About the Missing Migrants Data

This data is sourced from the International Organization for Migration. The data is part of a specific project called the Missing Migrants Project which tracks deaths of migrants, including refugees , who have gone missing along mixed migration routes worldwide. The research behind this project began with the October 2013 tragedies, when at least 368 individuals died in two shipwrecks near the Italian island of Lampedusa. Since then, Missing Migrants Project has developed into an important hub and advocacy source of information that media, researchers, and the general public access for the latest information.

Where is the data from?

Missing Migrants Project data are compiled from a variety of sources. Sources vary depending on the region and broadly include data from national authorities, such as Coast Guards and Medical Examiners; media reports; NGOs; and interviews with survivors of shipwrecks. In the Mediterranean region, data are relayed from relevant national authorities to IOM field missions, who then share it with the Missing Migrants Project team. Data are also obtained by IOM and other organizations that receive survivors at landing points in Italy and Greece. In other cases, media reports are used. IOM and UNHCR also regularly coordinate on such data to ensure consistency. Data on the U.S./Mexico border are compiled based on data from U.S. county medical examiners and sheriff’s offices, as well as media reports for deaths occurring on the Mexico side of the border. Estimates within Mexico and Central America are based primarily on media and year-end government reports. Data on the Bay of Bengal are drawn from reports by UNHCR and NGOs. In the Horn of Africa, data are obtained from media and NGOs. Data for other regions is drawn from a combination of sources, including media and grassroots organizations. In all regions, Missing Migrants Projectdata represents minimum estimates and are potentially lower than in actuality.

Updated data and visuals can be found here: https://missingmigrants.iom.int/

Who is included in Missing Migrants Project data?

IOM defines a migrant as any person who is moving or has moved across an international border or within a State away from his/her habitual place of residence, regardless of

  (1) the person’s legal status; 
  (2) whether the movement is voluntary or involuntary; 
  (3) what the causes for the movement are; or 
  (4) what the length of the stay is.[1]

Missing Migrants Project counts migrants who have died or gone missing at the external borders of states, or in the process of migration towards an international destination. The count excludes deaths that occur in immigration detention facilities, during deportation, or after forced return to a migrant’s homeland, as well as deaths more loosely connected with migrants’ irregular status, such as those resulting from labour exploitation. Migrants who die or go missing after they are established in a new home are also not included in the data, so deaths in refugee camps or housing are excluded. This approach is chosen because deaths that occur at physical borders and while en route represent a more clearly definable category, and inform what migration routes are most dangerous. Data and knowledge of the risks and vulnerabilities faced by migrants in destination countries, including death, should not be neglected, rather tracked as a distinct category.

How complete is the data on dead and missing migrants?

Data on fatalities during the migration process are challenging to collect for a number of reasons, most stemming from the irregular nature of migratory journeys on which deaths tend to occur. For one, deaths often occur in remote areas on routes chosen with the explicit aim of evading detection. Countless bodies are never found, and rarely do these deaths come to the attention of authorities or the media. Furthermore, when deaths occur at sea, frequently not all bodies are recovered - sometimes with hundreds missing from one shipwreck - and the precise number of missing is often unknown. In 2015, over 50 per cent of deaths recorded by the Missing Migrants Project refer to migrants who are presumed dead and whose bodies have not been found, mainly at sea.

Data are also challenging to collect as reporting on deaths is poor, and the data that does exist are highly scattered. Few official sources are collecting data systematically. Many counts of death rely on media as a source. Coverage can be spotty and incomplete. In addition, the involvement of criminal actors in incidents means there may be fear among survivors to report deaths and some deaths may be actively covered-up. The irregular immigration status of many migrants, and at times their families as well, also impedes reporting of missing persons or deaths.

The vary...

How does emigration affect tax preferences in migrant-sending countries? Experiencing public services in a high tax-capacity destination may reduce support for tax increases by throwing fiscal failure at home into stark relief (the socialization hypothesis). Alternatively, migrants’ exclusion from certain public services may increase desire to fund these services in migrant origin countries (the exclusion hypothesis). We test these competing hypotheses with an online survey experiment in Mexico and explore how variation in US healthcare access influences the fiscal policy preferences of migrant households. Especially returning migrant households are more supportive of taxation when tax revenue is earmarked for healthcare, a service to which many Mexican immigrants in the US lack access. It is migrants’ exclusion from, rather than their socialization into, the fiscal contract in destination countries that influences fiscal policy preferences in their countries of origin.

Abstract

The Migration Cost Surveys (MCS) project is a joint initiative of the Global Knowledge Partnership on Migration and Development (KNOMAD) and the International Labor Organization (ILO). The project was initiated to support methodological work on developing a new Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) indicator (10.7.1) on worker-paid recruitment costs. The surveys of migrant workers conducted in multiple bilateral corridors between 2015 and 2017 provide new systematic evidence of financial and some non-financial costs incurred by workers to obtain jobs abroad. The compiled dataset is divided into two waves (2015 and 2016) based on the questionnaire version used in the surveys.

Geographic coverage

Multinational coverage: - Ethiopia - India - Nepal - Pakistan - Philippines - Vietnam - Guatemala - Honduras - El Salvador

Analysis unit

KNOMAD-ILO Migration Costs Surveys (KNOMAD-ILO MCS) have the following unit of analysis: individuals

Universe

Surveys of migrants from the following corridors are included:

• Ethiopia to Saudi Arabia • India to Qatar • Nepal to Qatar • Pakistan to Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates • Philippines to Qatar • Vietnam to Malaysia • Guatemala, Honduras and El-Salvador to Mexico

Kind of data

Sample survey data [ssd]

Sampling procedure

All surveys conducted for this project used either convenience or snowball sampling. Sample enrollment was restricted to migrants primarily employed in low-skilled positions, who departed to the destination country, typically no more than 5 years prior to the interview year. All but two surveys using the 2015 questionnaire were conducted in the country of origin by interviewing returning migrants.The exceptions were the surveys of Vietnamese migrants in Malaysia and migrants from Guatemala, Honduras and El-Salvador in Mexico, which were administered in the destination countries (Malaysia and Mexico, respectively). Their customized questionnaires are worded in present tense when it comes to various aspect of stay in the destination country. The content of the variables remains analogous to the surveys of returnees. Please refer to Annex Table 1 of the 2015 KNOMAD-ILO MCS User Guide for a summary description of the included samples in the 2015 KNOMAD-ILO MCS dataset.

Mode of data collection

Computer Assisted Personal Interview [capi]

Research instrument

The 2015 KNOMAD-ILO Migration Costs Surveys consists of 6 survey modules:

A. Respondent Information B. Information on costs for current job C. Borrowing money for the foreign job D. Job search efforts and opportunity costs E. Work in foreign country F. Job environment

Sampling error estimates

n/a

Data appraisal

n/a

Context

United States 45th President Donald Trump has used Twitter as no one else. He primarily ran his government from a twitter firehose. Twitter has officially banned his account on January 8th 2021 after a deadly riot at Capitol on January 6th 2021. Twitter cites its World Leaders on Twitter: Principles and Approach as a guide to adhere to for public leaders.

Trump tweets and policies have far reaching effects that one can realize or he would accept to realize himself. Since, twitter is suspended there is no public way to read his past tweets and analyze it for public policy outcome or link it with global issues.

Here we are presenting the complete treasure trove of President Trump's tweet, all 56,572 for the public, data scientists and researchers.

Content

The dataset contains 56,572 tweets, tweet IDs, Tweet Date, How many liked and retweeted it.

Acknowledgements

I like to acknowledge Twitter and Trump's Tweet Archives on the Internet that have helped me create this dataset

Inspiration

I’d like to call the attention of my fellow Kagglers and Data Scientists to use Machine Learning and Data Sciences to help me explore these ideas:

• How many times Trump discussed a particular country in his tweets and if we can label the sentiments? (North Korea, India, Pakistan, Mexico?) • How many times Trump talks about immigrants and border wall? • How many times and ways he has insulted? • Can you find a link between his tweets and stock market prices? • How many times he has downplayed Corona/Covid? • How many times he has called the election fraud? • How many tweets about Hillary Clinton, Obama or Joe Biden? • Anything else you can find that surprises us?

With increasing violence, political, and economic instability in Latin America, there is a record number of migrants crossing the U.S. southern border. Latin American migrants are often exposed to traumatic events before leaving their home country and during migration. While prior studies document that sex may play a role in types of traumatic exposure, few studies compare differences in traumatic exposure by sex and place of occurrence of recently arrived immigrants. Addressing this gap, we recruited 120 adults who had recently crossed the U.S.-Mexico border. Participants completed questionnaires to characterize trauma exposures in their home country and during their migration journey. Results found that men reported higher levels of exposure to combat situations, while women were more likely to experience sexual assault. Both combat exposure and sexual traumas occurred more often in home countries than during migration. More than half of the full sample reported being threatened with a firearm. These data confirm gender differences in type of trauma and that exposures in the country of origin may provide the impetus to migrate.

With increasing violence, political, and economic instability in Latin America, there is a record number of migrants crossing the U.S. southern border. Latin American migrants are often exposed to traumatic events before leaving their home country and during migration. While prior studies document that sex may play a role in types of traumatic exposure, few studies compare differences in traumatic exposure by sex and place of occurrence of recently arrived immigrants. Addressing this gap, we recruited 120 adults who had recently crossed the U.S.-Mexico border. Participants completed questionnaires to characterize trauma exposures in their home country and during their migration journey. Results found that men reported higher levels of exposure to combat situations, while women were more likely to experience sexual assault. Both combat exposure and sexual traumas occurred more often in home countries than during migration. More than half of the full sample reported being threatened with a firearm. These data confirm gender differences in type of trauma and that exposures in the country of origin may provide the impetus to migrate.