United States Immigrants Admitted: All Countries data was reported at 1,127,167.000 Person in 2017. This records a decrease from the previous number of 1,183,505.000 Person for 2016. United States Immigrants Admitted: All Countries data is updated yearly, averaging 451,510.000 Person from Sep 1900 (Median) to 2017, with 118 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 1,827,167.000 Person in 1991 and a record low of 23,068.000 Person in 1933. United States Immigrants Admitted: All Countries data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by US Department of Homeland Security. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United States – Table US.G087: Immigration.

The New Immigrant Survey (NIS) was a nationally representative, longitudinal study of new legal immigrants to the United States and their children. The sampling frame was based on the electronic administrative records compiled for new legal permanent residents (LPRs) by the U.S. government (via, formerly, the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) and now its successor agencies, the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) and the Office of Immigration Statistics (OIS)). The sample was drawn from new legal immigrants during May through November of 2003. The geographic sampling design took advantage of the natural clustering of immigrants. It included all top 85 Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) and all top 38 counties, plus a random sample of MSAs and counties. The baseline survey was conducted from June 2003 to June 2004 and yielded data on: 8,573 Adult Sample respondents, 810 sponsor-parents of the Sampled Child, 4,915 spouses, and 1,072 children aged 8-12. Interviews were conducted in the respondents' language of choice. The Round 1 questionnaire items that were used in social-demographic-migration surveys around the world as well as the major U.S. longitudinal surveys were reviewed in order to achieve comparability. The NIS content includes the following information: demographic, health and insurance, migration history, living conditions, transfers, employment history, income, assets, social networks, religion, housing environment, and child assessment tests.

Public use data set on new legal immigrants to the U.S. that can address scientific and policy questions about migration behavior and the impacts of migration. A survey pilot project, the NIS-P, was carried out in 1996 to inform the fielding and design of the full NIS. Baseline interviews were ultimately conducted with 1,127 adult immigrants. Sample members were interviewed at baseline, 6 months, and 12 months, with half of the sample also interviewed at three months. The first full cohort, NIS-2003, is based on a nationally representative sample of the electronic administrative records compiled for new immigrants by the US government. NIS-2003 sampled immigrants in the period May-November 2003. The geographic sampling design takes advantage of the natural clustering of immigrants. It includes all top 85 Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) and all top 38 counties, plus a random sample of other MSAs and counties. Interviews were conducted in respondents'' preferred languages. The baseline was multi-modal: 60% of adult interviews were administered by telephone; 40% were in-person. The baseline round was in the field from June 2003 to June 2004, and includes in the Adult Sample 8,573 respondents, 4,336 spouses, and 1,072 children aged 8-12. A follow-up was planned for 2007. Several modules of the NIS were designed to replicate sections of the continuing surveys of the US population that provide a natural comparison group. Questionnaire topics include Health (self-reports of conditions, symptoms, functional status, smoking and drinking history) and use/source/costs of health care services, depression, pain; background; (2) Background: Childhood history and living conditions, education, migration history, marital history, military history, fertility history, language skills, employment history in the US and foreign countries, social networks, religion; Family: Rosters of all children; for each, demographic attributes, education, current work status, migration, marital status and children; for some, summary indicators of childhood and current health, language ability; Economic: Sources and amounts of income, including wages, pensions, and government subsidies; type, value of assets and debts, financial assistance given/received to/from respondent from/to relatives, friends, employer, type of housing and ownership of consumable durables. * Dates of Study: 2003-2007 * Study Features: Longitudinal * Sample Size: 13,981

This data collection contains information on the characteristics of aliens who became legal permanent residents of the United States in fiscal year 1977 (October 1976 through September 1977). Data are presented for two types of immigrants. The first category, New Arrivals, arrived from outside the United States with valid immigrant visas issued by the United States Department of State. Those in the second category, adjustments, were already in the United States with temporary status and were adjusted to legal permanent residence through petition to the United States Immigration and Naturalization Service. Variables include port of entry, month and year of admission, class of admission, and state and area to which immigrants were admitted. Demographic information such as age, sex, marital status, occupation, country of birth, country of last permanent residence, and nationality is also provided.

We provide the first nationally representative long-run series (1870–2020) of incarceration rates for immigrants and the US-born. As a group, immigrants have had lower incarceration rates than the US-born for 150 years. Moreover, relative to the US-born, immigrants’ incarceration rates have declined since 1960: immigrants today are 60% less likely to be incarcerated (30% relative to US-born whites). This relative decline occurred among immigrants from all regions and cannot be explained by changes in immigrants’ observable characteristics or immigration policy. Instead, the decline is part of a broader divergence of outcomes between less-educated immigrants and their US-born counterparts.

This data collection contains information on the characteristics of aliens who became legal permanent residents of the United States in the transitional quarter of fiscal year 1976. (This transitional quarter, July-September 1976, is the period in which the Federal Government was making the transition from a July-June fiscal year to an October-September fiscal year.) Data are presented for two types of immigrants. The first category, New Arrivals, arrived from outside the United States with valid immigrant visas issued by the United States Department of State. Those in the second category, Adjustments, were already in the United States with temporary status and were adjusted to legal permanent residence through petition to the United States Immigration and Naturalization Service. Variables include port of entry, month and year of admission, class of admission, and state and area to which immigrants were admitted. Demographic information such as age, sex, marital status, occupation, country of birth, country of last permanent residence, and nationality is also provided.

The United States hosted, by far, the highest number of immigrants in the world in 2024. That year, there were over ** million people born outside of the States residing in the country. Germany and Saudi Arabia followed behind at around **** and **** million, respectively. There are varying reasons for people to emigrate from their country of origin, from poverty and unemployment to war and persecution. American Migration People migrate to the United States for a variety of reasons, from job and educational opportunities to family reunification. Overall, in 2021, most people that became legal residents of the United States did so for family reunification purposes, totaling ******* people that year. An additional ******* people became legal residents through employment opportunities. In terms of naturalized citizenship, ******* people from Mexico became naturalized American citizens in 2021, followed by people from India, the Philippines, Cuba, and China. German Migration Behind the United States, Germany also has a significant migrant population. Migration to Germany increased during the mid-2010's, in light of the Syrian Civil War and refugee crisis, and during the 2020’s, in light of conflict in Afghanistan and Ukraine. Moreover, as German society continues to age, there are less workers in the labor market. In a low-migration scenario, Germany will have **** million skilled workers by 2040, compared to **** million by 2040 in a high-migration scenario. In both scenarios, this is still a decrease from **** skilled workers in 2020.

Legal permanent residents (LPRs) are foreign nationals who have been granted the right to reside permanently in the United States. LPRs are often referred to as simply 'immigrants,' but they are also known as 'permanent resident aliens' and 'green card holders.

In January 2022, it was estimated that about 1.85 million male illegal immigrants living in the United States were aged between 35 and 44 years old. In that same year, it was estimated that 1.52 million female illegal immigrants living in the U.S. were between 35 and 44 years old.

The dataset presents the number of labor migrants admitted into the United States (I-94) from El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, as well as the number of Nicaraguans registered under the humanitarian parole program, H2A visas (temporary agricultural) and H2B visas (temporary non-agricultural), and the total sum of all these groups. The data are periodically updated using advanced data collection techniques and document scraping from the Office of Homeland Security Statistics.

For more information contact GIS4Tech: info@gis4tech.com. You can also visit the PREDISAN platform https://predisan.gis4tech.com/ca4 for detailed, accurate information.

Graph and download economic data for Net migration for the United States (SMPOPNETMUSA) from 1962 to 2017 about migration, Net, 5-year, population, and USA.

Many immigrants to the United States are victims of crimes that occurred in their home countries. US courts usually will not rule on legal violations that occur outside of US territory. However, starting in 1980, US federal courts sometimes allow foreign nationals to use the Alien Tort Statute to seek civil remedies for international law violations on foreign territory. We argue that these civil remedies are justice remittances from the United States to the foreign countries where the violations occurred. We additionally argue that immigrants are a key driving force in generating the demand for these justice remittances. We identify the filing districts for legal complaints that yield Alien Tort Statute judicial opinions. We then use individual-level immigration data from the US Census that we aggregate to match federal judicial districts. We find compelling evidence that immigrants are agents of justice who demand justice remittances from US courts.

The dissertation consists of three chapters relating to the measurement of immigration policies, which developed out of my work as an initial co-author of the International Migration Policy and Law Analysis (IMPALA) Database Project. The first chapter entitled, “Brain Gain? Measuring skill bias in U.S. migrant admissions policy,” develops a conceptual and operational definition of skill bias. I apply the measure to new data revealing the level of skill bias in U.S. migrant admissions policy between 1965 and 2008. Skill bias in U.S. migrant admissions policy is both a critical determinant of the skill composition of the migrant population and a response to economic and public demand for highly skilled migrants. However, despite its central role, this is the first direct, comprehensive, annual measure of skill bias in U.S. migrant admissions policy. The second chapter entitled, “Stalled in the Senate: Explaining change in US migrant admissions policy since 1965,” presents new data characterizing change in U.S. migrant admissions policy as both expansive and infrequent over recent decades. I present a new theory of policy change in U.S. migrant admissions policy that incorporates the role of supermajoritarian decision making procedures and organized anti-immigration groups to better account for both the expansive nature and t he infrequency of policy change. The theory highlights the importance of a coalition of immigrant advocacy groups, employers and unions in achieving policy change and identifies the conditions under which this coalition is most likely to form and least likely to be blocked by an anti-immigration group opposition. The third chapter entitled, “Post-coding aggregation: A methodological principle for independent data collection,” presents a new technique developed to enable independent collection of flexible, high quality data: post-coding aggregation. Post-coding aggregation is a methodological principle that minimizes data loss, increases transparency, and grants data analysts the ability to decide how best to aggregate information to produce measures. I demonstrate how it increases the fl exibility of data use by expanding the utility of data collections for a wider range of research objectives and improves the reliability and the content validity of measures in data analysis.

ABSTRACT

           Statements about building walls, deportation and denying services to undocumented immigrants made by the US president may induce fear in Latino populations and create barriers to their health care access. To assess the impact of these statements on undocumented Latino immigrants’ (UDLI) and Latino legal residents/citizens’ (LLRC) perceptions of safety and their presentations for emergency care, we conducted surveys of adult patients at three county emergency departments (EDs) in California from June 2017 to December 2018. Of 1,684 patients approached, 1,337 (79.4%) agreed to participate: 34.3% UDLI, 36.9% LLRC, and 29.8% non-Latino legal residents/citizens (NLRC). The vast majority of UDLI (95%), LLRC (94%), and NLRC (85%) had heard statements about immigrants by President Trump. Most UDLI (89%), LLRC (88%), and NLRC (87%) either thought that these measures were being enacted now or will be enacted in the future. Most UDLI and LLRC reported that these statements ...

Acknowledgement

The following table is imported from the 2019 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics under the Department of Homeland Security:

The 2019 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics is a compendium of tables that provide data on foreign nationals who are granted lawful permanent residence (i.e., immigrants who receive a “green card”), admitted as temporary nonimmigrants, granted asylum or refugee status, or are naturalized. The Yearbook also presents data on immigration enforcement actions, including apprehensions and arrests, removals, and returns.

Table 39. Aliens Removed or Returned: Fiscal Years 1892 to 2019 (https://www.dhs.gov/immigration-statistics/yearbook/2019/table39)

Inspiration

The data was collected to observe trends in history reflecting the number of immigrants deported - more specifically removed or returned.

This Dataset contains year, country of citizenship, major class of admission (Diversity programs, Employment-based preferences, Family-sponsored preferences, Immediate relatives of U.S. citizens, Other, Refugee and asylee adjustments) and gender-wise total number of permanent residents in USA

Note: Lawful permanent residents (LPRs) are foreign nationals who have been granted the right to reside permanently in the United States. LPRs are often referred to simply as "immigrants," but they are also known as "permanent resident aliens" and "green card holders."

The day-to-day behaviors of undocumented immigrants are significantly affected when local law enforcement officials do the work of federal immigration enforcement. One such behavior, which has been widely discussed in debates over sanctuary policies, is that undocumented immigrants are less likely to report crimes to the police when local law enforcement officials work with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on federal immigration enforcement. However, the mechanism that explains this relationship, which is decreased trust in law enforcement, has not yet been systematically tested. Do undocumented immigrants become less trusting of police officers and sheriffs when local law enforcement officials work with ICE on federal immigration enforcement? To answer this question, we embedded an experiment that varied the interior immigration enforcement context in a survey (n = 512) drawn from a probability-based sample of undocumented immigrants. When local law enforcement officials work with ICE on federal immigration enforcement, respondents are statistically significantly less likely to say that they trust that police officers and sheriffs will keep them, their families, and their communities safe, protect the confidentiality of witnesses to crimes even if they are undocumented, protect the rights of all people, including undocumented immigrants, equally, and protect undocumented immigrants from abuse or discrimination.

Graph and download economic data for Employment Level - Foreign Born (LNU02073395) from Jan 2007 to Jul 2025 about foreign, household survey, employment, and USA.