harassment are multiple: they are financial, administrative, emotional, psychological, physical and sometimes legal. Beyond just impacting practices of solidarity, they work to target solidarity actors on a moral and on practical levels, with repercussions on their work, family and social lives. This constitutes a protracted and everyday pressure that often works to disrupt solidarity actors’ sense of safety within and trust of the authorities and nation state. However, achieving an overview and in-depth understanding of these modes of policing and how they play out may contribute to reducing these effects. This research project has also shed light on how in contexts where repression is constantly squeezed and solidarity actors face damaging state practices, their commitment to rectifying social injustices and wrongs is also galvanised.As irregular migration into Europe remains at the centre of heated political debates, 'citizens' (including charity workers, activists, volunteers etc.) who provide help to 'irregular migrants' increasingly face intimidation, repression and prosecution from state authorities. There has been a rise in high-profile cases such as French farmer Herrou sentenced to prison for facilitating irregular entry at the French-Italian border, and Spanish activist Helena Maleno, accused by both Spain and Morocco of smuggling migrants. The activities for which individuals (and organizations) can be prosecuted are diverse and whether such activities are criminal is often contested: giving a lift to migrants, providing food or shelter, preventing a plane used for deportation from taking off, helping migrants to cross borders without documents, rescuing people at sea etc. Activists have coined the term 'crimes of solidarity', arguing that repressive legislations have been deployed not only to sanction criminals (e.g. 'smugglers') who benefit financially, but also to potentially sanction anyone providing help and relief to migrants, in defiance of international norms of human rights. This study explores these illegalisation and criminalisation processes amongst volunteers, activists, practitioners and other citizens in Morocco and France, where Civil Society Organisations have denounced state repression against migrants trying to cross the sea to continue their journeys and those providing assistance to them. It brings to the fore the shifting boundaries between 'citizens' and 'irregular migrants' and debates over solidarity and illegality. Whilst scholars have increasingly paid attention to the production of illegality amongst migrants, there has been little work on how such processes also affect the political agency and subjectivity of citizens. The study will address this gap by generating qualitative data on how citizens are subjected to and navigate illegalisation and criminalisation processes. It examines these processes in a European country (France) and one of its partners in the Global South (Morocco) for the 'management of migration'. This comparative approach enables to further highlight how hostile migration politics are entangled with a range of connections across Africa and Europe and competing discourses over values such as solidarity. To address the methodological and ethical issues which emerge from researching such politically contentious matters, this ethnographic study will combine participant-observation and interviews with visual methods to generate outputs with transformative power. Co-designed and co-delivered with civil society partners to ensure cross-sector relevance, the project includes two Knowledge Exchange and Impact events (in France and in Morocco) to bring together practitioners, activists, researchers, artists and policy-makers. These events will foster wider cross-sector collaborations through the sharing of best practice and solutions to the criminalisation of solidarity towards migrants. The KEI events will include the launch of country-specific policy briefs about: the legal framework and risks faced by activists; testimonials and evidence-based policy recommendations on practices and policies. The policy briefs will be aimed to relevant state bodies and decision-makers and other research users in France, Morocco and beyond. The project will also entail one international workshop in Manchester with delegates from across and beyond academia to share findings and responses to the criminalisation of acts of solidarity towards irregular migrants in Europe and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Creative outputs (e.g. photographs, videos) generated through the use of visual methods will result in a touring exhibition organised with a curator to increase awareness and understanding of migration issues and criminalisation processes amongst the general public in Morocco, France and beyond.

All the data for this dataset is provided from CARMA: Data from CARMA (www.carma.org) This dataset provides information about Power Plant emissions in France. Power Plant emissions from all power plants in France were obtained by CARMA for the past (2000 Annual Report), the present (2007 data), and the future. CARMA determine data presented for the future to reflect planned plant construction, expansion, and retirement. The dataset provides the name, company, parent company, city, state, zip, county, metro area, lat/lon, and plant id for each individual power plant. The dataset reports for the three time periods: Intensity: Pounds of CO2 emitted per megawatt-hour of electricity produced. Energy: Annual megawatt-hours of electricity produced. Carbon: Annual carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions. The units are short or U.S. tons. Multiply by 0.907 to get metric tons. Carbon Monitoring for Action (CARMA) is a massive database containing information on the carbon emissions of over 50,000 power plants and 4,000 power companies worldwide. Power generation accounts for 40% of all carbon emissions in the United States and about one-quarter of global emissions. CARMA is the first global inventory of a major, sector of the economy. The objective of CARMA.org is to equip individuals with the information they need to forge a cleaner, low-carbon future. By providing complete information for both clean and dirty power producers, CARMA hopes to influence the opinions and decisions of consumers, investors, shareholders, managers, workers, activists, and policymakers. CARMA builds on experience with public information disclosure techniques that have proven successful in reducing traditional pollutants. Please see carma.org for more information

BackgroundMigrants’ access to care depends on their health insurance coverage in the host country. We aimed to evaluate in France the dynamic and the determinants of health insurance coverage acquisition among sub-Saharan migrants.MethodsIn the PARCOURS life-event retrospective survey conducted in 2012–2013 in health-care facilities in the Paris region, data on health insurance coverage (HIC) each year since arrival in France has been collected among three groups of sub-Saharan migrants recruited in primary care centres (N = 763), centres for HIV care (N = 923) and for chronic hepatitis B care (N = 778). Year to year, the determinants of the acquisition and lapse of HIC were analysed with mixed-effects logistic regression models.ResultsIn the year of arrival, 63.4% of women and 55.3% of men obtained HIC. But three years after arrival, still 14% of women and 19% of men had not obtained HIC. HIC acquisition was accelerated in case of HIV or hepatitis B infection, for migrants arrived after 2000, and for women in case of pregnancy and when they were studying. Conversely, it was slowed down in case of lack of a residency permit and lack of financial resources for men. In addition, women and men without residency permits were more likely to have lost HIC when they had one.ConclusionIn France, the health insurance system aiming at protecting all, including undocumented migrants, leads to a prompt access to HIC for migrants from sub-Saharan Africa. Nevertheless, this access may be impaired by administrative and social insecurities.

The empirical dataset is derived from a survey carried out on 25 estates in 14 cities in nine different European countries: France (Lyon), Germany (Berlin), Hungary (Budapest and Nyiregyha´za), Italy (Milan), the Netherlands (Amsterdam and Utrecht), Poland (Warsaw), Slovenia (Ljubljana and Koper), Spain (Barcelona and Madrid), and Sweden (Jo¨nko¨ping and Stockholm). The survey was part of the EU RESTATE project (Musterd & Van Kempen, 2005). A similar survey was constructed for all 25 estates.

The survey was carried out between February and June 2004. In each case, a random sample was drawn, usually from the whole estate. For some estates, address lists were used as the basis for the sample; in other cases, the researchers first had to take a complete inventory of addresses themselves (for some deviations from this general trend and for an overview of response rates, see Musterd & Van Kempen, 2005). In most cities, survey teams were hired to carry out the survey. They worked under the supervision of the RESTATE partners. Briefings were organised to instruct the survey teams. In some cases (for example, in Amsterdam and Utrecht), interviewers were recruited from specific ethnic groups in order to increase the response rate among, for example, the Turkish and Moroccan residents on the estates. In other cases, family members translated questions during a face-to-face interview. The interviewers with an immigrant background were hired in those estates where this made sense. In some estates it was not necessary to do this because the number of immigrants was (close to) zero (as in most cases in CE Europe).

The questionnaire could be completed by the respondents themselves, but also by the interviewers in a face-to-face interview.

Data and Representativeness

The data file contains 4756 respondents. Nearly all respondents indicated their satisfaction with the dwelling and the estate. Originally, the data file also contained cases from the UK.

However, UK respondents were excluded from the analyses because of doubts about the reliability of the answers to the ethnic minority questions. This left 25 estates in nine countries. In general, older people and original populations are somewhat over-represented, while younger people and immigrant populations are relatively under-represented, despite the fact that in estates with a large minority population surveyors were also employed from minority ethnic groups. For younger people, this discrepancy probably derives from the extent of their activities outside the home, making them more difficult to reach. The under-representation of the immigrant population is presumably related to language and cultural differences. For more detailed information on the representation of population in each case, reference is made to the reports of the researchers in the different countries which can be downloaded from the programme website. All country reports indicate that despite these over- and under-representations, the survey results are valuable for the analyses of their own individual situation.

This dataset is the result of a team effort lead by Professor Ronald van Kempen, Utrecht University with funding from the EU Fifth Framework.

The concordance of communication between patients and health professionals is essential to promoting positive health outcomes. However, concordance may be broken where language barriers exist therefore creating a need to use interpretation services. This is the case when rapid diagnostic testing (RDT) of HIV, HBV, and HCV is offered to migrants. The use of interpreters to establish communication with patients having limited French proficiency (LFP) however, is often not used and can be problematic. Despite being offered, interpretation services are frequently underutilised, which makes communication challenging. This problem has not received enough attention in the literature, particularly in a technologically advanced setting where solutions may be found. Our objective was to explore how interpreters are used within the context of medical consultations when RDT for HIV, HBV, and HCV is offered to legal migrants with LFP. A cross-sectional qualitative study was used with a purposive sample that included doctors and nurses who had conducted rapid screening tests with migrants in four centers in France and who had access to interpretive services. Semi-structured interviews explored healthcare providers’ (HP) use of interpreters at the OFII. The use of professional or ad hoc interpreters, telephone interpreters, and the equivalence of concepts such as health literacy between the HP and the interpreter were explored. The utility of a new tool to promote communication concordance was evaluated. Twenty interviews were conducted with eleven doctors and nine nurses with a median age of 58 years (25–67 years). All participants had access to interpretive services although many did not solicit them because of 1) unawareness on how to use the services, 2) preconceived notions of the length of time to involve an interpreter and how this would add to consultation times, or 3) the proximity of an ad hoc interpreter. Not using interpreter services could result in RDTs not being offered to immigrants. Subjects such as confidentiality, the embarrassment of a third party’s presence, the lack of appropriate training and differing levels of health literacy were also discussed by participants. Insight from HPs allows us to better understand how both telephone and in-person interpretation are used, viewed, and why they are underused to communicate with limited French language skills patients. Our findings will help us develop a conceptual model for a digital communication tool to overcome barriers with migrant patients with limited French language skills.